“THE DUTY OF THE OPPOSITION IS TO OPPOSE EVERYTHING, PROPOSE NOTHING, AND THROW OUT THE GOVERNMENT”.

 

The words in the heading of this article, are taken from a statement made by the Leader of the first -ever Opposition party, to be established in British politics in the early 1880s, that was known as the WHIG PARTY.  That statement has been introduced here for a special purpose; which is to draw attention to its similarity to what we are presently witnessing in our own jurisdiction, namely the similar pronouncements which were recently made by the Chairman of the CHADEMA Opposition party, Mr  Freeman Mbowe; at his  press briefing regarding  the resolutions of that political party’s Central Committee, regarding the ‘Intergovernmental Agreement’ that has been entered into between the Tanzania government and that of the Emirate of Dubai, relating to some of the operations of the Dar es Salaam port. This Agreement was approved by the Union Parliament on June 10^th, 2023; but has elicited a ‘deluge’ of public debates and discussions.                                          

            It is my submission, that this is one clear example of our Opposition parties “opposing everything”, obviously for the purpose of throwing out the CCM government. CHADEMA is generally regarded as the main Opposition political party in Tanzania Mainland; and, consequently, harbours the greatest desire to throw the CCM government out of power.                                                      

        The said CHADEMA Central Committee’s resolutions included one that “directs the holding of country wide political rallies that will, among other things, take the issue of the port deal to the people”. Mr. Mbowe  said: “we will be launching the rallies on July 28^th in Kagera Region; and from there we will continue to Geita, Mwanza, Shinyanga, Simiyu, and Mara Regions”. Mr. Mbowe further disclosed that “at its meeting, the Central Committee also resolved to pressurize both the Parliament and the government, to annul that that parliamentary decision regarding the port agreement, applying maximum pressure that is at its disposal”; because, he alleged, “this contract contravenes the Constitution, as well as international laws”.                                               

        Such extravagant statements, which continue to be made in spite of the elaborate explanations that have been provided by the government repeatedly, as well as by the ruling party Secretary General Daniel Chongolo, and many other CCM leaders at public rallies all over the country regarding the expected benefits of this  Agreement,  can only be taken to signify CHADEMA’s devotion to that ‘doctrine’ of  “opposing everything”, obviously with the aim of throwing out the CCM government, seemingly in conformity with that  ‘doctrine’ of the British WHIG PARTY, quoted above.
It is reported that the Leader of the said WHIG PARTY made that statement in response to a direct question that was put to him by British journalists, who were curious to know exactly what this new development (of establishing an Opposition party in Parliament) would actually mean, in the politics of that country; and, more specifically, what the Opposition’s role in Parliament would essentially be.
        It is, of course, granted that in any properly functioning democracy; defeating the government of the day at a parliamentary election, is a totally valid objective and target; as is readily confirmed by the provisions of the law relating to Political Parties, (Act no. 5 of 1992); which stipulates that the purpose, and actually the raison d’etre,  of political parties in Tanzania, is “to participate in elections with the aim of forming the government, either at the National,  or at the Local Authority level”.                  

            It is thus quite clear, and obvious, that the expression: “with a view to forming the government”, also implies the possibility of a political party succeeding to remove the previous government (of another political party) from power.

         Indeed, a responsible Opposition is an essential ingredient for the proper functioning of Parliament; and a properly functioning Parliament is an essential ingredient of any properly functioning democracy. Parliament lies at the heat of a nation’s political life; for it is in Parliament, that both the government and the Opposition are constitutionally enabled to play their complementary roles (of  the Opposition questioning the government’s performance and service delivery; and the government dully defending them); plus other  issues of the day, including the passing of legislation, and calling the government  Ministers  to account. I should, perhaps, emphasize the point, that these principles apply equally to Tanzania, as they do to other democracies around the world. 
        In my presentation of last week, I referred to the Kiswahili proverb “Siri ya mtungi, aijuaye kata; and went on to narrate the little known  story of “the great supremacy debate” which took place in our National Assembly towards the end of the 1960s, and what happened at the end of it; namely the punishment, which the “culprits” were made to suffer, which was their dismissal from the party, and the consequent loss of their seats in Parliament.                                                  

        In my privileged position of knowing such coveted  “siri za mtungi” relating to the Parliament of the United Republic of Tanzania, I feel emotionally urged, to narrate some more of such ‘little known’ stories, for whatever value they may have to our readers.
        One such story is with regard to the common factor of “human jealousy” having successfully intervening in the operations of our Parliament in those yester years; when it succeeded in actually changing the constitutional requirements for the appointment of the person who holds that high office. But that came about much later, starting with the third-phase government of President Benjamin Mkapa, in 1995.                                                                     

         In the meantime, we will narrate the similar story of the same “jealousy” factor, which surfaced earlier, consequent upon the adoption of Kiswahili as the language of proceedings in the National Assembly, when the designation of “Parliamentary Secretary” was translated into “Waziri Mdogo”; a rather diminutive title which, apparently, became unappealing, and unacceptable, to the holders of that office; and the time eventually came, when they decided to voice their dissatisfaction loudly. Their voice was indeed heard, and the designation “waziri Mdogo” was, accordingly, changed to that of “Naibu Waziri”  (Deputy Minister).      
  How the ‘jealousy’ factor successfully intervened.
The earlier constitutions of the United Republic, namely the Tanganyika Republican constitution if 1962, and the Interim Constitution of 1965; were written and published, using the English language. It carried the designation “Parliamentary Secretary”, to describe the title of the government position currently known as “Deputy Minister”.                                       

