Magufulification: Concept That Will Define Africa's Future and the Man Who Makes Things Happen

Magufulification: Concept That Will Define Africa's Future and the Man Who Makes Things Happen

Saturday, 24 October 2020

SOMO TOKA UPINZANI KUWA/KUTOKUWA UMOJA


Wiki mbili zilizopita, safu hii iliangazia namna wapiga kura watakavyochagua kwa kuzingatia baadhi ya mambo. Wiki hii tunawaangazia  wachaguliwa tukigusia udhaifu na ubora wa baadhi ya maamuzi yao. Hapa tutaangalia procedure zaidi ya sera.  Pamoja na ugumu na umuhimu  wake, uchaguzi wa mwaka huu ni rahisi kutabiri ni mambo gani yatakuwa turufu kimkakati kuliko chaguzi nyingine zilizopita. Leo, tutaangalia kwanini ni rahisi kunusa hali hali itakuwaje na sababu za kufanya hivyo. Pamoja na ukweli kuwa kushinda na kushindwa ni matukio tegemewa na ya kawaida, nani atashinda  au kushindwa siyo. Kufikia hitimisho wakati wa kuelekea kwenye kilele cha zoezi hili adhimu huhitaji ujuzi wa kuangalia viashiria wezeshi. Kwa kuzingatia sayansi hii, safu hii, leo, itaonyesha vitu vitakavyoamua ushindi. Mshindi atakuwa mmoja na watakoshindwa ni wengi. Hili halina utata. Kwa kuzingatia ukweli huu, zifuatazo ni sababu zinazonishawishi kusema bila hofu wala woga kuwa  vifuatavyo ni vigezo ambayo wagombea wanapaswa kuvinagalia kwa makini ili kushinda. Ieleweke kuwa hatulengi kupendelea au kuonea chama au kambi yoyote.
Yafuatayo ni matokeo ya sayansi ya uchambuzi wa masuala ya kijamii na kisiasa inayoweza kufanywa na yeyote mwenye utalaamu katika fani hii. Leo tutatoa faida zaidi kwa upinzani si kwa vile tuna ugomvi na wapinzani wao. La hasha. Ni kwa vile tuna marejeo ya chaguzi mbali mbali zilizopita nchini nje ya nchi.
        Mosi, bila upinzani kuungana na kuja na mgombea mmoja, kuna uwezekano hili likauathiri vibaya fursa ambayo washindani wao hawataichezea.  Hii ni kutokana ukweli kuwa umoja ni nguvu na utegano ni udhaifu. Hii halina mjadala. Hivyo, upinzani ungeliangalia hili kwa makini na kulishughulikia kabla ya siku ya kupiga kura. Siku zote, vita ya panzi ni neema ya kunguru. Kuwa na nguvu ya pamoja hakuna mjadala. Tofauti na uchaguzi wa mwaka 2015–––ambapo upinzani wenye ulisimamisha mgombea mmoja chini ya Umoja wa Katiba ya Wananchi (UKAWA)–––kipindi hiki, vyama vyenye ushawishi vimekuja kila mmoja na mgombea wa vyake. Huu ni udhaifu mkubwa ambao ni mtaji mkubwa kwa wapinzani wake. Ukiwa na washidani waliogawanyika, unashinda kirahisi. Hili halina ubishi hata kidogo.  Kwanini upinzani hautaki kuona hatari ya utengano huu. Kama kila mtu angesimamisha mtu wake mwaka 2015, Edward Lowassa, mgombea wa UKAWA–––asingeweza kufanya vizuri kama alivyofanya tena ndani ya muda mfupi–––aliweza kupata zaidi ya asilimia 40 tokana na muungano wa upinzani ambao kwa sasa haupo. Je hili nalo upinzani utamlaumu nani? Kwanini wana mikakati wa upinzani wameshindwa kuona jambo rahisi kama hili?  Kama upinzani utaungana, utawapa wapinzani wao kibarua cha ziada cha kupambana na hoja za pamoja badala ya sasa ambapo hata hoja zao zikipuuzwa hakuna madhara yatakayoonekana wazi wazi.
        Pili, upinzani kwa sasa una kazi ngumu kuibua sera mbadala za pamoja zingetosha kujibu zile za wapinzani wao. Hili nalo linahitaji umoja. Tutatoa mfano mmoja wa Afrika na dunia. Nchi nyingi za magharibi zimekuwa zikinyonya nchi za kiafrika kwa kufanya biashara na nchi moja moja badala ya pamoja. Zinatumia ukosefu wa umoja wa Afrika kuendelea kuinyonya.
        Tatu, ukiachia mbali ukosefu wa umoja, upinzani una kikwazo kingine kikubwa yaani kuosefu wa uzoefu ikilinganishwa na ule wapinzani wao ambao watatumia uzoefu wao kuwahenyesha kirahisi  kwa kupiga pale walipogawanyika pale utegano wao utakaposababisha waanze kugombea kushinda kura kwenye majimbo mbali mbali ambapo wangeweka mgombea mmoja wa upinzani. Kimsingi, hata kama upinzani siku zote umekuwa dhaifu, huu mgawanyiko utaudhoofisha zaidi kiasi cha kutofua dafu mbele  ya adui aliyeshikamana kuliko wakati wowote wa maisha yake ya miaka ya karibuni.
         Nne mbali na sababu tajwa hapo juu, kutokuungana kwa wapinzani hata kwa ajili ya uchaguzi tu, kunatoa nafasi kwa washindani wao kuwapa hali ngumu tokana na kuwa na mtandao mkubwa na mpana nchi nzima, ambao wapinzani hawana kama hawataungana. Hii ni mbali na kuwa na wanachama na wapiga kura wengi. Kuwa na matandao mkubwa ni jambo moja na kuufikia ni jambo jingine ukiachia mbali kuutumia. Wapinzani wangeungana na kugawana majimbo, nina hakika wangeweza kuwa na mtandao mpana nchi nzima na kuweza kuepuka ughali wa kusimamisha kila chama mtu wake.
        Mwisho, fedha zina nafasi kubwa katika uchaguzi wowote hasa kuwawezesha wagombea kuwafikia walengwa. Kwa upinzani ulioungana, hata kama hauna fedha nyingi kama washindani wake, lau ungepunguza maumivu kifedha. Upinzani unapaswa kujua kuwa mambo yote yaliyotajwa juu ni muhimu kuweza kushinda kwani bila kuyaweka sawa, wanaweza kuwasaidia washindani wao kuwashinda kirahisi. Tumalizie kwa kuwakumbusha namna nchi ya jirani ya Kenya wapinzani walivyofanikiwa kuangusha chama cha KANU kilichokuwa madarakani tangu uhuru tena kwa muungano wa kustukiza. Nchini Zambia kadhalika. Mifano ni mingi. Leo inatosha. Tuonane wiki ijayo.
Chanzo: Nipashe Jumapili.

Friday, 23 October 2020

WAPINZANI WAMESHINDWA HATA KABLA YA UCHAGUZI


 
Je kweli hawa wana dhamira ya kweli kushinda uchaguzi? Maalim Seif ana jipya gani baada ya kujaribu mara nyingi akiishia kupigwa chini? Je huu ni mwanzo wa kile tulichotabiri kuwa wapinzani watashindwa kabla ya kuingia hata kwenye sanduku la kura? Mbona wanajisababishia kushindwa halafu walaumu?

