Magufulification: Concept That Will Define Africa's Future and the Man Who Makes Things Happen

Magufulification: Concept That Will Define Africa's Future and the Man Who Makes Things Happen

Wednesday, 30 June 2021

Serikali Isikubali Kupamba Makaburi

Mheshimiwa rais Samia Suluhu Hassan (SSH) Hayati John Pombe Magufuli alipotakiwa kuwashughulikia watangulizi wake waliokuwa wakishutumiwa kutenda ufisadi na vitendo vya hovyo–––kwa kujua uzito wa kazi ya urais na kuwaheshimu hata kuwaokoa wahusika–––alisema hakuwa madarakani kufukua makaburi. Kifupi ni kwamba, Magufuli alikataa kuwachunguza na hatimaye kuwashitaki watangulizi wake kama waliomshinikiza walitaka afanye ima kwa nia nzuri au mtego.

Mheshimiwa rais, leo, mheshimiwa rais naomba uniazima sikio lako niongelee kile nitakachokiita dhana mpya. Hii si nyingine ni kuonekana au kudhania kuwa serikali yako inapamba makaburi. Je hii maana yake ni nini? Ni ile hali ya wale waliohusika na kashfa ambao wakati wa mtangulizi wako walipotea kuanza kujitokeza na madai ya ajabu ajabu. Kwanza, hawa siyo makaburi kwa maana ile ya watangulizi wako bali ni makaburi kwa vile ni kashfa za kifisadi sawa na nyingine.

Mheshimiwa rais, nafahamu baada ya kifo cha mtangulizi wako, wengi wa wale aliokuwa amewaweka ndani tokana na kashfa mbali mbali wamesherehekea na kuona kama kuna neema itawashukia. Kwanza, tusiwaache washerehekee. Kazi ya kuwapatiliza iendelee kwa jina la Jamhuri ya Muungono wa Tanzania. Pili, siamini kuwa utawaacha waone kama mtangulizi wako ndiye alikuwa kikwazo badala ya ukweli kuwa walichofanya ni kinyume cha sheria. Tatu, naamini serikali yako haitawapa kile wanachokita–––to get away with murder, kwa kimombo. Nne, siamini kuwa utafumbia macho kashfa hizi na kuwaachia wahusika ili waende kutanua kwa kutumbua fedha walizoibia umma. Tano, naamini unajua ninachomaanisha. Na sita, hutafukua wala kupamba makaburi.

Mheshimiwa rais, kwa vile lengo la makala hii ni kuongelea dhana ya kupamba makaburi, ngoja nizame kidogo kwenye dhana yenyewe. Kwanza, nini maana ya dhana nzima ya kupamba makaburi? Katika mila nyingi na sehemu mbali mbali duniani ikiwemo Tanzania, kuna utamaduni wa kujengea makaburi na kuyapamba kwa marumaru hata maua ili kuonyesha, heshima, kumbukizi na upendo wa marehemu. Hili si jambo baya ingawa makaburi yote yana uoza ndani. Hata hivyo, makaburi yanayoongelewa kwenye dhana hii ni tofauti na makaburi ya kawaida. Yanayoongelewa si makaburi bali kashfa zinazonuka na zenye uchafu unaonuka kuliko hata makaburi yaliyo na miili ya wapendwa wetu. Haya makaburi yana damu na jasho la watanzania. Hivvyo, haya si makaburi ya kupambwa wala kusameheka. Hii ni kutokana ukweli kuwa waliowaua ‘marehemu’–––yaani fedha na mali za umma–––wanajulikana na hawastahili msamaha wala huruma yoyote. Utawahurumiaje watu wenye akili na tabia za kinyama na wenye unyama wa kupita hata wanyama wenyewe? Utawasameheje watu wenye kutenda unyama kuliko hata wanyama wenyewe? Hivyo, kashfa husika siyo za kusamehe wala kuacha zitokomee kwenye kaburi la sahau.

Mheshimiwa rais, leo tutaongelea kashfa yenye kunuka sana iliyovuma iliyojulikana kama Lugumi ambapo Said Lugumi alituhumiwa kuibia serikali jumla ya shilingi bilioni 34 (Nipashe, Septemba 16, 2016) pale alipopewa tenda ya kufunga mashine ya kuchukulia alama za vidole nchini bila kufanya hivyo. Wakati wa kipindi chote cha mtangulizi wako, huyu bwana hakusikika wala kufurukuta. Hata hivyo, baada ya msiba wa Magufuli, Lugumi ameibuka upya. Hivi karibuni alikaririwa akifsi nyumba ‘zake akisema “mambo yalikuwa yanafanyika kwa nguvu tu, ndiyo maana kuna vitu vyangu vingi vilichukuliwa kwenye nyumba hizo, hasa nyumba ya Upanga ambayo ndiyo ilikuwa ofisi yangu” Mwananchi (Aprili, 15, 2021). Hapa inapaswa tujiulize maswali tena rahisi. 

Je ilikuwaje Lugumi akakaa kimya muda wote Magufuli alipokuwa madarakani? Je nani alitumia nguvu kuchukua vitu vyake naye alichukua hatua gani? Je kwanini alikaa kimya muda wote huu hadi anaibuka baada ya miaka kama mitano hivi? Je hapa kuna kinachofichwa au kutaka kutupiga changa la macho? Je hizi nyumba anazodai ni zake kwa vipi wakati alishitakiwa kwa kosa ambalo mahakama haijatoka hukumu? Ilikuwaje mhusika akakabiliwa na tuhuma za kuhujumu uchumi bila kukamatwa na kuwekwa ndani–––tena bila ya dhamana–––hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa kesi za namna hii hazina dhamana? Je hapa kuna kitu kinafichwa na ukweli ni upi? Je hizi nyumba zingeuzwa kwenye mnada ulioshindwa angeweza kuzidai? Jibu analo Kamanda wa Polisi wa Kanda ya Dar es Salaam, Lazaro Mambosasa ambaye alikaririwa akisema kuwa mtu aliyekwamisha mnada wa nyumba za Lugumi, marehemu Dk Luis Shika “aliwekwa na Lugumi ili kukwamisha mnada. Ingawa sina facts (vielelezo) kuthibitisha hilo, lakini alichokuwa anafanya kinatufanya tuamini hivyo.” Je kama polisi walijua mchezo mzima, kwanini hawakuwakamata wahusika na kufichua njama zao? Je kwanini mamlaka hazimhoji Mambosasa na jeshi lake kutoa ushahidi ili kumaliza kadhia hii?

Mheshimiwa, bado kuna kesi nyingine nyingi ambazo hazijafutwa. Mojawapo ni ile ya wizi wa fedha za EPA. Hii kesi ilivutia watu wengi tokana na namna ilivyolidhoofisha taifa kwa kuwaibia wanyonge. Nayo naomba uitupie macho kuwa sehemu ya makaburi ambayo hayapaswi kupambwa bali wahusika kupewa zawadi ya maovu yao. Sitaijadili kashfa hii kwa kina kwa vile bado iko mbele ya vyombo vya kutoa haki. Ila, kwa kudokezea, tu, naomba nimalize kwa kusema yafuatayo:

Kwanza, usiruhusu serikali yako kupamba makaburi kama ilivyoelezwa kwa mfano wa kashfa ya Lugumi. Pili, naomba ufanye uchunguzi wa kina ili umma ujulishwe ukweli ni upi kwenye kesi ambazo zinazua utata ni kwanini watuhumiwa wanaibuka na madai ya ajabu ajabu kana kwamba walionewa baada ya kufariki kwa mtangulizi wako ambaye tunaamini unaendelea kumuenzi kwa vitendo na ukweli na siyo maneno matupu. Tatu, kwa wale wenye ushahidi kama vile alivyo Mambosasa, waitwe mbele ya mamlaka husika wawasilishe ushahidi wao ili kusaidia kuufikia ukweli wa mambo. Nne, mfano, swali la kujiuliza ni–––kama kweli hapakuwa na namna–––ilikuwaje mali za Lugumi zikose wanunuzi? Tano, je Lugumi ni zaidi ya huyu tunayemjua hasa ikizingatiwa mazingira yaliyotumika kumpatia tenda kubwa na nyeti kama hii bila kukidhi vigezo? Sita, je ni akina nani wako nyuma ya Lugumi? Saba, je nyuma ya Lugumi kuna nani na wangapi?