The jealousy concerning the appointment of the Prime Minister
The  story of this jealousy regarding the appointment of the Prime Minister, is as follows:-                             

         The first person to be appointed to the post of Prime Minister, was Julius Kambarage Nyerere; who was appointed by the then colonial Governor of Tanganyika to that position on 1^st May, 1960, in the run up to the country’s independence.  
        He was subsequently re-appointed Prime Minister on 9^th December, 1961; upon the attainment of Tanganyika’s independence.   But suddenly, and quite surprisingly, he announced his resignation from that position just about a month later, on 22^nd January, 1962; and handed over that position to Rashidi Mfaume Kawawa.  That sudden resignation was, indeed, not only surprising, but was also and absolutely shocking.  These feelings of ‘surprise and shock’, were subsequently correctly expressed  in a book by Jon Hatch,  titled: “Two African Statesmen, Kaunda of Zambia, and Nyerere of Tanzania”, in the following words: “It is virtually unknown for a politician to surrender his office voluntarily. It is certainly unique for a man to lead his country into independence, and then almost immediately retire from the leading position”.
        In relation to the post post of Prime Minister; the available historical records of our country’s constitutional progress after independence in 1961, shows that Tanganyika became a Republic on 9^th December, 1962, (the first anniversary of the country’s independence); with an entirely new Republican constitution; which made no provision for the post of Prime. The  position  that was  established by the Republican constitution, was that of Vice President, to which Rashid Mfaume Kawawa was duly appointed. The occupant of this position was also vested with the responsibility of being the “Leader of Government Business in the National Assembly”.                               
        Thereafter, upon the establishment of the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar on 26^th April, 1964; two positions of Vice Presidents of the United republic were created. The President of Zanzibar, Abeid Amani Karume, was appointed First Vice President, and Tanganyika’s Vice President, Rashid Mfaume Kawawa, became the Second Vice President. However, the post of Prime Minister resurfaced in 1972; to which Rashid Kawawa was again appointed, in addition to his being the Second Vice President.                    

         Since the post of Prime Minister was not provided for in the constitution, it would appear that it was just regarded  as another Ministerial position, which could be established (or abolished), by the President at his discretion. Second Vice President Rashidi Kawawa continued to hold the additional responsibility of Prime Minister, until when a new constitution of the United Republic was enacted in 1977; when  President Nyerere appointed  a new Prime Minister,  Edward Moringe Sokoine, Member of Parliament for Monduli.                                                               

             But Edward Sokoine served in that capacity  for only a short period until the 1980 Parliamentary elections; when he was forced to abandon seeking re-election as Member of Parliament for Monduli  due to some serious illness, for which he travelled to Yugoslavia to receive treatment. He was replaced by Cleopa David Msuya, MP for Same constituency.                  

              However, after his successful treatment of his illness, Edward Sokoine returned to the country, and was quickly nominated as a a member of Parliament, and re-appointed Prime Minister, thus becoming the first ‘non-constituency’ Member of Parliament  to be appointed Prime Minister. But unlucky Edward  Sokoine was soon  killed in a tragic road accident in April 1984. He was replaced as Prime Minister by Salim Ahmed Salim, another nominated (non-constituency) Member of Parliament from Zanzibar.        

        But Salim Ahmed Salim was also unlucky, for the reason that the constitution had, in the meantime, been changed to restore the two positions of Vice President of the United Republic, with the stipulation that if the President was elected from Zanzibar, the First Vice President (and Prime Minister) had to be appointed from among the Tanzania Mainland Members of Parliament,
a stipulation which disqualified Salim Ahmed Salim from consideration for that appointment.                                               
        This was during the second-phase government of President Ali Hassan Mwinyi, himself a Zanzibari. He, was therefore obliged to nominate Mainland  Joseph Sinde Warioba, the then Attorney General,  as a Member of Parliament, and appointed him Prime Minister and First Vice President.                                 

        But Joseph Warioba was similarly unlucky in his own way;  for, in his desire to avoid the obvious risk of relying on being again being nominated to Parliament, he contested the 1990 parliamentary election in Bunda constituency;  which he indeed won; but after the due process of the law, the results of the Parliamentary election in Bunda constituency  were  declared “null and void”  by the  competent authority.                                  

        That is when John Samuel Malecela, then Tanzania’s High Commissioner in London, was nominated to Parliament, and appointed Prime Minister.                                                       

         It is this series of appointments of nominated MPs being appointed Prime Minister, that caused this negative “jealousy” among the elected members of Parliament; who successfully conspired to have the constitution changed, in order to specify that the Prime Minister “shall be appointed from among the constituency Members of Parliament”.
piomsekwa@gmail.com /0754767576.

Source: Cde Pius Msekwa