Wednesday, 21 October 2020

TOWARDS THE 2020 GENERAL ELECTION : THE DAY OF RECKONING IS DRAWING NIGH.

     

                                                                                               

In  the  context  of  this  article,  “day  of  reckoning”   means   the  28th  day  of  October,  2020;  when  the  voters  of  Tanzania,  in  their  millions,  are  expected   to   go  to  their  respective  polling  stations   to  cast  their  valuable  votes,  in  order  to  elect  their  President,  and  their  respective  members  of  Parliament  and  of  the  Local  Authority  council.   It   is  a  ‘day  of  reckoning’,   in  the  sense  that   it   will  be  the  time   when   individual  Tanzanians  will   make  their   decisions,    that   may  subsequently  be  judged  to   have  been   either   right  or  wrong;    plus,  should  it  happen  that  the  majority  will   collectively   have   made  the  wrong  decision,   then   they  could   subsequently   be  punished  for  that  wrong  decision.   This  is  due  to  the  fact  that,  as  has  been  revealed  in  this  column before,    “elections  have  their  consequences”.
“Elections  have  consequences”
The  statement  that  “elections  have  consequences”,   was  made  by  one  senior  American  Diplomat,  in  relation  to  Kenya’s   2013 general  election.   His  statement  was  intended  to   be  a  warning  to  the  voters  of  Kenya,  that  they  would  face  unpleasant  consequences  “if  they  made  the  mistake”  of  electing  Presidential  candidate  Uhuru   Keyatta,  and  his  running  mate  William  Ruto,  both  of  whom  had  been  arraigned  before  the   International  Court  of  Justice (ICC),   for  their  alleged  role  in  the  post-election  violence,   which  had  rocked  many  parts  of  Kenya   following  the  disputed  results  of  the  previous (2007)  general  election.                                                                                                     That  statement    was  premised  on  the  condition  that   the  voters  “will  make  a  mistake”.   Hence,   in  our  own  circumstances,   the   reasonable   presumption   should  be,    that  the  voters     will   not    make  any  mistakes  for,   thanks  to  our  very   extensive  ‘voter  education’   campaigns;    they  are  presumed  to   know   how  to  make  the  right  choices.                                                                                   However,  in  the  most  unlikely  event   that   the  voters   will  indeed,   perhaps   unwittingly,  collectively     “make  a   mistake”,   say,   for  example,  of  electing   a  ‘botched’  election,    then   yes;   such  election  can  produce  certain  undesirable   consequences,  including   dire  ones.    A   ‘botched  election’  would  be  that  which  produces   what   is  known  in  parliamentary  parlance   as  a  “hung  Parliament”;   i.e.  a  Parliament   in  which   the  Government  has  only    a  minority  of  MPs,  and  will have  therefore  be  severely  constrained  in  its  operations.   Fortunately,  thanks  to  our  voter  education  campaigns,   a   ‘hung   Parliament’   is  a  most  unlikely  occurrence   in  our  jurisdiction.       This  is  largely   because  our  voters  are  being   sufficiently   sensitized  to  the  concept  of   the  symbolic   “mafiga  matatu”  (the  three  cooking  stones);   where  the  voters  are  urged  to  vote  for  the  same-party   candidates  for  the  President,  Member  of  Parliament,  and  Member  of  the  Local  Authority  Council.   This  concept   is  what  avoids  the  possibility  of  a  “hung  Parliament”  being  elected.              
        But,   the  American  Diplomat  quoted  above  was  referring  to  an  entirely  different   event   which  occurred  in  Kenya,   not  really  as  a  result  of  “mistakes”   made  by  the  voters  of  Kenya,   but  was      the  result  of  certain   criminal  actions   deliberately  committed   by  the ‘ losers’   of  that   general  election,  who   just   refused  to  accept  its  results,  and  started  causing  big  trouble!
         Elections  can  indeed  have  adverse  consequences.
However,  even  in  those  circumstances  where  the  voters  have  committed  no  mistakes,    elections  may  still   have  adverse  consequences.    In  our  own  electoral  history,  we  have  had  some   adverse  ‘election  consequences’,   arising  from   cases  of  “election  boycotts”;   which  were   deliberately  organized  by   the  Civic  United  Front (CUF)  in  Zanzibar.     An    “election  boycott”  is  defined  as  “the  refusal  to  take  part  in  an  election,  as  a way  of  protesting,  or  showing  strong  disapproval,   against   it”.                                               
We  have  indeed,  in  the  past,   experienced  several   such  ‘election  boycotts’   taking  place  in  Zanzibar.   Thus,  although  at  the  present   moment,   there  is  no   possibility  of  such  danger,   that  the  forthcoming   2020  general  election  might  be  boycotted,   but  still,  purely    as  a  precaution,  the   point   of  this  presentation   is   to  issue  a   gentle   warning  to  the  stakeholders,   that   such  ‘election  boycotts’,   whenever   they   have  occurred  (on  the  usual  flimsy  excuse  that  the   elections  will  not  be  free  and  fair);  they  have  always  produced  their   own   adverse  consequences.                   They   should   therefore   be   carefully   avoided.   They   include  the  following  categories:-                                                                                          
 (i)  The  irresponsible  abandonment  of  a  legal   obligation.  
“Election  boycotts”  are  normally   organized  by  political parties  which  should,  or  ought,  to  have  participated  therein    And,   in   the  context  of  or  political  system,  political  parties  have  an  implied  obligation   to  participate  in  national  elections.  This  obligation,  is  created  by  the  definition  itself  of  “political  parties”  which  is  provided  in  the  Political  Parties  Act, (no  5  of  1992).  That  Act  provides  as  follows:-  “Political  Party”  means  any  organized  group  of  people  formed  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  Government,  or  a  Local  Authority,  within  the  United  Republic,  through  elections;  or  for  putting up,  or  supporting  candidates  for  such  elections”.  It  is  quite  clear  therefore,  in  the  light  of  that  definition,  that  the  primary  purpose,  or  indeed  the  raison  d’etre),   of  a  political  party  in  Tanzania,  is  to  participate  in  elections,  with  a  view  to  acquiring  power,  either  at  the  national,  or  the  Local  Authority  level,  or  both.   Hence,  any  group  which  does  not  have  such  objectives,  does  not  qualify  for  registration  as  a  “political  party”.  Its  status  then  changes  to  a  ‘pressure  group’,  or  ‘interest  group’,  as  the  case  may  be.                                                        
     The  deliberate  act  of  boycotting  an  election  by  any  political  party   is,  therefore,  an  irresponsible  abandonment  of  this  legal  obligation.   
     (ii)  Its  negative  impact  on  democracy.