Mheshimiwa rais, kwa leo, naomba uniruhusu kwa taadhima niishie hapa kwa kukushukuru kwa kunitegea sikio. Nisisiteze kuwa hakuna haja ya serikali yako kupamba makaburi tena ambayo siyo ya wafalme bali wezi wa kawaida. Siyo sifa nzuri hapo baadaye hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa dhamana yoyote ni jambo la muda. Kuna siku hautakuwa rais kama ambavyo juzi juzi ulikuwa. Sifa njema ni bora kuliko dhahabu mheshimiwa rais. Rejea mfano wa Hayati baba wa taifa na mtangulizi wako.  Pia niruhusu nikuahidi kuwa nitakuwa nawasiliana nawe kwa njia hii kutoa ushauri, hata malalamiko au taarifa na uchambuzi juu ya mambo mbali mbali yenye umuhimu kwa taifa letu. Basi, niruhusu nikushukuru–––kwa mara nyingine–––kwa kufanyia kazi ushauri wangu.
Chanzo: Raia Mwema leo.

Monday, 28 June 2021

DEATH ANNOUNCEMENT

John Ndamu Njema (Chairman) (1st June, 1957––––27th June, 2021) of Githakwa, Nyeri, Central Kenya passed on yesterday in Nyeri. He was my best friend. This man meant a lot to me as a beautiful and humble soul. Njema actually is the main character of my book Saa ya Ukombozi  that came out in 2009. He was an ordinary human being with extraordinary qualities when it comes to caring. He was not that rich materially. But morally, he was a giant of human whose  humility, love and humanity are second to none. For, the three years I spent in Kenya, I got two totally different friends. John and Willy Mutunga, PhD, former Chief Justice of Kenya. While Mutunga is humble but powerful in the upper echelons  of power, John was an underground giant who would see you through in any circumstance he was able to deal with. I was planning to go back to Africa within three years. One of the occasions I was anxiously waiting for, is meeting this great man. No way words can tell who John was not only to me but even where he lived in Valley Arcade Lavington Nairobi where we met.
REST IN ETERNAL PEACE BROTHER JOHN NDAMU NJEMA NJAMBA NENE YA ITA aka KENYA
FARE THEE WELL MY BROTHER 
HAMBA KAHLE MZALWANE
NENDA SALAMA NDUGU YANGU
THIE WEGA MURU WA BABA
ALLER BIEN MON FRERE
AND REST IN ETERNAL PEACE BROTHER JOHN NDAMU NJEMA NJAMBA NENE YA ITA aka KENYA aka A MAN AND A HALF aka CHAIRMAN.

Fare thee well my brother
Fear not for this is for all
God is the giver may He give You what you deserve 
God is the keeper  May He keep You where you deserve
We celebrate You my brother
We thank for the time You had with us
We will treasure whatever You did to us
Fare thee well Njema

You were a human like others
However, you’d what many lacked
You were a small man by stature
A small man with a big heart for sure
Those of us who knew You
Indeed, we were blessed and gifted
You made us happy and blessed
Fare thee well my brother
We will meet in the afterlife

You were rich at heart
Many will testify to this
You had open hands
You never closed them before anybody
I am the one who saw this firsthand
Fare thee well my friend

Fare thee well Njamba Nene ya Ita
Thia wega
Geithia papa 
Fare thee well Kenya
You indeed made Kenya my second home
You welcomed me to your home
Of all, you gave me a niche in your big heart
Fare thee well my brother

Blessed as You travel
Blessed be your noble Soul
Stand close to the Angels
May You rest in eternal peace
May your lesson always be with us
Fare thee Njamba ya Ita
Fare thee well Njamba ya Nyeri
Fare thee my brother
Fare thee well my friend


Saturday, 26 June 2021

Chris Kirubi, the Kenyan oligarch

                



             

The late business tycoon Chris Kirubi.

File | Nation Media Group
  By Makau Mutua
Professor at SUNY Buffalo Law School and Chair of the KHRC.

What you need to know:
As one leader after another took the lectern to sing Hosanna to Kirubi, the truth about who actually runs – nay, rules – Kenya was revealed. Raising their voices to outdo each other about Kirubi’s exploits, the politicians let us see the godforsaken entrails.
    Politicians don’t usually tell the truth at funerals. But sometimes – on rare occasions – they become giddy and do so by accident. That’s what happened at the funeral last week of the late business oligarch Chris Kirubi. The country’s most senior political leaders inadvertently let it all hang out. It was a stunning display of political obsequiousness only last seen at the burial of the late dictator Daniel arap Moi. Except Kirubi wasn’t a politician, and never held any elective public office. 
    However, he had amassed a lot of moolah. At one point, Forbes ranked Kirubi only second to the Kenyattas in wealth in Kenya. They say money talks, and the other stuff walks. That’s raw power. 
      It’s not Kirubi’s wealth that concerns me. Although that’s an issue. Kenya has chosen the path of bare-knuckle capitalism where the primitive accumulation of wealth – even by crook – is admired and celebrated. In Kenya, you are morally inferior if you are impoverished. Rather, I am concerned about how Kirubi acquired and used his vast riches. We know he was born and grew up dirt poor. That’s why he’s a classic study of how one can hitch themselves to the state and the ruling elite to become an oligarch. Eventually, Mr Kirubi became the state, or the deep state, if you wish. Politicians, including presidents, genuflected to him. His moneyed tentacles reached far and wide in East Africa.
Unlike Mark Antony at the funeral of Julius Caesar, I’ve come neither to bury nor praise Kirubi. As a pundit, I only bear witness to what I see. And what I saw at the entombment of Kirubi is an eye-opener. It’s one of those moments when the clouds part and you can see every star in the galaxy far, far way.
Classic oligarchy
    As one leader after another took the lectern to sing Hosanna to Kirubi, the truth about who actually runs – nay, rules – Kenya was revealed. I don’t even think the politicians knew they were giving away state secrets. Raising their voices to outdo each other about Kirubi’s exploits, they let us see the godforsaken entrails. The term oligarch isn’t one of endearment. Nor is the designation of a country as an oligarchy. It’s a country where a small, usually shadowy and opaque group wields all the power under a dictator, or an illiberal state. President Vladimir Putin’s Russia is the classic oligarchy. 
    In Russia, Mr Putin is oligarch number one. The oligarch – whether political or in business – is a godfather whose word is law. Most oligarchs are unelected and wield their power in the economy with the protection of the state. They are fused at the hip with the state. That’s why they are the Deep State. Elected political leaders – especially in illiberal democracies – are peons and putty in the hands of oligarchs. 
    The political funeral speeches “celebrating” Kirubi evidence an oligarch. Wiper’s Kalonzo confessed how Kirubi made him VP. I had thought all along it was PNU’s Mwai Kibaki who made him VP. ODM’s Raila Odinga revealed it was Kirubi who ended the 2007 post-election violence by convincing him to strike the deal with Mr Kibaki. Businessman Polycarp Igathe disclosed that it was Kirubi who crafted the Sonko-Igathe ticket to take Nairobi in 2017. Mr Igathe said Kirubi was the brains behind putting Nairobi under General Mohamed Badi and NMS. Ford-Kenya’s Moses Wetang’ula said as foreign minister, he took the oligarch to Ethiopia to PM Meles Zenawi to plead for favours for his private business. 
Rags-to-riches story
    No one can begrudge any citizen from seeking to influence the politics of their country. That’s an obligation of citizenship. But it’s quite a different matter for unelected oligarchs to run the government from the shadows.
    It’s disturbing when oligarchs become the puppet masters of the political class. The official slogan of the Washington Post is that “Democracy Dies in Darkness”. That’s what happens when states shut down free media, or allow moneyed moguls to run the state out of the sight of the electorate. Why should citizens cast ballots if one – a single – oligarch can walk into the inner sanctum of power and make major policy. How many other oligarchs are there in Kenya apart from Kirubi? 
    The word quid pro quo is Latin for “this for that”. Scratch my back and I will scratch yours. Oligarchs don’t do anything out of altruism unless there’s something in it for them. Even charitable works are driven by selfish interests. Question: what have Kenyan oligarchs got – and given in return – for the mutual favours between them and public officials? How have oligarchs enriched themselves by advocating policies that favour them? Many people, including Amani’s Musalia Mudavadi who confessed Kirubi would publicly call folks “stupid”, were inspired by his rags-to-riches story. Is that all there is? We need to know more. Importantly, we need to eviscerate oligarchs. 
Makau Mutua is SUNY Distinguished Professor and Margaret W. Wong Professor at Buffalo Law School. He’s chair of KHRC. @makaumutua
Source: Sunday Nation.

