The 1965 elections were, essentially, a very crucial test for the efficacy of President Nyerere’s cherished “One-party democracy”. We concluded last week’s article with the following words: “It was in the management of that delicate exercise, that fortune smiled on me”. The relevant ‘delicate exercise’ was that general election; which I had to manage in my other capacity as Director of Elections.
That particular election attracted an amazing amount of interest and skepticism from political stake holders worldwide. Thus, hordes of international journalists descended on our country, basically to watch the fairness or otherwise, of the entire election process.
The extent and depth of this skepticism was amazing even among the British officials who were still working for the Tanzania Government at that time, which I soon discovered through my working relationships with some of them; specifically with the Parliamentary Draftsman, Paul Fifoot; who had developed an unexpected habit of consulting me, as Clerk of the National Assembly, on many issues regarding some of the legislative proposals that were under preparation, because he thought I might have helpful ideas.
He was, undoubtedly, a brilliant lawyer who showed extraordinary diligence in his work. But this particular assignment, apparently gave him great tension. For example, it became necessary to craft a new elections statute. In the course of putting together the various clauses of this law, he reached the clause which was making provision for the “Primary Nomination” of candidates by the party. He became worried and apprehensive that the party would be inclined to give favourable treatment to its cadres at the expense of the unknown newcomers.
He could not find a formula which would take care of this problem. So he called me for assistance; and together, we found a solution; which was to prohibit the party from nominating only one candidate; by making it compulsory for the party to nominate the statutory two candidate, who would then be presented to the Electoral Commission for “Final Nomination”; that is to say, the final nomination of the two same- party candidates, who would compete in the election.
But my friend had also become apprehensive of the possibility of some ambitious candidate, just murdering his competitor in order to enable him to remain alone in the race, and therefore be elected unopposed. He contemplated adding a proviso which would make it compulsory, in such an eventuality, which was for the entire nomination process to commence de novo. But he was not sure whether this would be acceptable to the legislators, since, obviously, they were interested parties. Hence, he called me for consultation on this point; and I encouraged him to go ahead with that proposal. This gave considerable relief to his troubled mind.
The enactment of the new One-Party Constitution. In last week’s article, we explained President Nyerere’s enthusiasm for the rapid enactment of the One-Party Constitution. Eventually, after completion of all the processes involved, it was enacted by the Constituent Assembly on 10th July, 1965. As a result of that, the said general election was held under this new Constitution.
It is precisely for that reason, that the election generated a lot of interest worldwide. The international journalists who descended on the country concentrated on my office as Director of Elections to observe the fairness, or otherwise, of all the stages of the electoral administrative process. In the end, they produced a documentary of that whole process, which, subsequently, all the relevant stakeholders were invited to watch; including me and President Nyerere himself.
I believe that documentary is what brought the goddess of fortune to “ smile on me”. The said documentary, must have been my “fortune cookie”. This is because, it was very soon thereafter that President Nyerere directed the Civil Service Department to upgrade my civil service position of Clerk of the National Assembly, to make it equivalent, in salary and status, to that of Permanent Secretary in a Government Ministry. Fortes fortuna iuvat (Fortune favours the brave).
For, when subsequently President Nyerere came to Karimjee Hall to perform the his constitutional function of opening the newly elected Parliament, he said the following: “Mzigo mkubwa wa uchaguzi huu ulikuwa mabegani kwako Mheshimiwa Spika, na hasa kwa watendaji wawili wa Bunge hili, Katibu wa Bunge na Katibu msaidizi. Kazi yote hii kubwa ilifanyika vizuri sana, na kama kulikuwa na hitilafu, zilikuwa ni ndogo mno . . . Uchaguzi huu umetuachia mafunzo mengi sana, iwapo sisi wenyewe tutakuwa tayari kuyazingatia”.
The end of President Nyerere’s first term.
This general election is what ushered President Nyerere into his second term in the office of President (1965 – 1970). The major economic and political events of his second term include the following: (i) the inauguration of the Bank of Tanzania in 1966; (ii) the establishment of the Permanent Commission of Enquiry, also in 1966; and (iii) the birth of the Arusha Declaration (in 1967).
(i) The inauguration of the Bank of Tanzania on 14th June, 1966; was indeed a major step in the county’s economic development process, for it went in tandem with the inauguration of a new currency for Tanzania, namely the Tanzanian shilling. This was necessitated by the dissolution of the colonial “East African Currency Board”; which had hitherto, according to the legislation which established it, been responsible for “the provision and control of the supply of currency in the East African Protectorate, the Uganda Protectorate, and any other dependencies in East Africa which might be added by the Secretary o State”.