Modern  political  thought  generally  accepts  the  notion  that political  parties  are  absolutely  essential  to  democracy;  based  on  the  fundamental  principle  that  ‘democracy  gives  the  majority  the  right  to   rule”.    But  there  is  no  other  way  of  creating  an ascertainable  majority  without  establishing  political  parties,   which  can  freely  in  elections  for  the  right  to  form  a  Government,  by  presenting  their  different  policy  options  and  programmes   to  the  electorate,  with  each  party  endeavouring  to  persuade  that  electorate  to  vote  for  their  particular  policy or  programme.                                                
     This  is  the  political   competition  in  which  the  winning  party  gets  the  right  to  form  the  government  of  the  day.  
In  the  British  political  landscape,   this  system   is  known  as “government  by  political  party”;  and  is  actually   the  basis  of  the  British  “Westminster  model”    of  governance   which  was  invariably  inherited  by  almost  all  of  the  British  former  colonies  and  administered  Territories.
     To   my  little  knowledge  and   understanding,  no  single  political   system  can  claim  to  be  perfect.  And   this  system  of  “government  by  political  party”,  is  no  exception;  for  the  following  reasons:- 
    (a)  that  a  given  political  party,  having  been  elected  to  power,   may  thereafter  act  viciously  towards  its  political  opponents.   And   the  world  has  seen  enough  such  examples.                                    
     (b)  that,  especially  in  respect  of  those  jurisdictions  where  the  parties  are  divided  over  some  fundamental  issues,  all  those  who  voted  for  the  losing  parties (and  they  could  be  very  many),   may  be   governed  for  long  periods   on  the  basis  of  policies  and  programmes  with  which  they  disagree;    which,  obviously,    is   to  their  great  disadvantage".
 (c)   that  able  men  and  women  who  are  outside  the  party  system,  or  who  belong  to  minority  parties  which  have  no  chance  of  winning  an  election,  can  play  no  effective  role  in  the  governance  system  of  their  country.  
However,  within   the  United  Kingdom   itself  from   where   this  system  originated,  such  difficulties  appear  to  have  been  satisfactorily  resolved;   for  in  their  case,   the  system  appears   to  be  working  normally.    Some  of  their  general  elections  have  indeed  produced   “hung  Parliaments”;  but   such  difficulties   were  quickly    resolved   by  forming  functional   ‘coalitions’  between  different  parties,  which  enabled  their   Governments  to  obtain  the  necessary  Parliamentary  majority  of  MPs,  thus  enabling  their  Parliament  to  function   normally.                                                                                                                And  for  those  of  their  citizens  who   cannot  play  an  effective  role  in  the  governance  of  their  country  (because    they   belong  to  minority  parties  that  have  no  chance  of  winning  an  election,  or  are  outside  the  party  system);    these,  presumably,   have  developed   a  “culture  of  tolerance “;  and   are  happy  to  live  with   that  system,  despite  its  disadvantages. 
Our  recurring  difficulties  in  operating  this  system
It  has  been  my  constant  contention   that,    because  in   many   of  our  ex-colonial   communities,   there  is  a   serious   lack  of   the  requisite  “multi-party   political  culture”,   this  deficiency  has,  inevitably,   caused  difficulties  in  operating  this  system  in  our  respective  countries.                                              
        A  case  in  point  is  Zanzibar,   the  other  partner  of  the  United  Republic  of  Tanzania,   which   has  had  an  unfortunate  history  of   endless  post-election  disputes,  ever  since   their   first  multi-party  Presidential   election,   that  was   held   soon  after  this   system  was  re-introduced   in  our  country,  way  back  in  1995.  
      The  problem  in  1995  was  caused  by  certain  suspicious  actions  taken  by  the  Zanzibar  Electoral  Commission  (ZEC)  during  the  counting  of   the  Zanzibar  Presidential  election  votes,   particularly  the  inordinate  (and  unexplained)   delay   in  the  counting  of  those   votes  which,  understandably,  made  the    Opposition  Civic  United  Front  (CUF)   highly  suspicious,  that  the  reason  for  this  delay   was  that   the  Presidential  results  were  probably  being  “doctored”  in  favour  of  the   CCM  candidate.   This  suspicion  intensified  when  the  announced  results  gave  the  CCM  Presidential   candidate,   a  ‘razor-thin  majority’  of  only  0.4% .  And,  as  a  consequence,    CUF  refused  to  recognize  these  results.
        It  happened  again  during  the  next  following    Zanzibar  Presidential  election  in  2000.  In  that  case,  there  had   occurred   certain  serious   election  irregularities,  in  all  the  16  constituencies   of  the   Mjini   Mgharibi   Administrative   Region,  prompting  the  Zanzibar  Electoral  Commission  to  countermand  the  election  in  those  constituencies;  and  ordering    a  re-run  of  the  election  in  those  constituencies,   at   a  later  date.   The  Civic  United  Front,  on  their  part,   requested    a  re-run  of  the  entire  Zanzibar  election,  which  was  refused  by  the   Zanzibar  Electoral  Commission.     Upon  being  denied  their  request ,  CUF  decided  to  boycott   that   entire  re-run   election;  and  their  action  inevitably   produced   the  expected   consequences,  namely  a  ‘negative  impact’   on  our  cherished  democracy;   simply  because  a  large  number  of   registered  voters,  (the  CUF  followers  and  supporters)   were  forced  to  stay  away  from  their  allotted  polling  stations  on  election  day.                                
      That   problem  re-appeared  yet  again  after  the  2005  Zanzibar  general  election,   leading  to  CUF  again   refusing  to  recognize  the Zanzibar   Presidential  election  results.    Fortunately   in  the  meantime,  both  CCM  and  CUF  were  engaged  in  serious  talks  between  them,   in  search   for  a  viable  solution  to  this  continuing  problem.    
    Where  there  is  a  will,  there  is  a  way.
Their  efforts  were  amply  rewarded   when   the  two  political  parties   eventually   signed  the  Agreement  known  as  MUAFAKA  III;    which  introduced  the  concept  of   establishing   a  Government  of  National  Unity ,  or  Serikali  ya   Umoja  wa  Kitaifa  (SUK);   whose  implementation  was  effected  immediately  following  the  2010  Zanzibar  election.   And  the  Zanzibar  Constitution  was  amended  accordingly,  in  order  to  accommodate  this  provision.
 Unfortunately    however,  the   Zanzibar  post-election  problem   of  CUF  refusing  to  accept  the  results  of  the  Zanzibar  Presidential  election,  occurred   yet  again   after  the  2015  election;   thus   disabling   Zanzibar   President   Dr.  Ali  Mohamed  Shein,   from  appointing    Ministers  from  CUF,   into  the   Government  of  National  Unity  Cabinet.                                                                                                                        But   since  this  is  now  a  requirement  of  the  Zanzibar  Constitution,  we  can  only  hope  and  pray,  that  in  respect  of  the  forthcoming  2020  Zanzibar   general  election  better   wisdom  will  prevail,  and  the  main   losers  will  be  willing  to  join  the  Government  of  National  Unity. 
(Will  continue  next  week)
piomsekwa@gmail.com /0754767576.
Source: Daily News and Cde Msekwa today. 