THE CHOIR OF THE WEEK


 

Thursday, 24 June 2021

STILL ON MWALIMU NYERERE’s BIOGRAPHY.

My  article  of last  week  attempted  to  open  a  general  discussion  on  the  recently  published “Biography  of  Julius  Nyerere”,  a  three  volume  tome  jointly  authored  by  Issa  Shivji,  Saida  Yahya  Othman,  and  Ng’wanza  Kamata; and  I  used  that  opportunity  to  draw   our  readers’  attention  to  my  own efforts  in  recording  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  unique  personal  attributes,  which  easily  distinguished  him  from   many  of  his  contemporary  African  Peers.                 
    Today’s  article  is  a  continuation  of  that  topic,  focusing  of  the  following  items :  (a) His  selfless  commitment  to  national  unity;  (b)  His  ardent  belief  in  human  equality  and  the  dignity  of  the  human  being;  (c) His  personal  strong  religious  beliefs,  his  commitment  to  the  separation  of  religion  from  politic.   And  (c)  His  unique  personal  modesty.  
Using  the  storytelling   methodology. 
    In  this  presentation,  I  have  used  the  “storytelling  methodology”.  This  has  been  largely  driven  by   my  training  as  a  historian,  because  my  first  degree   is  a  London  University  B.A. (History) (Honours)  degree,  obtained  through   Makerere  University  College,  in  1960.  And,  as  that  famous   Scottish  historian  Thomas  Carlyle  (1795 – 1881)  puts  it:   “No  great  man  lives  in  vain.  The  history  of  the  world  is  but  the  biography  of  great  men”.                           
    Mwalimu   Julius  Nyerere  was,  undoubtedly,  a  “great  man”.   And  it  is  common  knowledge  that  “history”  is,  in  fact,  only  a  sophisticated  form  of   “storytelling”.  In  his  book  titled:  “Storytelling :  Imagination  and  Faith”   (Twenty-Third  Publications,   Mystic, Connecticut,  1984);   William  Bausch   quotes  some  other  authorities  who  submit  that “storytelling  is  so  natural  to  human  beings,  that  we  are  the  creatures  who  tend  to  think  in   terms  of  stories”.   And   also  that  “stories  embody  mankind’s  shrewdest  and  most  realistic  insights  into  human  nature.  We  can  use  them   to  orientate  ourselves  in  the  present,,  and  discover  which  way  to  go”.                                                                                      
    It  is  these  authorities  that  gave  me  the  appetite   to  dig  out   some   obscure,  but   relevant,  stories  relating  to  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  actions,  which  can  help  to  demonstrate  his  personal   commitment  to  certain  human  values  and  principles.                                                                         
Nyerere’s   selfless  commitment  to  national  unity.
    In  his  farewell  address  to  Parliament  on  29th  July,  1985;  which  was  one  of  the  official  organized  events  to   mark  his  voluntary  retirement  from  the  Presidency  of  Tanzania;  President  Nyerere  said  the  following:- “One  area  to  which  I  accorded  the  highest  priority  during  the  whole  of  my  leadership  period  was  the  building  of  a  nation  which  was  truly  united,  and  based  on  respect  for  human  dignity  and  equality .  .  .  Looking  back  now  on  my  25  years  of  the  country’s  leadership,  I  can  say  with  great  satisfaction,  that  we  have  succeeded  in  achieving  this  basic  and  fundamental  objective,  for  we  now  have  a  Tanzania  nation,  which  is  united,  and  which  respects  the  dignity  of  every   other  human  being”.
    In  that  respect,  Mwalimu  Nyerere  could,  perhaps,  have   partly  been  influenced  by   the  nasty  experiences  of  Nigeria  which  gained  its  independence  in  1960;  which  the  famous  Nigerian  writer  Chinua  Achebe  describes  minutely  in  his  book  titled  There was  a  country”. Chinua  Achebe  recounts  the long  road,  which  Nigeria  has  followed  since  its  independence,  and  focuses  particularly  on the  ethnic  obstacles,  which  effectively  hindered  the  development  of  Nigeria  as  one  unified  nation,  in  the  following  words:- “ The  nationalist  movement,  which  was  agitating  for  independence  had  tried  to  establish  the  idea  that  the  words  “nation”  and  “tribe”,  are  in  opposition  to  each  other;  a  strategy,  which  they  believed  was  important  for  building  a  new  unified  nation.  But  the  politicization  of  ethnicity  after  independence  created  a  vicious  power  struggle.  The  fear  of  domination  of  one  Region  by  another  was  everywhere”.   Chinua   also,  recalls  what  he  calls  “the  war  between brothers”,  better  known  as  the  ‘Biafra  war’,  which  almost  destroyed  Nigeria  as  one  nation.  
    Presumably,  those  nasty  experiences  must  have  influenced   Mwalimu  Nyerere  who,    in  his  nation  building  efforts,   rightly  placed  the  greatest  possible  emphasis  on  building  national  unity   by  eliminating  tribalism.  He  had  to  build   sustainable  national  unity,  among  Tanganyika’s  people  of  diverse  tribal  origins  and  affiliations.                              
     His  strategy  for carrying  out  this  daunting  task was  based  on  two  approaches:  the  first  was  to  dismantle  the  colonial  ‘structural  impediments’   to  national  unity.   Prominent  among  the  steps  he  took  in  order  to  achieve  this   objective  includes  his  decision  to  repeal  the  colonial  “Chiefs’  Ordinance”,  which  had  given  the   tribal  chiefs   certain  administrative  and  judicial  powers  and  functions  over  their  ‘subjects’;  thus,  creating  a  multiplicity  of  ethnic  loyalties  of  each  tribe  to  their  respective  Chief.   It  was  thus,  necessary   to  put  an  end  to  these  separate  tribal  loyalties in  order  to  achieve  a  single  loyalty  to  the  national  leadership.
    The  second  strategy  was  to  design  new  policies  for   the  effective  achievement  of  the  said   objective.    These  included  the  introduction  of  a  new  education  policy  which  provided  for  the  establishment  of    boarding  Secondary  schools  in  different  parts  of  the  country;   and  the  introduction  of  a  new  “National  Service”  training  programme.    These  two  measures  facilitated  the  achievement  of  rapid  national  integration  among  the  students  through  this  method  of   mixing  them  with  those  from  other  tribes,  and  thus,  enabling  the  creation   of   new  friendships,  plus  new  social  non-tribal  relations,  among  them. 
    Another  example  of  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  commitment  to  the  building  of  national  unity,  was  his    deliberate  action  of  nationalizing  all  the  schools  that  were  hitherto  owned  primarily  by  Christian,  but  also  by   certain  other  non-governmental  Institutions. He  did  so   presumably   from  the  realization  of  the  obvious  dangers  that   lay ahead  for  the  unity  of  the  nation,  that  would  be  generated  by  the  divisive   segregation  implied  in  such  structures.