The Statute which established the Bank of Tanzania (BOT) , described its functions in the following terms: “The principal functions of the Bank shall be to exercise the functions of a Central Bank, to issue currency, and to regulate banking and credit, and to manage the gold and foreign exchange reserves of Tanzania”.
(ii) The establishment of the Presidential Commission of Enquiry.
It was President Nyerere’s settled view, that the one-party democracy needed a strong, independent, watchdog institution, a kind of “Ombudsman”. In his own words: “in a one-party Administration, there will be a tendency for the Government and Party officials to run roughshod over the people, by disregarding their inherent human rights with impunity. Hence, such an Institution is necessary for the control of such unruly beHaviour by officials. He achieved this objective through the enactment of The Presidential Commission of Enquiry Act” (no. 25 of 1966); whose lead clauses read as follows:-
“(1) There shall be a Permanent Commission of Enquiry, which shall have jurisdiction to enquire into the conduct of any person this section applies, in the exercise of his office or authority, or in abuse thereof”.
2) The Commission shall make an enquiry whenever so directed by the President; and may make such enquiry in any case in which it considers that an allegation of misconduct, or abuse of office or authority, by any such person, ought to be investigated”.
(3) The Commission shall report the proceedings of every enquiry, and its conclusions and recommendations thereon, to the President.
(4) This section applies to persons in the service of the United Republic, persons holding office in the Party, and persons in the service of a local government Authority; and the members of such Commissions, Corporate bodies established by statute; and Public Authorities or Boards, as may be specified by Act of Parliament”.
(iv) The birth of the Arusha Declaration, February 1967.
The Arusha Declaration was the blue print for the socialist development of our country. It was launched in Arusha on 5th February, 1967; when the ruling party, TANU, formally unveiled its policy document titled “Tanu’s policy of Socialism and self-reliance”. That document defined, much more clearly than before, TANU’s incipient ideology of Ujamaa (socialism).
This was rapidly followed by a series of other publications, most of which were written by President Nyerere himself; which explained and clarified in greater detail this new concept of Ujamaa; and its application to the various sectors of the country’s social and economic development programme. These additional documents included: “Ujamaa Vijijin” (Rural Socialist development); “Elimu ya Kujitegemea” (Education for Self-reliance); “Siasa ni Kilimo” (Guidelines on socialist Agricultural development; and “Sera ya Viwanda Vidogo vidogo” (Gidelines on socialist small-scale industrial development).
In view of the length of time that has elapsed since its adoption way back in 1967; plus the fact that the document itself is no longer readily accessible to the public; the vast majority of Tanzanians of the current generation are most probably completely unaware of its contents.
It may thus be helpful to them, and probably to many others, to reproduce here a brief summary of its major contents. We have done that in the paragraphs that follow below.
A summary of the Arusha Declaration document.
This document is presented in Five Parts, as follows:-
PART ONE describes “Ujamaa” as the official ideology of TANU; and proceeds to recite the seven principles of Ujamaa, as listed therein.
PART TWO is a key section; which defines and elaborates on the ideology itself. It says the following: (a) In a mature socialist society, there is no exploitation, since every able- bodied person is a worker . There is no capitalism or feudalism; and its people are not artificially divided into a lower working class; and an upper class of people who depend entirely on the labour of others, That is what is called ‘exploitation’. (b) That the major means of production are controlled by the State; and proceeds to list the essential, major means of production, that must be owned and operated by the State on behalf of the people. (c) That for socialism to succeed, there must also be democracy. It says that: “However, a country does not become socialist simply because its major means of production are controlled by the State. The State itself must also be governed by a democratically elected Government”. (d) That Socialism is a kind of faith (Ujamaa ni imani). It pointedly says that: “Socialism cannot establish itself, because, in reality, it is a kind of faith. Socialism can only be established by people who have genuine faith in its efficacy as a system, or way of life; and are prepared to abide by its rules".
PART THREE is another key section of the Arusha Declaration. This is wholly devoted to explaining the all important policy of self-reliance (Kujitegeea). It warns Tanzanians that: “we are waging a war”; and that “money is not the poor man’s weapon for waging such war”; and further that “”loans and grants could jeopardize our freedom”. And finally announces the solemn resolve, that ”from now on, we will stand on our own feet, and walk using our own feet , instead of taking an upside down position”. These are the Arusha Declaration’s indelible “nuggets of wisdom”.
PART FOUR spells out new requirements for the party’s membership, in the following terms: “We must now put the greatest emphasis on the quality on the ideological quality of our members, and their commitment to Ujamaa”,
PART FIVE is the final chapter of that book. It reveals the resolution which was adopted by that meeting. It also prescribes the “code of ethics” which was adopted, which is to be observed by all TANU and Government leaders at all levels.
To be continued next week.
Source: Daily News and Cde Msekwa Himself.
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