JIKUMBUSHE ENZI ZA ZIPOMPA POMPA


 

Tuesday, 20 October 2020

RIP MAMA AMNE SALIM AHMED SALIM


Ivory Coast and Peril of Third Term in Africa


What’s in the offing in Ivory Coast currently is a menace if isn’t nibbled in the bud timely and quickly. The outgoing president Alassane Ouattara is trying to illegally cling to power. After ascending to power democratically, Ouattara seems to have naively and perilously jilted and pooh-poohed the force that put him to power. He wants more of power. Just like former Malawi president, Bakili Muluzi who attempted it and failed as a sign of learning nothing from democracy, Ouattara’s proves the length a person can go to prove how bankrupt a politician can politically be. It is sad to note that most of those tampering with the constitutions of their countries are viewed as enlightened with signatures of Dr and Professor.  Indeed, absolute power corrupts absolutely. 
    After enjoying the ballyhoos and saccharinity of power, Muluzi wanted to stay longer than two terms allowed constitutionally. Thus, he wanted a third term, which Malawians denied him.  To mention but a few, in Burundi, the DRC and Togo respectively, former presidents, Pierre Nkurunziza, Joseph Kabila and Faure Eyadema got away with blue murder by forcefully and illegally securing more time in office. While other countries such as Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Rwanda, Uganda and many others, presidents have shown the crave for power, to the contrary, Tanzania’s president John Pombe Magufuli flatly refused to buy into this tyranny despite many Tanzanians asking him to stay on after completing his constitutional two terms of presidency come 2025.
Distressingly, in Ivory Coast where Ouattara, who–––just like Muluzi–––came to power under the groundswell of democracy that saw some dictators pulled down, the lesson seems to be hard to comprehend and grasp. So, too, in Senegal, Abdoulaye Wade tried to perfect third term unconstitutionality to no avail. In neighbouring Burkinabe, former felony, Blaise Compaore, was shown the door after lording it over for many years while in Guinea, the imbroglio is still ongoing.  All such incidents have a great lesson to Ouattara and the like not to forget Africa at large. Will Ouattara get away with murder? Circumstances and time will tell.
         After serving two terms in office, Ouattara illegally wants more time to savor power more. Will Ivorians take a leaf from Malawi and foil this attempt to send the country back to dictatorship or just crouch down and shamelessly destroy their country willy-nilly? Will they replicate their solidarity that saw Robert Guéï–––another tinpot dictator who illegally seized power–––being stymied and pulled down from violating their constitution and rights to remain in power?  While Malawi only suffered from a longtime dictatorship, it never experienced any civil war as is the case with Ivory Coast whose recovery from such a crime has existed just for a decade now when Ouattara wants to kink it back.
Paradoxically, Ouattara had already accepted to relinquish power soon after the expiration of his constitutional two terms. Before Ouattara made a volte-face, the AFP (March 5th, 2020) quoted him as saying “I have decided not to be candidate in the Oct. 31 presidential election and to transfer power to a new generation.” Is he the new generation is talking about that wants to replace himself? Behind the curtains, he’d already handpicked his protégé, former prime minister, Amadou Gon Coulibaly who died on 8th July, 2020 forcing Ouattara to abuse the constitution by deciding to stay on illegally. An African proverb has it that He who is wise endeavours to learn how to understand the truth not less than that. If anything, Ouattara’s doubletalk  is a good hunch for the ECOWAS and Ivorians opposed to power seizure should hang our hat on to force Ouattara to abandon his power greed and hold on power under what Guillaume Soro, former Ouattara ally and prime minister, refers to as elections aimed at endorsing the institutional state coup d’état by Alassane Ouattara.
        In addition,  the Al Jazeera (September 17th, 2020) quoted Soro as saying that he believes there won’t be elections scheduled in October 31st. Up until now, there have already occurred the massacres of four people as the results of the confrontation between Ouattara and those who oppose his bid to presidency. According to the Al Jazeera (August 14th, 2020), three people were killed in the central town of Daoukro in clashes between Ouattara supporters and backers of rival candidate Henri Konan Bedi, also a former president who aspires to run for presidency. To make matters worse, former president Laurent Gbagbo’s party, the Ivorian Popular Front (IFP), wants him to run for president. Interestingly, Ivory Coast, like Mali, seems to suffer from power hunger by its elites. For, in 2000, the mass action supported Gbagbo and forced Guéï out of power; and was thereof killed with his family. Guéï had barred other potential contenders to participate in the election, something Ouattara has replicated despite knowing the danger such a move presents to him and the country. 
Further, methinks the ECOWAS that recently intervened in Mali after the army seized power, needs to timely, quickly and inviolably apply the same. For, what’s to happen in Ivory Coast is no different from what transpired in Mali. The only difference between the two is that a civilian in Ivory Coast wants to stage a coup as opposed to the military in Mali. To me, a coup is a coup. It is bad, dangerous and illegal to any country. Therefore, the ECOWAS should use the same logic, power and vivacity to address the matter in Ivory Coast despite the fact that Ouattara is a friend of many heads of state in the region.
If economic sanctions work in Mali, they also must be applied on Ivory Coast. Actually, the ECOWAS has a precedent. Its intervention in The Gambia, in 2017, peacefully and successfully dislodged a longtime dictator, Yahya Jammeh who didn’t want to relinquish power as was the case with Laurent Gbagbo, Ouattara’s predecessor whose ouster was necessitated by France.
There’s no way the ECOWAS and the international community at large can allow the contempt of the constitution and power grab in Ivory Coast whose politics gyrates around tribalism. When it comes to the lessons from Malawi, it was among the first African country to defeat the dictators through the ballot box whereby Hastings Kamuzu Banda, Malawi’s longtime dictator lost to Muluzi before he too, was forced to abandon his quest to run for the third term in office. The same happened in Zambia shortly before where former president Frederick Chiluba’s attempt to cling to power was foiled by the citizens. 
    Similarly, Malawi set another positive precedent. It became the second country to see presidential victory annulled by the Supreme Courts after Kenya. These are the only two African countries whose presidential wins were declared null and void. In Kenya, president Uhuru Kenyatta went ahead to win the rerun election though, in Malawi the stars didn’t align and thus, once again, proved tough in protecting its democracy after former president professor Peter Mutharika lost the rerun to Lazarus Chakwera.
        A long story short, it is upon the ECOWAS to adequately and decisively resolve the matter and improve and protect democracy or flout it for its credibility peril. For, it is more answerable in this conflict since it has already shown its clout in addressing similar problems even where the African Unity (AU) happened to falter or sleep at the wheel. Arguably, ignoring the situation in Ivory Coast is nothing but double standard that won’t only imperil the region and set a debauched precedent but also encourage other power-crazy monsters to illegally remain in power. If this is allowed, democracy in Africa will receive a hit. There’s no slapping Ouattara in the wrist but in the face to send a strong message. It is time for Ouattara to come of age and own his promise to vacate the office of the president as he promised in March. If he remains adamant and cagey, he’d remember what happened to Gbagbo and Guéï when they tried to cling to power. The ECOWAS should intervene quickly to save democracy in Ivory Coast that shows how third term in office has become Africa’s peril of democracy and the perpetuation of dictatorship.
Source: African Executive Magazine today.

WE OFFICIALLY HAVE STARTED WINTER SEASON WITH WINTRY WEATHER PLUS SNOW


That is how our city looks like today. Snow has arrived; and we've officially started our 2020 wintry season of cold and snow.  Trees have already given in ready to face over six months of stasis. Everybody and everything are trapped in the loop of cold. Those with the luxury of enjoying unending summer seasons must know what we are now facing amidst pandemic. Nature is always punctual and nobody can stop it from acting the way it does. WELCOME WINTER!