    His  ardent   belief  in  human  equality , and  dignity.
Evidence  of  this   can  be  seen  even  in  his  ‘independence  address’  to  the  United  Nations  General  Assembly,  wherein  he  said  the  following:-  “The  basis  of  our  actions,  both  internal  and  external,  will  be  an  honest  attempt  to  honour   the  dignity  of  man.  We  believe  that  all  mankind  is  one,  and  that  the  physiological  differences  between  us  are  unimportant  in comparison  with  our  common  humanity”.
    This   statement   was   rapidly   followed  by  concrete  actions  very  soon  after  independence,   when   a  number  of  people  were  arrested  and  remanded  in  a  tiny  police   cell  in  the  village  of  Ilemela,  near  Mwanza;  allegedly  for  the  offence  of  failure  to  pay  poll  tax.                                              
    Due  to  overcrowding,  one  person  was  reported  to  have  died  as  a  result  of  suffocation.  When  news  of  this  reached  Mwalimu  Nyerere,  he  not  only  ordered  the  immediate  release  of  all  those  who  had  been  so  inhumanly detained;   but   also  caused  the  poll  tax  itself  to  be  abolished,  in  order  to  avoid  a  repetition  of  a  similar  inhuman  incident.
    Another  example,  is   the  humanitarian  action  which  Mwalimu  Nyerere  took  in  January 1964   in  respect  of  the  Sultan  of  Zanzibar,   following  the  glorious  revolution,  which  deposed  him.   The  deposed  Sultan   was  at  that  time  ‘camping’  in  his  ‘royal  yatch’  somewhere  in  the  Zanzibar  Channel  of  the  Indian  ocean.   The  British  government  had  agreed  to  grant  him  asylum,  but    for  the  short  time  that  was  needed  to  make   the  necessary  arrangements  for  the  Sultan’s  transfer  to  his  asylum  home  in  Britain,  the  British  government  requested  the  government  of  Kenya  to  give  temporary  residence  to  the  Sultan.  Kenya  reportedly  refused.                                           
     The  British  government,  then  put  the  same  request  to  Tanzania;  and  Mwalimu  Nyerere,  despite  his  enthusiastic  support  for  the  Sultan’s  removal  from  power, he  immediately   agreed.  The  Sultan  thus,  landed  and  stayed  in  Dar  es  salaam,  until  the  day  of  his  departure  to  the  United  Kingdom.   
    His  strong  religious  beliefs,  which  however   did  not  influence  his  governance  performance. Mwalimu  Nyerere  the  person,   was  unwaveringly  religious:  a  devoted, a  practicing  catholic  faithful,    who  attended  Holy  mass  everyday  of  the  week  at  his  neighbouring  St.  Peter’s  Church,  Oysterbay,  Dar es Salaam.   However,  these  strong  personal  religious  beliefs  did  not   influence  the  way  in  which  he  handled  his  governance  tasks.   For  example,  the  objective  conditions  at  the  time   of  his   difficult   struggle  for  the  independence  of  Tanganyika  from  colonialism   did  not   allow   the  catholic  Mwalimu  Nyerere  to  work   with  his  own  catholic   religious  leaders;   due  to  the  fact  that   all  the   Catholic  religious  leaders  operating  in  this  country  at  the  material  time,  namely   the  priests  and the  bishops,  were  all  either   Europeans  or  Canadians;    who  were  inclined   to  follow  the  wishes  and  instructions  of  the British  Administering  Authority;  as  happened,  for  example,  when  the  Irish   catholic  Missionary  Headmaster  of  St.  Francis  College  Pugu,    who  forced   Mwalimu  Nyerere  to  resign  from  his  teaching  job  at  that  School,   on  instructions  from  the  British  Administering  Authority.                             
       Thus,  understandably ,    Mwalimu Nyerere  could  not  rely  on  the  then  Catholic   church  leaders  to  go  along  with  him  in  the  struggle  for  independence.    On  the  other  hand,   however,  Nyerere  was  happy  to  work   closely   with   the  Muslim  clerics,  who   were  all   local   natives  of  Tanganyika,  and  were   absolutely   sincere  and  enthusiastic  in  their  participating  in  the  country’s  liberation struggle   from  colonialism.  Thus,  for  example,  of  the  four  delegates  from  Mara  Region  who were  selected  to   attend  the  inaugural  meeting  for  the  establishment  of  TANU  in  July  1954,  Mwalimu  Nyerere  was  the  only  Christian  in  that  group,   the  remainder  were  Muslim  clerics. 
    But   it  should  also  be  noted  that   Nyerere’s  close  cooperation  with  these  religious  leaders was  also  indicative  of  his  high-level  intellectual  capacity  for  choosing  the  right  methodology,  and  tactics,   for  mobilizing  people;  namely,   the  use  of   the  community’s   opinion  leaders.  Religious  leaders  are  widely  recognized  and  accepted  as  opinion  leaders  of  their  respective  communities.  Thus,  for  that  reason,   they  are  very  effective  mobilizing  Agents.
Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  unique  modesty.
    There  are  many  stories  that  could  be  told   that  speak  loudly  to  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  personal  modesty;   both  in  his  private life   as  well  as  in  his  Official  capacity  as  the  country’s  President  and  Head  of  State.      With  regard  to  his  personal  private  life,  we  have  this  little  story  which  he  himself   narrated  to  a  small  group  of  us,    that  during  one  of  his  trips  to  New  York  for  his   appearance    before  the  Trusteeship  Council,  he  met  with  a  friend  of  his  who,   having  noticed   that   Mwalimu  Nyerere  was  wearing  a  pair  of   fairly  old  shoes,   offered  to  give  him  a  gift  of  new  shoes.  Nyerere  gladly  accepted  the  offer.  And   so,  they  went  together  to  the  nearest  shoe  shop,  where  Nyerere  selected  a  nice  pair  of  black  shoes.  His  friend  encouraged  him  to  select  a  second    pair,  perhaps  of  a  different  colour,  but   Nyerere  declined.  “No  thank  you.   One  pair  is  enough  for  me.   Because  I  have  only  one  pair  of  feet”,  was  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  ‘philosophical’  response.    
     Furthermore,  soon  after  assuming  office  as  President  of  Tanganyika,  one  of  his  earliest  directives,  which  he  issued  was  to ‘eliminate  the  pomposity  surrounding  the  President’s  road  travels’.   In  a  Presidential  circular,  which  he  issued,  he  said  the  following :- “On  Saba  Saba     Day,  I  was  obliged   to  speak  out  publicly  against  the  growing  tendency  to  confuse  “dignity”  with  what  I  consider  to  be  sheer  pomposity.   He   referred  specifically  to  “the  closing  of  the   streets  in  Dar es Salaam  hours  ahead  of  the  appearance  of  the  Presidential  motorcade”,  by  saying  that  “the  President  of  Tanganyika  is  fast  becoming  the  greatest  public  nuisance  that  the  city  of  Dar es  Salaam  has  ever  had  to  put  up  with”. He  therefore  ordered  that  this  pomposity  be  stopped  immediately.  
piomsekwa@gmail.com  /  WhatsApp  0754767576.
Source: Daily News and Cde Msekwa Himself.
    

Tuesday, 22 June 2021

KK ONE OF THE BEST AFRICAN PRESIDENTS


Kenneth Kaunda was born at Lubwa in Chinsali District on 28th April, 1924, to a Church of Scotland missionary father David Kaunda from Malawi. Kaunda became Zambia’s first president on 24th October, 1964 till November 2nd, 1991.
Kaunda was a record breaker in several ways. He was one of the last two living first African presidents along Sir Dawda Jawara, Gambia’s first president. He was the first sitting president in Africa to concede defeat, quit office and vacate office right away after losing in elections. He didn’t attempt to rig or change the election results. Ironically, some African presidents are amending the constitutions of their countries to remain in power. 
    Although Kaunda was not as vocal as Nkrumah and Nyerere, he managed Zambia responsibly and diligently despite presiding over a one-party rule. Venter & Olivier (1993) note that “Kaunda became renowned as a passionate proponent of human rights in Africa and was sometimes depicted as conscience of Africa” (p. 25). His humanism philosophy that others call Kaundaism is in actual sense Ubuntu, the guiding principle in all societies in Central, East and South Africa region. Ubuntu is misconstrued to have originated from South Africa; See Mbigi & Maree 1995; Gade 2013) while it actually was practiced by all Bantu people.  
Under his humanism philosophy, Kaunda coined the One Zambia, One Nation slogan which has since differentiated Zambians from non-Zambians. Under, and, after Kaunda’s watch, Zambia remained one nation.  Power never got into Kaunda’s head. Vengeance never became his weapon of silencing dissenting voices. 
    Kaunda tried as much as he could to be as transparent and as humane as he could. He was not an angel or a know-it-all person. He knew that power was like a coat on somebody’s back. He knew that power rested in citizens; hence when citizens voted against him, he conceded defeat.  
    Before going to elections, he told Zambians that he still had something to offer to Zambia. He told them  that if they voted him out, he would not turn back. After Chiluba mismanaged the country and Zambians clamored for Kaunda, he did not seize this opportunity to make a comeback. He was a man of his own words.  He never groomed his son or any protégé to take over after relinquishing power.  This move helped Zambia to create a precedent and change leadership harmoniously.
    Press (1991) quoting the Africa South of Sahara World Tables (1991) notes on the day Kaunda was defeated quoting him as saying “you win some, and you lose some elections.” Kaunda knew that elections were not the end in themselves. There is life out of the state house. 
    Three years after Kaunda exited power honourably, in the neighbouring Malawi, a long-time dictator, Hastings Kamuzu Banda found himself facing the same predicament.  Banda was defeated in the elections; and unexpectedly though, conceded defeat. Arguably, after evidencing peaceful transition in Zambia. Coincidentally, Malawi is Kaunda’s ancestral land whose politics after Banda seems to be identical to Zambia’s. The same was replicated in Kenya in 2002 when a long-time dictator, former president Daniel arap Moi, agreed to step down; and let his party field another person other than himself. In the same elections, Moi’s protégé, Uhuru Kenyatta, was defeated by the opposition; and Moi had to concede the defeat of his person who was known as Moi’s project or project Uhuru. 
    Africa has witnessed many replications of conducting transparent, free and fair elections in some countries such as Nigeria in 2015 where the incumbent president Goodluck Ebele Jonathan was defeated by opposition candidate Muhamad Buhari. So, by underscoring such replications in various Africa countries, one can say that Kaunda did not only transform himself from a one-party dictator to the father of democracy of Zambia but also created a precedent in the whole continent.
    Before the tumble of copper prices, Zambia’s chief export, Kaunda and his wife, the late Betty, used to bike and appear in public without any security details. At the time, Zambians used to enjoy copper money. Kaunda understood that the love that Zambians showed him had strings attached. The love revolved around positive economic performance. He knew that this love would quickly evaporate when things took a slump. And indeed, after the economy tanked, it evaporated. Kaunda told Zambians that they would not see him anymore in the streets freely biking with his wife as he used to do. 
    The plunge in copper prices should not be solely blamed on Kaunda. Press (Ibid.) notes that Kaunda sacrificed much by imposing economic sanctions against the secessionist white Rhodesian Government of Ian D. Smith at a great cost to the Zambian economy and its prime product, copper. 
    Like his great friend Nyerere, Kaunda contributed immensely to the liberation of Southern African countries that were still under the grip of colonialism in Angola, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zimbabwe. There was nothing eminently dangerous for Zambia’s security like Kaunda’s decision to allow the Umkhoto we Sizwe (MK) or the spear of the nation, the African National Congress’ (ANC) military wing to establish its headquarters in Lusaka from where it carried out its attacks on South Africa. This action put Zambia in more danger than Tanzania which does not share a border with South Africa.  
    The editorial of Tumfweko Zambia News & Entertainment (2013) noted that “the ANC was headquartered in Roma while members of the military wing of ANC, MK, were based in Lilanda area.” Looking at the proximity, Kaunda’s decision was the result of a daring and fearless leader who was not afraid of taking risks. 
    The fall in copper price became a straw that broke the camel’s back. Zambia had much on its table than it could chew. Kaunda faced Zambians and told them to brace for tough times. If Kaunda did not tell them the truth, Zambians would not have prepared themselves to take up the challenge as they heroically did for the whole period their country supported the struggle in South Africa. Kaunda told the Zambians the bitter truth that he knew many people would hate him due to the predicaments they were facing; and the hard times that would follow thereafter. What straightforwardness! 
    As an honest, trustworthy and straightforward person, Kaunda left Zambians and the world at large wondering when he publicly said that one of his sons, Masuzgo Gwebe Kaunda, died of HIV/AIDS (Dec. 21st, 1986). Kaunda cited in Campbell (1987) notes that he did not how his son got AIDS. He would have treated this as a secret for fear of embarrassment. He had the power to coerce doctors to write a favourable report on the death of his son, but he did not. He wanted his people and the world to know that HIV/AIDS was not a respecter of persons or office.     Thereafter, another prominent son of Africa, Nelson Mandela, did exactly the same by openly saying that his elder son, Makgatho Lewanika Mandela, died of HIV/AIDS. Mandela cited in Wines (2005) notes that his son died of AIDS.  
   Kaunda’s leadership skills kept Zambia united and harmonious for the whole time he was in power. Zambia is among a few African countries that have never been under military junta. All this tranquility, and of course, stability is credited to Kaunda’s charisma and skills as a manager of state affairs. The foundations he laid are firm.
    Kaunda was not afraid of openly showing his true self, hobbies and aversions. Many Zambians remember his love for soccer and music that gave Zambia National Football Team a moniker of KK or Kenneth Kaunda. His song Tiende pamodzi ndi mtima umwe or Let’s Walk Together in One Spirit has never escaped the hearts and minds of Zambians. 
    Some quarters accuse Kaunda of being undemocratic. Easterly (2001) maintains that Kaunda discriminated against Bemba, one of the biggest tribes in Zambia for sympathising with the opposition, by favouring his Nyanja speaking tribe. Whether this is true or not depends on how one looks at Kaunda. 
    Arguably, despite such accusations, there is no recorded time at which Zambia tangibly suffered from any tribalism under Kaunda’s watch. I remember; sometimes, in Tanzania, his friend, Mwl Julius Nyerere was accused of favouring Roman Catholics simply because he was one of them. When research was conducted, it came to light that he was the only practising catholic in his government; and the second was his minister who had already acquired a second wife as opposed to Catholic diktat.  To gauge the truth and just accusations, Sklar (1983) differs with Easterly (Ibid.) observing that:
    In Zambia, the concept of participatory democracy was introduced as a national goal by President Kenneth D. Kaunda (1968, p. 20) in 1968. Subsequently, Kaunda (1971, p. 37) construed the concept to connote democratic participation in all spheres of life, so that “no single individual or group of individuals shall have a monopoly of political, economic, social or military power (p. 16).    
    Looking at Sklar compared to Easterly, one can notice a schism in analysing Kaunda. This is normal in social sciences given that claims must be substantiated. To avoid confusion and misleading allegations, there is a simple barometer that one can use to gauge whether a former leader. You just look at how they are treated by the successors after relinquishing power.  When Chiluba humiliated Kaunda, many Zambians condemned it. Kaunda’s personal integrity and clean records enabled him to live comfortably after exiting power which is rare in Africa. 
    Few former presidents lived honourably and without any disturbance thanks to their integrity. These are Kaunda, Mandela, Nyerere and Leopold Sedar Senghor.  However, there were other honest and diligent leaders who were maltreated by their successors despite having committed no crimes whatever. Such are former and first president of Cameroon Ahmadou Ahidjo who died in exile in Senegal and his remains have never been returned home to be reburied honorably by the person he ceded power to, Paul Biya, Cameroonian long-time dictator.     Another victim of political uprightness was Somali’s first president, Aden Abdullah Osman Daar, after being defeated in election by his former Prime Minister; Abdirashid Ali Shermarke in 1967. Daar lived a normal life up until he was imprisoned in 1990 for expressing his views against the former tyrant Mohamed Siad Barre. Daar was released after the fall of Barre a year after and lived a normal life until he died in Somalia at the age of 99 years old. Those were the lucky ones. Most of the founders of African countries were toppled and other killed.
Kaunda’s legacy
    Kenneth Kaunda (KK) will be remembered as the manager of public affairs who did not rob his country. No corruption allegations were put on him. Kaunda united Zambia under his slogan of One Zambia, One Nation which made the country peaceable despite being surrounded by countries that were still under colonialism. Like Nyerere, Kaunda turned Zambia into a hub for freedom fighters in Southern African region by providing headquarters to many liberation movements.  
    Kaunda’s leadership was guided by the philosophy of collectively running of the business of the state. His famous song Tiende Pamodzi or Let us Walk Together  speaks volume not to mention his love of football which resulted to calling Zambia’s national football team KK the initials of his name. Also, Kaunda left another indelible mark on fashion. His Kaunda suit will always be called so and worn by many in Africa not to forget his white handkerchief that has always been in his hands as a symbol of peace for the man and his mission not to forget the nation. One Zambian once said that Kaunda was more than a president. He was a marque, especially if we consider what came to be Kaunda Suit, a simple suit unique and that started to surface after Kaunda invented it. Indeed, even this is his legacy for future generations.
    Kaunda will also be remembered as the leader who wanted to see Africa united. His vision for Zambia was huge, mainly thwarting tribalism without using force. He will always be a point of reference vis-à-vis conceding defeat as he did in 1991 when he lost in the general elections that saw his exit from power. So, too, Kaunda will be remembered and honoured for not interfering in the government of his successor something he would have done if he wanted.
    Just like anybody else, Kaunda was no angel. One of the weaknesses is that he left power unwillingly, as noted above, after being defeated in the general election in 1991. Furthermore, Kaunda will be remembered for his inability to conceal his emotions. When anything that would trigger his tears happened, contrary to African beliefs that a man should not cry, Kaunda would not subdue or conceal his emotion even where he is supposedly expected to “tough it out” as an African man who should not show his weakness like a woman. Such a trait depends on how you look at it. Sometimes, it can be seen as a sign of sincerity and openness or weakness. 
Abridged from  Chapter Five of the Book  Africa's Best and Worst Presidents: How Neocolonialism and Imperialism Maintained Venal Rules in Africa- Langaa RPCIG, Bamenda Cameroon, 2016 By Nkwazi Mhango.
Source: African Executive Magazine today.