SALAMU ZENU HUKO

Ijumaa nilipata fursa ya kukutana na jamaa hawa kwenye viunga vya chuo chetu kikuu cha Manitoba wakijindaa kuanza safari ya kutuaga baada ya kugundua kuwa kumbe winter inaingia. Hivyo, jamaa wanaaga na kuondoka kuelekea kusini na mashariki kuepuka baridi. Kama mtapata bahati ya kuwaona huko, basi pokea salamu zetu. Kweli siku hazigandi! Salamu zetu kwenu nyote kupitia kwa jamaa hawa wajanja wasioongea au kujidai.

Sunday, 18 October 2020

REMEMBERING MUSIC LEGENDS









VICE PRESIDENT PUSHING WHEELBARROW WHO IS FOOLING WHOM?

Kenya's Vice President William Ruto pushing a wheelbarrow, which has become the symbol of his philosophy of Hustler Nation. However, Ruto is super rich and made his wealth through robbing the same hustlers he pretends to fight for. He condemns the dynasties while he too is a product of the same under KANU dictatorship and thuggery. The so-called leader of hustler has been hustling to rob the real hustlers he is now hoodwinking and duping for his personal gains. Again, when the vice president becomes a wheelbarrow pusher, who is fooling whom here?

Saturday, 17 October 2020

BARUA KWA MWALIMU NYERERE



Baba wa taifa Mwl Julius K Nyerere (RIP).
Shikamoo baba. Ni miaka 21 ya machungu na upweke, kama watu na taifa, tangu ututoke. Japo ulitutoka kimwili,kiroho na kiakili bado tuko nawe kama ambavyo tutakuwa nawe hadi tutakapokutana huko uliko. Katika maadhimisho ya kuondoka kwako baba, leo nina machache ya kukueleza kama ifuatavyo kwa ufupi tokana na mhariri kutonipa nafasi ya kutanua sana:
        Mosi, tangu uondoke, taifa letu limebadilika sana. Nakumbuka wakati ukitutoka, ulimuacha kijana wako, ambaye naye amekufuata ghafla mwaka huu, Benjamin. W. Mkapa. Baada yake, alikuja kijana mwingine Jakaya Kikwete ambaye sasa ni mzee na mstaafu pamoja na mrithi wako mzee Ali .H. Mwinyi ambaye bado anadunda. Muhimu, baada ya Kikwete kuondoka, alichaguliwa kijana mwingine machachari aitwaye John Pombe Magufuli. Kijana huyu, amefanya maajabu hasa kutekeleza yale ambayo ulitaka yatekelezwe. Je unaweza kuamini kuwa makao makuu ya chama na nchi yalishahamia Dodoma huku Dar es Salaam ikirembeshwa utadhani Ulaya. Wale waliokuwa wakililia kwenda kuona maajabu ulaya sasa wanakwenda Dar.
            Pili, kama haitoshi, lile shirika la ndege uliloanzisha mafisi, mafisadi na wezi wakalifilisi sasa linadunda. Mwaka jana Magufuli alinunua ndege 11 mpya na nane kati ya hizo zimo zinapaa nje na ndani ya nchi. Bila kungoja, kwa sasa kuna meli kibao zinatengenezwa hadi moja kubwa ya kwenda Comoro. Cha mno, ule mradi mkubwa wa umeme wa mto Rufiji sasa umo mbioni kujengwa. Kwa heshima na kumbukizi lako, umepewa jina lako sambaba na daraja la kuunganisha Feri na Kigamboni.Mambo ya kukatika  na migao ya umeme sasa historia. Kama haitoshi, je wajua kuwa kwa sasa tupo tunajenga reli mpya ya kisasa ya kutumia umeme ya SGR toka Dar hadi Kigali? Reli za zamani, viwanja vya ndege na madaraja vikikarabitiwa ukiachia mbali ujenzi wa barabara kibao nchini. Siku hizi, kwa mfano, kwenda Kusini kuliko kuwa kumeshindikana ni kama unalia.
            Mwalimu, kabla ya kusahau, rafiki yako Nelson Mandela alishaondoka kadhalika Robert Mugabe pia huku mama Maria akiendelea kudunda japo umri unasogea. Kwa upande wa watoto wako, bado wanaishi maisha ya kawaida saw ana sisi wengine.
            Tatu, mwalimu unaweza kuamini kuwa ule wizi ma mali zetu chini ya ujambazi uitwao uwekezaji umeishakomeshwa? Madini yaliyokuwa yakitoroshwa usiku na mchana sasa yananufaisha taifa kiasi cha kujenga miradi hiyo tajwa bila kukopa kopa, kuomba omba wala kujidhalilisha kama ilivyo kwa mataifa mengi ya Kiswahili. Kule Mererani yanakopatikana madini ya tanzanite sasa hali ni shwari baada ya eneo lote la machimbo kuzungushiwa ukuta huku makampuni nyonyaji ya kigeni yachimbayo madini yakiingia mikataba upya. Kabla sijasahau, siku hizi mashirika na makampuni yanalipa mrahaba wa serikali kama hayana akili nzuri.
            Nne, mwalimu unajua kuwa lugha ya Kiswahili sasa imekuzwa kiasi cha mataifa ya nje kuanza kuitumia na kuionea fahari. Kwa taarifa yako, sasa Kiswahili kinatumika kwenye SADC na Umoja wa Afrika.
            Nne, kama ilivyokuwa wakati wa utawala wako adhimu, kwa sasa, afya na elimu hutolewa bure kwa watanzania wote bila kubagua chama wala dini. Kama haitoshi, ukusanyaji kodi umeongezeka kiasi cha taifa kuwa na fedha yake ya kutekeleza miradi mikubwa kama nilivyokutajia hapo juu na kutoa huduma za kijamii bure ukiachia mbali kujenga hospitali, zahanati na kukarabati miundo mbinu ya zamani.
            Tano, wale waliozoea kughushi au kuajiri watumishi na wanafunzi hewa walishafyekwa zamani. Kijana Magufuli amebana matumizi hadi wasioelewa somo kulia kuwa vyuma vimebana. Ule wakati wa mchovu kulala maskini na kuamka tajiri ushapita zamani. Kila mtu anakula jasho lake na kuheshimu jasho la wenzake. Wale waliozoea kuibia umma sasa wanalia na ni apeche alolo yaani hawana majivuno ya ukwasi kama zama zile za kiza.
            Sita, cha mno, chama chako kipenzi cha Mapinduzi kilichokuwa kimeanza kugeuka chama cha ulaji sasa kimenyooshwa kweli kweli. Mali zake zimerejeshwa mikononi mwa chama na kinaendelea kukua na kuadilika hakuna mfano. Mambo ya kugombea na kushinda kutegemea mfuko wa mtu yalishafyekwa na kugeuka historia chafu ya chama. Siku hizi mtu anayetaka kupeperusha bendera yake anachujwa kwa kuangalia uadilifu na utendaji wake wa kazi bila kusahau uzalendo. Kwa upande wa upinzani, bado upo japo kwa kiasi Fulani unasuasua.  Kabla ya kusahau, watanzania wameongezeka kiasi cha kufikia milioni 50 na ushei huku Muungano ukizidi kuimarika na kulindwa kwa nguvu zote. Je wajua kuwa hivi karibu mtoto wa Mwinyi ameteuliwa kugombea urais Visiwani?
            Mwalimu, barua hii haitaleta maana kama itaisha bila kukufahamisha kuwa Tanzania sasa ni imara kijamii, kisiasa na kiuchumi kuliko wakati wote wa uhai wake. Misingi uliyoweka sasa inatumika kujenga uchumi hadi kuingia uchumi wa kati mwaka huu miaka mitano kabla ya wakati uliokuwa umekadiriwa. Watu wanachapa kazi kama hawana akili nzuri na kauli mbiu ya sasa ni HAPA KAZI TU. Na ni kweli. Ni kazi kweli kweli.
Mwalimu, naomba nisikuchoshe. Kwa leo, ni hayo tu japo yapo mengi ya kufurahisha. Pumzika mahali pema peponi Mwalimu.
Chanzo: Nipashe Jumapili leo.