Je Sabaya Ni Mwanzo Kuwashughulikia Wengine Waliotenda kama Yeye?

Japo sina mpango wa kujadili suala ambalo liko kwenye mikono ya vyombo vya upelelezi na utoaji haki, kwani ni kinyume cha sheria. Hata hivyo,  nina kila sababu ya kutumia suala hili kujifunza hata kufundisha wengine kama ambavyo niko tayari kufundishwa nao. Hivi karibuni, tuliona picha za aliyekuwa mkuu wa Wilaya ya Hai, Lengai ole Sabaya akiburuzwa mahakamni, pingu mkononi, kichwa chini na aibu isiyo kifani. Hayo ndo maisha. Hata hivyo, kuna somo ambalo watanzania hawawezi kuepuka kujifunza. Hili si jingine bali ukweli kuwa mwanzo wa utawala wa awamu ya sita kufanya mambo tofauti kama njia ya uboreshaji uwajibikaji kwa viongozi wa umma inafungua ukurasa mpya wa uwajibikaji wa umma na watanzania kwa ujumla.

            Hakuna ugomvi kuwa Hayati  Dk John Pombe Magufuli rais wa awamu ya tano alipendwa sana na wanyonge tokana na kuwapigania na kupambana na uoza pale alipoweza. Pamoja na nia yake njema na thabiti, baadhi ya wateule wake walimuingiza mkenge kwa kuwanyanyasa wanyonge hao hao huku wakijitahidi kumfurahisha ima kwa unafiki, kujipendekeza ua kung’ata na kupuliza. Hapa ndipo sakata zima la nani aliwahudumia wanyonge vizuri au vibaya na kuwatumia kujihudumia badala ya kuwahudumia–––kama ilivyodaiwa kwenye sakata la Sabaya–––linapochomoza likiacha maswali mengi kuliko majibu huku umma ukingojea kuona wengine kama yeye wakichuliwa hatua za kisheria ili kutenda haki na kuleta tabia ya uwajibikaji kwa umma.

            Hakuna ubishi kuwa Hayati Magufuli ataingia kwenye vitabu vya historia ya Tanzania kama kiongozi si aliyepigania wanyonge tu bali pia aliyewateua vijana wengi kwenye nafasi za juu tena wengine hata bila sifa stahiki. Leo tutaangalia namna baadhi ya vijana walivyomtumia Magufuli kujifanyia mambo walivyotaka tokana na ukosefu wa uzoefu, ujinga, ulimbukeni na ujana ukiachia mbali ulevi wa madaraka. Wakazi wa mkoa wa Dar wanajua fika jinsi mmojawapo wa vijana hawa wapya kwenye ngazi za juu–––aliyekabiliwa na tuhuma za kughushi elimu na kutumia majina bandia na kunyamaziwa na Magufuli–––alivyoendesha mkoa kama mali yake au ya baba yake kama siyo mama yake. Tunajua aliwahi kusema maneno mazuri juu ya rais SSH wakati wa mchakato wa katiba mpya iliyouawa. Hata hivyo, hii haimpi kinga ya kushtakiwa pale alipokosea. Waliwaangusha waliowateua na pia hawakujua mwanzo wala mwisho wa mamlaka yao ukiachia mbali ubabe, ubinafsi na upogo na upofu wa kutoona mbali. Mfano, mteule huyu alifikia mahali hata kuvamia studio, kutesa, kunyanyasa hata kudhalilisha mawaziri. Rejea kisa cha kutumbuliwa Nape Nnauye aliyekuwa Waziri wa Habari, Utamaduni, Sanaa na Michezo Katibu  baada ya kuhoji uchavu wa mteule huyu aliyesifika kwa akujipendekeza kwa hata kumuabudia Magufuli jambo ambalo naye alipenda na kumvumilia hadi arobaini zake zilipoisha na akamtumbua. Rejea kutishiwa kuuawa kwa bastola kwa Nnauye kwa sababu ya kutaka kujua uoza wa kijana huyu ambaye kwa sasa si mteule bali mkulima mwenye kumilki mali ambayo sijui kama anaweza kuitolea maelezo ukiachia mbali kuwa na muhanga wengi. Je hawa walioteswa na kuhujumiwa chini ya kijana huyu wako tayari kujitokeza ili serikali ichukue hatua kama ilivyofanya kwa Sabaya? Hapa hujagusia waliokimbilia kwenye siasa wakaukwaa ubunge. Hata hivyo, historia yao haiwezi kufutika wala kukimbiwa. Lazima nao walipie madhambi yao ili haki ionekane inatendeka sawa kwa kila mtanzania.

            Kama azma ya serikali ya awamu ya sit ani kutenda haki na kurekebisha mapungufu yaliyotokea kwenye utawala uliopita, tunaamini haitaishia kwa Sabaya bali kuanzia kwake. Magufuli alikuwa binadamu ambaye asingeweza kila kitu. Ndiyo maana wahusika walimzidi kete na kufanya mambo yao na kujineemesha bila yeye kujua. Hata baba wa taifa haya yalimtokea. Kwani si wote waliokuwa wakiimba ujamaa walikuwa wajamaa kama yeye. Hivyo, tusione aibu wala kuogopa kufichua uoza uliotendekeka chini yake sawa na ambavyo utatokea chini ya utawala huu. Mfano mzuri ni toka kwenye utawala Hayati Benjamin Mkapa aliyekiri wazi kuwa baadhi ya watendaji aliowaamini walimuangusha na kumhujumu sawa na hawa waliomuhujumu Magufuli. Watu hawa wanajulikana. Vitendo, ukwasi hata uovu wao vinafahamika kwa watanzania wengi. Hivyo, ni wakati muafaka kutenda haki na kuwashulikia kwa mujibu wa sheria ili liwe funzo kwa wengine. Rais Samia Suluhu Hassan ambaye amejitofautisha na uonevu hana haja ya kusita kuwachukulia hatua ili asionekane anatumia sheria kibaguzi na kiupendeleo.

            Ukiachia huyu wa Dar, yupo mwingine wa Arusha ambaye naye alijigeuza muung mtu akinyanyasa, kuvunja sheria na kujifanyi alivyotaka asijue cheo ni dhamana. Hawa si watu wa kufumbia macho wala kuvimilia. Lazima walipie madhambi yao kama kweli tumedhamiria kutoa haki na kufanya mabadiliko yenye lengo la kuleta mabadiliko yanayolenga kuheshimu mamlaka kama dhamana ya umma. Sheria ya Tanzania iko wazi kuwa hakuna aliyeko juu ya sheria. Hivyo, wahusika wanapaswa kushughulikiwa kisheria ili kuweka mambo sawa na kuondoa dhana kuwa sheria inatumia kibaguzi na kwa upendeleo.

            Tumalizie kwa kumtaka rais SSH kutenda haki sawa kwa wote. Wote wanaofahamika kuwa walitumia madaraka vibaya ima kwa faida binafsi kiasi cha kutokea kuwa matajiri wenye utajiri usio na maelezo au kuwaumiza wengine lazima washughulikiwe bila ubaguzi wala upendeleo. Tanzania ni ya wote kama ambavyo rais SSH amekuwa akisisitiza mbali na kuwaamuru wateule wake kuwaheshimu wananchi ambao kimsingi, ndio wenye madaraka waliyokasimu kwa viongozi ukiachia mbali kuwa viongozi wote wa umma wanaendesha maisha yao na kulipa mishahara yao tokana na kodi za wananchi wa kawaida wanaopaswa kuwatumikia na si kuwatumia kama ilivyo kwenye kadhia tajwa.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema leo.