Wednesday, 14 October 2020

REST IN PEACE, MWALIMU JULIUS KAMBARAGE NYERERE.


Yesterday,  14th  October,  2020,  was  our  annual  “remembrance  day”   for  the  late  Mwalimu   Julius  Kambarage   Nyerere,   namely    the  anniversary  date  of  his  death  on  14th  October,  1999,  twenty-  one   long   years  ago. During  the  whole  period  of  the  ‘run-up’   to  this  year’s    2020  general  election  later  this  October,   this  column  has  been  presenting  a   series  of  articles   reflecting  on  the  various  aspects   of   the   general    subject  of  elections;   and,   for  that  reason  of  being  deeply  involved  in  the   election  business ;   we   had  yesterday   to  commemorate  that   sad  event  of  commemorating   Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  death   against  the  backdrop  of  the   continuing  ‘hot’   election  campaigns,  which  are  currently   taking  place  throughout  the  country.  However,   general  election  notwithstanding,    we  must    continue  with  this  column’s  little  ‘tradition’   of  paying  due   homage  to  our  departed  father  of  the  nation  during   every   October  month,   by  way  of  making  a short  presentation   on   some  significant  matter  relating  to  the  late    Nyerere’s  contributions;   being   part  of   our  ‘remembrance  service’   to  the  departed  Father  of  our  nation.                               
        Thus,   apart   from    today’s   chosen   election  topic;   we  will  also  include  a  small  piece   on   one  significant   ‘current  affairs’  matter   relating  to   the  late  Mwalimu  Julius  Nyerere;    namely,   the   on-going  Christian  process  for  his canonization.              This  is  a  matter  that  is  probably  little  known,  or  understood,   by   many  people  outside  the  Christian   faithful,   but  which,   nevertheless,   is  of  great  significance  in  enhancing,  and  enriching,  the  late  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s   local  and  international   standing  and   respect;    particularly   among   the   vast   local  and    international  Christian  community.  
The   canonization  process.
            For  the  benefit  of  those  of  our  readers   who   may  not  be  fully   conversant  with  this  purely  Christian  matter,  I  should   explain  that  “canonization”  is  the  name  given  to  that   lengthy  process,  which  is  normally   undertaken  by  the  catholic  church, which  eventually  terminates  in  that  person’s  recognition  as  a  “SAINT”,  i.e.  a  person   who  lived  a  holy  life.                   
        The  said  process  involves  the  appearance  of  a  given  number  of  confirmed  “miracles”;  and  the  stage  of   “sainthood”   is  reached   only  after  a  lengthy  period  of  intense   supplication  and  prayer   by  many   individual  persons   who  desire  to  be  granted   God’s   mercy   and divine  relief   from    specified  ailments,  or  other  human  problems.    When  such  prayers  are  eventually  answered  in  the  affirmative,   such  answers  are  what  are  described  as  “miracles”,  that  is   to  say,   acts,  or  events,   that  do  not  follow  the  laws  of  nature,  and  are  therefore   believed  to  be  caused   by  God  alone. 
        Mwalimu  Nyerere’s   canonization  process  was  officially   inaugurated  in  2006,  when  the  Catholic  Bishops  of  Tanzania  (with  approval  from  the  Vatican),   officially  opened  what  is  known  as  “the  Cause  for  his  Beatification”;   and  that  is  when   Mwalimu  Nyerere  officially  became a  “candidate”  for  the  sainthood.   All   the  Catholic  faithful  in  Tanzania,  and  other  well-wishers  in  that  regard,   are  now  being  urged  to  actively  participate  in  this  divine  process,  and  to  constantly  pray for    success   in  achieving  the  desired  objective.
I   personally   have   been  participating  in  this  process   by   sponsoring   annual   ‘pilgrimages’   consisting  of   two  or  three   select  groups  of  not  less  than  fifty  pilgrims  each;   and  sending  them  to    Mwalimu  Nyerere’s   burial  place  in  Butiama   on  the  14th  day  of  every   October  month,  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  the  said  pilgrims  to   meditate,  and   to  offer  their  individual  and  collective  prayers  and  requests  (through  this  ‘candidate  for  sainthood’,   Mwalimu  Nyerere);   for   God’s  divine  relief  from  their   respective   ailments,  or  other  human  problems,   that  may  be  troubling  them.  The   pilgrims   are  encouraged  thereafter,   to  report  on  any  positive  reliefs  that  may   be  received  in  answer  to  their  prayers;   in  order  to  accumulate  the  evidence  that  will  satisfy  the  necessary  “miracles”  requirement  to  qualify  Nyerere  for  sainthood.                                 And   for  this  year,   my  pilgrimage  groups  to  Butiama  (totaling  150 pilgrims, who  had  been   invited   from  the  Parishes  of  Kagunguli,  Bukongo,  and  Nansio),   returned  yesterday   afternoon;    totally  imbued   with  ‘divine  satisfaction’  at   the  success  of  their  pilgrimage.                                                               
May  his  soul  rest  in  peace.  We  can  now  return  to  today’s  election  topic.  
The   disturbing  features  of  the  election  campaigns.
           We  will  focus  on  one  serious  aspect  of  the  ugly,  disturbing  features   that  have  suddenly  emerged   during  the  on-going  election  campaigns;   consisting  of  certain  deliberate  breaches  of  the  election  rules  and  regulations;   plus,  and   even  more  serious,  the  seemingly   politically  motivated  acts  of  violence  that  are  being  witnessed,   albeit  in  only  certain  isolated  areas  of  the  country.   
Some   of   the   reported   wrongdoings.
        According  to  mass  media  reports,  the  National  Electoral  Commission  (NEC)   Director  Dr.  Wilson  Charles,  told  a  press  conference  in  Arusha  on  Sunday  27th  September  2020,   that  the  CHADEMA  Presidential  election  candidate  would  be  required  to  appear  and  defend  himself  before  the  Commission’s  Ethics  Committee,   over  a  number  of  false  claims  made  by  him  during  some  of  his  campaign  speeches.    He  was  being  accused  of  uttered   certain   “lies  and  fabrications,  that  aim  to  inflict  panic  among  citizens  and  voters,  and  to  paint  an image  that  this  year’s  elections   will  not  be  free  and  fair”;  which  is  in  flagrant  breach  of  the  election  rules  and  regulations. 
We  can  only  hope  that  the  said  candidate  will  listen  to  the  admonishments   that  will  be  given  to  him,  and  refrain  from  repeating  such   ‘nuisance  offences’.
The   more   serious  criminal  offences.
        However,  we  must  take  a  more  serious  view  of  the  seemingly  politically   motivated  criminal  offences   that  are  being  committed;   the  most  recent  event  being  the  brutal  killing  in  Njombe,   of   the  Chairman  of  the  Umoja  wa  Vijana  wa  CCM’s     Wing   of   the  Higher  Education  Students ;  who  had  been  missing  for  six  days  before  his   dead  body  was  discovered,  abandoned  in   a  forest  area.           Since  this  year’s  election  campaigns  started,  there  have  been  a  few  other  similar  criminal   acts  committed  elsewhere,  for  example   in  Tunduma,  Ukara,  and   Pemba;   perpetrated   by  suspects    who  have  since   been  arrested  by  the  Police.   This,  to  say  the  least,  is   a  very  disturbing  trend  in  our  country’s  politics.    It  is  disturbing   and  worrisome,   because  such   “politics  of  violence”  cannot  be  tolerated   by  any  peace-loving  people   anywhere;    but  more  so,   by  the  peace-loving   people   in  the  land  of  Nyerere,  that   peace-loving   statesman (and  promising  candidate  for  the  sainthood),   who  resolutely  preached  the  doctrine  of  “non-violence”,   even  during  the  struggle  for  Tanganyika’s  independence;   and  whose  death  we  are  sadly  commemorating   during  this  same   campaign  period.     
What   could  be   the  source  of  this  trouble?
         In  my  humble  opinion,  the  propensity  to  “break  the  rules  of  the   game”   of  the  multi-party  electoral   competition,   is  rooted  in  the  serious  lack,  or  absence,   of  the  requisite  multi-party  culture;   which  is  basically  what  accounts  for  such  criminal - oriented    behavior  being   displayed  by   some  of  the  extremists  in   most   of  our  political  parties.  This  absence  of  the  requisite  political  culture  is  itself  caused  by  the  fact  that  the  practice  of  ‘party  politics’  is  not  part  of  our  traditional  governance  culture,  which  was  based  not  on  political  parties,  but  on  “one  person  rule”  by  our  traditional  rulers   know  as  Chiefs,   who  ruled   with  no  participation  whatsoever  by   organizations  called  political  parties.  These  organizations   were  introduced  only  later,   at  the  time  when  the  colonial  administrators  were  granting  independence  to  their  former  administered  territories,  including  Tanzania.    And  even  the  colonial  Administrators  themselves   ruled  directly   from  their   Colonial  Office  in  London,   without  any  local  participation  by   political  parties.   In  other  words,  ‘political  parties’  were  an  imposition  by  the  foreign  colonial  Administrators,  not  really  rooted  in  the  native  cultures   of  the  people,   upon  whom  it  was   suddenly   imposed.   
         Indeed,  it  is  common  knowledge  that  in  then  Tanganyika,   as  well  as  in   Zanzibar;  political  parties  were  first  created  in  the  1950s;  as  part  of  the  colonialists’  “preparations  of  the  people  of  these  countries  for  independence”.  That  is  probably  why,  when  Mwalimu  Nyerere  introduced  TANU   in  Tanganyika  in July   1954, that  organization  quickly  became  a  nationalist  “movement”,    which  was  rapidly  joined   by   the  majority  of  all   the  country’s   adults;  thus  making  the  country  a  de  facto  “One-party  State”,  even  before  it  became  a  de jure   One-party  State  in  1965,   and  remained  so  for  the  following  30  long  years;   thus  denying   the  people  the  opportunity  to  get  properly   exposed  to  the  workings  of  a  multi-party  political  system!    
 It  is  my   firm  contention  therefore,  that  the  lack  of  a  firmly  rooted  multi-party  culture  among  the  people,  is  what  is  at  the  core   of  all  the  problems   that  we  are  experiencing  in  connection  with  operating  the  multi-party  political  system;   simply  because  it  is  an  ‘imposed’   culture  or  practice,  which  is  not  deeply  rooted  in  our  own  traditional  cultures  and  practices.  
Evidence   from  other  jurisdictions.
         It  has   for  a  long   time  also  been  my  contention,   that   multi-party  democracy  is,  basically,   a  product  of  Western  civilization,  that  is   deeply  rooted  in  the  Western  countries  of  Europe  and  North  America” ;  and   has  no  roots   in  many  other  countries,  where  this  Western – based  culture  does  not  exist.  That  is  principally  why   there  have  always   been  practical  problems  in  operating  the  multi-party  system  in   these  other  countries   in  accordance  with  the  stipulated  “rules  of  the  game”. 
In  support  of  this  contention,  I  have  previously   cited   examples   from  other  so-called  “Third  World”  countries,   including   Grenada  in  the  West  Indies  part  of  the  hemisphere,   whose  Prime  Minister,  Hon.  Keith  Mitchell,  who  was  reported   in  October  2000  to  have  lamented   as  follows:  “The  Caribbean  people  have  long  had  a  reputation  of  passionate  partisan  debate  in  the  adversarial  form  of  Parliamentary  democracy  that  we  inherited  from  Westminster.   But   they  also  enjoyed  the  reputation  of  playing  by  the  rules  of  the  game:  the  winners  of  the  argument  took  office,  and  the  losers  continued  the  debate  from  the  Opposition  benches  inside  Parliament,  and  prepared  for  the  next  election.  But  today,    in  an  alarming  number  of  cases,   the  passionate  political  debates  are  being  continued  not  in  Parliament,  but  in  the  streets.  And  are  being  pressed   not   by  debate,  but  by  demonstrations !    Our  acceptance  of  the  Parliamentary  system  of  Government,   is  being  seriously  eroded”.    
         In  view   of  the  emerging  wrongdoings  cited  above   that  are   being  perpetrated  by   extremists   in  some  of  our  political  parties,  we  can  similarly  lament  that   “our  acceptance  of  the  multi-party  electoral  democracy   is  being  seriously  eroded”,   by   those   who  are   deliberately   refusing  to  abide  by  the  stipulated  “rules  of  the  (multi-party)   game”.
The   worrying  issue   of  criminality  in  politics.
        On  Tuesday,  1st  October,  2020;  the  mass  media  reported  that  “the  DPP  had  authorized  the  prosecution  of  the  arrested  CHADEMA  cadres”.   These  reports  were  referring  to  the  recent  brutal   murder  in  Njombe,    of  a  CCM   operative   called  Emmanuel  Mlelwa.  The   reports   also   identified  the  arrested  suspects as  CHADEMA  cadres.   The  four  suspects  were:-  Thadei   Mnyika,    a  CHADEMA  candidate  for  the  forthcoming   Local  Council  elections;   George  Sanga,   the  CHADEMA  party  Secretary  for  Njombe  Town;    Optatus   Nkwera,  CHADEMA’s  publicity  Secretary   for  Ramadhani   Local  Authority  Ward,  and  Goodluck  Mfuse,  a  CHADEMA  member   resident  of  Njombe  Town. 
This   issue (of  the  emerging  criminality  in  the  conduct  of  political  activities  in  our  election  campaigns)   is,  indeed,  an  absolute  negation  of  ‘civilized’  politics;  and  has  been  rightly  condemned  by  the  majority  in  our  community  of   peaceful   Tanzanians.  And  the  fact  that  this  problem  has  also  surfaced  in  several  other  African  countries   offers    no  consolation  at  all ! (Will  continue  next  week)
piomsekwa@gmail.com / 0754767576.
Source: Daily News and Cde Msekwa.