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Monday, 21 June 2021

Wizi Ndani ya Wizi, Unaiba Bilioni 309 na kurejesha 26

Taarifa kuwa mtuhumiwa wa kashfa ya Escrow ambapo ulifanyika wizi wa dola 22,198,544 sawa na shilingi bilioni 309 (Mwananchi, Julai 16, 2021) unaodaiwa kufanywa na mmilki wa Independent Power Tanzania Limited (IPTL) Harbinder Seth Singh pamoja na mbia mwenzake James Rugemalira hapo mwaka 2014 amefanya majadiliano na serikali na kuamriwa kulipa shilingi bilioni 26 zinachanganya na kutisha.  Hata hivyo, vyanzo mbali mbali vinaonyesha kuwa fedha iliyoibiwa ni kubwa kuliko iliyoripotiwa na gazeti tajwa hapo juu. Kwani, kwa mujibu wa Shirika la Habari la China, Xinghua (June 20, 2017) fedha iliyoibiwa ni dola za kimarekani miloni 122.  Kwa wanaokumbuka kashfa nzima ya Escrow, ilizamisha kati ya dola za kimarekani  takriban  milioni 250 hadi 800 na hadi sasa hakuna waliowajibishwa ukiachia mbali na hawa wawili wa IPTL. Kwa taifa maskini kama letu, huu ni ukatili kwa watu maskini.

            Habari kuwa Mahakama ya Kisutu imemuamuru Singh kulipa shilingi bilioni 26 ilinistua, kunishangaza na kunisikitisha. Haraka haraka nilikumbuka tashtiti na utabiri wa kitabu cha Pepo ya Mabwege. Nadhani ni wengi waliostuka na wakataostuka kadri habari zinavyozidi kuenea na kutafakariwa. Sina ugomvi na mahakama kama sheria zetu zilizotungwa na mkoloni na kubariki ujambazi mkubwa huku zikipatiliza udokozi zilitumika kufikia hukumu hii. Kama ni sheria na siyo mkono wa mtu, basi inapaswa kujiuliza kama hizi sheria zimetungwa kututumia au watu tuzitumie? Je sheria zinafanya hata bongo zetu ziache kufanya kazi kiasi cha kufanya vitu ambavyo hata machizi hawawezi kufanya? Je namna hii tutakomesha wizi wa fedha za umma? Je nani ananufaika na sheria kama hizi zenye kutuletea umaskini huku zikiwachochea majizi wakubwa kuendelea kutusikinisha? Je hakuna namna ya kukata rufaa hata kwa mtanzania binafsi ili kuepuka kupoteza haya mabilioni ya fedha?

            Ushahidi wa kimazingira unaonyesha kuwa hakuna mtu mwenye akili timamu achilia mbali nchi nzima anayeweza kuibiwa shilingi bilioni 309 akakubali kurejeshwa bilioni 26 hata kama angekuwa ni bilionea wa kwanza duniani au taifa tajiri kuliko yote. Hapa swali la kujiuliza, hii hasara ya shilingi bilioni 283 nani atailipa au inawekwa kwenye kundi gani? Je ni msamaha? Je ni rushwa? Je serikali ilitoa taarifa za uongo kuhusiana na kiasi cha fedha kilichokuwa kimepotea? Je hukumu hii imezingatia ni faida kiasi gani mtuhumiwa alipata kwa kukaa na mabilioni kama haya kwa miaka yote kama angetozwa riba hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa fedha nyingi za serikali hutokana na mikopo tena yenye riba kubwa? Je hili linahitaji uwe mchumi au uwe na PhD kulifahamu? Je hapa nani anamdanganya nani na kwanini? Je umma unachukuliaje uchokozi huu wa wazi wa kimfumo? Je nini kifanyike japo kama taifa tuonyesha tuna akili na tunajili mali za umma mbali na kuonyesha dhamira ya kupambana na ujambazi huu wa wazi? Je hiyo pesa ingejenga barabara, reli, shule au zahanati ngapi? Ingeweza kununua madawa au vitabu na huduma nyingine muhimu kiasi gani? Je huwa hawa wanaoridhia wizi huu wa wazi huwa wanajiuliza maswali rahisi lakini muhimu kama haya? Maswali ni mengi kuliko majibu.

            Kwa wanaokumbuka kashfa nzima ilivyoshughulikiwa, watakubaliana nasi kuwa kulikuwa na watu wakubwa nyuma ya wizi huu. Kwani, pamoja na ukali wake, hata Hayati Dk John Pombe Magufuli alipoambiwa afukue makaburi lau taifa lipate haki, alichelea kukubaliana na ushauri tokana na uzito wa suala lenyewe.  Hata hivyo, kama tutaendelea na uzembe na urushi huu, kuna siku wanyonge tunaohalalisha kuibiwa wataamka na kudai chao kwa namna ambayo haipendezi. Nikiangalia kinachoendelea nchi ya jirani ya Msumbuji ambapo kuna tishio la ugaidi unaofanywa na wananchi walikata tamaa baada ya kuachwa nyuma kimaendeleo, naogopa kusikia habari kama hizi ambazo ni juu ya dhuluma ya wazi kwa wananchi. Je rais anaweza kuingilia na kuwauliza wasaidizi wake mantiki ya kuibiwa fedha nyingi kiasi hicho na kuamua kufuta kesi na kuwaacha watuhumiwa waende kumbua na kutumia fedha zetu? Je hii haitachochea na kutoa motisha kwa wengine kupanga kutuibia wakijua wazi kuna sheria au mazingira ya kuwawezesha kuponyoka au to get away with murder kama wasemavyo waingereza? Je kuna mengi ambayo hatuyajui hadi watuhumiwa wanakiri na kufanya majadiliano na serikali juu ya namna ya kuiibia? Je mtu aliyevunja nyumba anaweza kuruhusiwa kujadiliana na aliyemvunjia nyumba au mbakaji na aliyembaka? Je sheria zetu zimetungwa kumtumikia nani na kumtumia na kumnyonya nani? Inakuwaje kesi ya makosa ya uhujumu uchumi ambayo yana mahakama yake maalumu iamriwe Kisutu?

            Tumalize kwa kushauri na kusema wazi kuwa viongozi wetu wanaposimamia ofisi za serikali na mali za umma, wajue kuna kesho na maisha baada ya kuwa nje ya madaraka. Pia tunashauri rais achunguze sababu zenye kuingia akilini za uamuzi huu ambao hata kama unatokana na sheria mbaya, nao ni mbaya na ni tishio kwa usalama wa taifa letu. Je tuibiwe kiasi gani ndiyo tujue sisi ni shamba la bibi ambapo nyani wanaweza kuingia na kujifanyia uharibifu watakavyo kwa vile bibi hana uwezo wa kupambana nao? Haiwezekani mtu akaiba tembo akatozwa faini ya kulipa kuku au sungura na hii ikaitwa haki. Hii ni kuibaka, kuibemenda, kuichafua, kuidhihaki, kuidhalilisha na kuitukana haki. Kama taifa, tusijiruhusu kufanya hivyo, tutaumiza wengi–––tena wasio na hatia tunaodai kuwatetea ambao watamkumbuka Hayati Magufuli kwa uchungu kwa kuachwa yatima–––nasi tukiwamo.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema leo.



Sunday, 20 June 2021

Whereas the world is moving towards nomocracy, Africa is moving away

Combination photo (L-R) Paul Biya, Muhoozi Museveni, Cristel Sassou, Teodorin Obiang
Recently, Congolese President Denis Sassou-Nguesso appointed his son Denis-Christel Sassou-Nguesso minister of a newly created international cooperation and public-private partnerships. This didn’t shock many since nepotism in the upper echelons of power is slowly normalised so as to be accepted in some, if not many, African countries. With this barefaced appointment, once again, Africa added another son of the big man who strategically has started the journey of skulking close to his father’s power.  This shows–––shall anything happen to the big man as was the cases in the DRC, Gabon and Togo and just recently in Chad, the legatee apparent may take over from the father. Call these political spongers princes.  For reminder, when Laurent Kabila’s liquidated in 2001, his son Joseph, then a major-general in his father’s army and deputy Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of DRC, filled the vacuum to mark the beginning of a parasitic family rule in the highest public office in the country already ravaged by violent civil wars and tin-pot dictatorship under thuggish Joseph Mobutu.