MIAKA 21 BILA NYERERE

 


Bila shaka watanzania kila mmoja kwa namna yake wanamkumbuka baba wa taifa marehemu Mwl Julius K Nyerere Burito. Gwiji huyu ni kama anaishi japo kimwili alitutoka siku nyingi. Tuzidi kumuombea baba yetu Mwl Nyerere apumzika mahali pema peponi Amina.

Sunday, 11 October 2020

Elimu Sawa Ila Bweni Kwa Vidudu Hapana


Mwishoni mwa mwezi jana, taifa letu lilipata msiba mkubwa. Ni msiba uliohusisha watoto 10 huko Kyerwa, mkoani Kagera ambapo wahanga waliungua baada ya bweni la shule ya Kiislamu ya Byamungu. Natoa salamu za rambirambi kwa wafiwa na taifa kwa ujumla. Pamoja na ukubwa wa msiba huu, kama jamii na taifa, kuna mambo tunayopaswa kujifunza kuepuka kurudia makosa kama watu wenye akili na uwezo wa kujifunza hata kufundisha. Hivyo, leo safu hii itaangalia masomo tunayoweza kupata tokana na msiba huu. Pia tutaangalia baadhi ya mapungufu yaliyofichuliwa na msiba huu katika maandalizi ya watoto wetu.  Yafuatayo ni mambo muhimu kuzingatia
        Mosi, elimu ni ufunguo wa maisha. Hivyo, kila mzazi anajitahidi kuhakikisha anampa mtoto wake urithi bora–––yaani elimu–––ili kumsaidia katika maisha yake ya baadaye. Hata hivyo, kuna angalizo hapa. Je ni wakati gani mzazi anapaswa kuanza kumpa mtoto elimu na katika mazingira gani? Jibu ni rahisi kuwa anapofikia umri wa kuelewa mafundisho.  Je ni katika mazingira gani?
        Pili, tukizingatia umri wa wahanga,  kwa mujibu wa gazeti la Habarileo (Septemba 18, 2020), wahanga walikuwa wa umri kati ya miaka6 na 10, je, kwa mfumo wetu kuruhusu shule za msingi za bweni siyo mapungufu ambayo–––ukiachia mbali maafa ya moto ambayo yanaweza kumtokea yoyote–––yanaweza kusababisha maafa mengine kama vile udhalilishaji, ukosefu wa malezi ya wazazi hata kupoteza haki ya kufaidi utoto wao kwa watoto? Je hapa mzazi anapaswa kuangalia umuhimu wa elimu au wa mtoto kuelelewa naye kama sehemu ya haki na kanuni ya malezi ya kiafrika. Nitatoa mfano mzuri kuhusiana na malezi ya kiafrika tofauti na jamii nyingine. Sisi tangu tuishi hapa Kanada–––pamoja na utaratibu wa kupeleka watoto wachanga kwenye vituo vya kuangalia watoto (Day Cares)–––kwa sababu huku hakuna uwezekano wa kuwa na wasichana wa kazi–––hatujawahi kupeleka watoto wetu huko. Hebu fikiria ubaguzi uliopo kati ya wazungu na waswahili. Hivi, ukimpeleka mtoto akadhalilishwa utamlaumu nani?
        Tatu, tunapoamua kuwapa watoto wetu elimu tuhakikishe tunafanya hivyo bila kuwapora haki nyingine kama vile kulelewa na wazazi wao. Nakumbuka kisa ambacho rafiki yangu alinitaarifu kuwa alikuwa akimtuma mtoto wake kwenye kusoma shule ya msingi nje ya nchi. Badala ya kufurahia na kumpongeza, nilikasirika na kumpa pole. Nilimuuliza swali moja tu. “Hivi mtoto wako akidhalilishwa safarini au shuleni utamlaumu nani?” Hii ilikuwa ni baada ya kumuuliza namna anavyomsafarisha mtoto huyo kwenda nchi jirani. Alijibu kuwa alikuwa amemwamini mtu mwingine kumpeleka. Hapa ndipo swali la uwezekano wa udhalilishaji lilivyoibuka. Kufupisha kisa hiki, jamaa alimrejesha mtoto wake nchini na kumsomeshea nyumbani. Je ni wazazi wangapi wanashindwa kuona haya kwa sababu ya kuangalia tu elimu na lengo zuri la kuitoa?
        Nne, je tunahitaji shule za bweni kweli au ni biashara ya kuuza elimu na huduma ya malazi ambayo kimsingi, kwa shule za msingi hahitajiki hata kidogo? Kwa wale waliosoma miaka ya 80 hadi 2000 ni mashahidi kuwa mambo ya shule za bweni za msingi hayakuwepo nchini. Ila baada ya kuja kwa uhuria wa kila kitu, kuna vitu tunavifanya bila kuzingatia hatari au madhara yake hasa kwenye dunia hii iliyobadilika sana.
        Bila kupendelea, nimetaja shule iliyohusika na mkasa si kwa kuichukia bali kuitumia kama mfano. Kama taifa, tunapaswa kutafakari upya namna tunavyotoa baadhi ya huduma. Tukianzia na elimu, sidhani kama ni busara kuwa na shule za msingi za bweni sawa na ambavyo si busara kuwa na mabaa na nyumba za chap chap karibu na shule ziwe za msingi hata sekondari.  Namini ustawi wa jamii watakuwa wamestuliwa na msiba tajwa kiasi cha kujiuliza kwanini hawakuliona hili. Kumtoa nyumbani kwa wazazi wake katika umri ambao anahitaji malezi yao ni kumdhulumu haki ya kulelewa na wazazi. Mtoto wa umri tajwa anahitaji malezi, mapenzi na usimamizi wa wazazi. Nje ya mada, ndiyo maana mtoto akilazwa hospitali, kitu cha kwanza ni kutakiwa kuwa na mtu wa kukaa naye tokana na utegemezi wake.
        Tumalizie. Tunaomba mamlaka husika na jamii kwa ujumla kuliangalia upya hii kadhia ya shule za bweni msingi. Tuonane wiki ijayo ambao tutaangalia harakati za uchaguzi.
       Kimsingi, msiba tajwa hapo juu umeibua kitu kimoja ambacho wazazi wengi–––ima kwa kupofushwa na malengo yao mazuri ya kuwapa elimu na kuwaandalia maisha ya badaye watoto wao-–––hushindwa kuona hatari ya baadhi ya namna elimu hii inavyotolewa. Mfano, wahanga walikuwa kwenye shule ya bweni ya msingi. Je ni busara kuacha watoto wa umri kati ya miaka 6 hadi 13 kupelekwa kwenye shule ya bweni wakati ndiyo wakati muafaka wa kupata malezi ya wazazi wao nyumbani? 
Chanzo: Nipashe Jumapili leo.