Apart from Joseph Kabila, four years thereafter, another prince, Faure Essozima Gnassingbe Eyadema current Togolese president took over after the death of his father, Gnassingbe Eyadema in furthering kakistocracy in the country. Before, Faure was minister of Public Works, Mines and Telecommunications in his father’s long-time dictatorship. Five years soon after, father to son inheritance of presidency’s repeated in Gabon where prince Ali Bongo, one of over 30 children with various concubine, took office after the death of his father Omar Albert Bongo Ondimba who’d ruled for good 42 years. Before, Ali Bongo was Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation in his father’s government.

Africa will always surprise. For, in 2019, like in any necrocracy rather kratocracy, Bongo appointed his eldest son, Noureddin Bongo Valentin, assistant to the president of ‘all affairs of government.’ As if what transpired in the DRC, Gabon and Togo wasn’t enough, in Equatorial Guinea, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbassogo­­­–––who’s the currently Africa’s longest serving president–––in 2016, appointed his oldest son, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mangue his vice president. Family power sharing is neither a boy’s club nor an androcracy. For, Janet Museveni’s a record breaker who’s a minister in her husband’s government. Nonetheless, Grace Mugabe, former Zimbabwe first lady tried to do what Janet’s perfected to no avail after Robert Mugabe’s booted out in a bloodless coup that dashed Grace’s dreams of succeeding her senescent hubby.

Whereas the three trumps above succeeded their fathers, one Karim Abdoulaye Wade––– was Minister of State for International Cooperation, Regional Development (Aménagement du territoire), Air Transport, and Infrastructure in his father’s government–––and Saif al-Islam Gaddafi didn’t. Wade tried to tinker with the constitution to cling unto power to no avail whereas Gaddafi’s butchered by his own people after the uprisings that sank his 42 years rule. The duo, thus, vanished from political scene after their fathers were booted out.  As for Denis-Christel, like Teodoro Mangue and Lieutenant general Muhoozi Keinerugaba Yoweri Museveni­­–––the commander of Special Force Command (SFC, with unclear speciality) in his father’s army–––though haven’t sat on the seat of president, ­­­are the three princes waiting in the wings up until their fathers who’ve clung unto power die like it recently occurred in Chad where long-time tyrant Idriss Deby was killed in war and his son Mahamat ascended to the throne.

This systemic twaddle seems to have been essentialised and normalised in the world. While this kit and caboodle of self-serving monsters has heartlessly held poor citizens of affected countries for ransom, the international community has always turned a blind eye and deaf ear as if what’s been ongoing is legit and normal. Since such covetous pretenders and hypocrites covertly benefit from such rot and thievish dictatorships, human rights are inconsequential. Anyway, when the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was indorsed in 1948, it didn’t apply to black, poor or women.

In sum, whereas democracy’s thriven in the world, in Africa, aeras revolving around nepotism have increased exponentially. Whereas the world is experience nomocracy, Africa’s moving away from it after many countries have made do with nepotic regimes that turned public powers into their private domain. 

Source: Sunday Monitor today. 

It’s time to decolonise Kinyaa


A hawker sells Kenyan flags in Eldoret town, Uasin Gishu County during Jamhuri Day celebrations at Central Primary School grounds on December 12, 2019.

File | Nation Media Group

What you need to know:

We all live in a world in which many things are fake, or artificial. This includes many countries, including Kenya.
Kenya is both artificial and fake. It’s artificial because the British and other Europeans made it up.
Kenyans, if I can even call them that, are in love with virtually all things European. Let’s see – the English language, the Christian religion, European names often under the guise of Christianity, dress, hair and Western European education. The list is endless. It’s a twisted love affair of the cultural subservience of the enslaved to the enslaver. This mimicry, or proclivity for worshipping things European, is now part of Africa’s zeitgeist. Most Africans don’t even question it anymore. They have fully submitted to Eurocentricity. Today, I want to address an important question about Kenya’s intellectual surrender to Europe and the West. Should the country called Kenya continue to use that name? What’s Kenya’s etymology, and why cling to it?
        We all live in a world in which many things are fake, or artificial. This includes many countries, including Kenya. That’s right – Kenya is both artificial and fake. It’s artificial because the British and other Europeans made it up. They did so because they could. It’s fake because as a state, it lives on the largesse of the West. Kenya is actually a state-let, not a real state. When Kenya confronts problems – which is almost always – it looks outwards, not inwards, for help. We go begging, bowl in hand. For most of Kenya’s life, the US and Europe were our default benefactors. Today, China has joined that league of paymasters. Only fake states look externally, not internally, for help.
I insist we’ve succumbed to the West because of the Original Sin of conception. That original sin includes the name “Kenya”. Naming is a stamp of ownership. That’s why you name your dog, or cat. Some people even name inanimate things like their cars. 
        We name our children because they are of us, and at some level “belong” to us, although we don’t own them. But they are our charges until they become adults. That’s why naming is an act of power and authority. He, or she, who names another has power and authority over that which is named. Does Europe, or the West, still have power and authority over us? If so, why? Are we still in bondage?
        Do Kenyans know why their country is called Kenya, or the Republic of Kenya? European history says German missionary Johann Ludwig Krapf, who’s described by the West as an “explorer”, coined the earliest version of the name Kenya. 
        In 1844, this early German Christian imperialist was in the company of the infamous Akamba long-distance human trafficker-trader Chief Kivoi when he inquired about the name of the mountain peak ahead. 
        Chief Kivoi told him the name of the mountain was Kĩ-Nyaa or Kĩĩma-Kĩĩnyaa in Kikamba because of the ostrich-like snowcap. The Agikuyu called it Kĩrĩma Kĩrĩnyaga and the Embu Kirenyaa. Mr Krapf wrote down Kenia and Kegnia. An 1882 map by Scottish geologist Joseph Thompsons named the mountain Mt Kenia.
East African Protectorate
        Europeans accepted versions of the names Kenia, or Kenya as the name of the mountain. In the earlier colonial period, the country was called the East African Protectorate, not Kenia, or Kenya. It was only in 1920 that the country was officially named the Colony of Kenya. I don’t know why Kenyans didn’t change this name in 1964 at independence. If we are to stick with the name of the mountain as the name of the country, then it behoves us to at least be authentic. Kenya is what the white man called the country. Europeans named us to demonstrate their power and authority over us. The least we can do is call Kenya the “Republic of Kinyaa”. 
        I know some knucklehead will argue that Kenya is already a brand and ask “what’s in a name anyway?” States and countries change their names all the time to more fully reflect who they are, or to reject imposed colonial branding. Czechoslovakia recently became the two different states – Slovakia and the Czech. 
        A half of Sudan broke away and became South Sudan, a very unoriginal name. Tanganyika joined with Zanzibar to become Tanzania. The Kingdom of Kongo became Belgian Congo, Republic of Congo-Leopoldville, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Zaire, Congo-Kinshasa, and Democratic Republic of Congo, or DRC. If we don’t like Kenya, we can make up our own name that’s uniquely ours. Perhaps this will begin our national renaissance. 
        This debate, or lack of it, reminds me why pro-colonialist Western interests and their local elites insist Myanmar is still Burma, the British name for the country. I get the outrage and the illegitimacy of the genocidal and brutal military junta that rules Myanmar. Some think calling the country Myanmar legitimises the junta. That’s silly. 
        We can reject the junta, as we do, but still accept that Myanmar is the country’s historic name, not the fake English-inspired Burma. It’s not up to the West to impose names on countries and insist they remain so. For us, I urge we start by mentally liberating ourselves by dumping “Kenya”. Let’s decolonise “Kinyaa”.

Makau Mutua is SUNY Distinguished Professor and Margaret W. Wong Professor at Buffalo Law School. He’s chair of KHRC. @makaumutua
Source: Sunday Nation today.

Friday, 18 June 2021

REST IN PEACE MFOWETHU KENNETH DAVID KAUNDA

You were a light in the darkness
You were a prophet in the wilderness
Indeed, Ken you were a star in the sky
But it pleased the most high
That you'd to depart
Fare-thee-well Ken Mfowethu

You used to say tiende pamodzi ndmtim'umo
Let's go together with one spirit it translates
Now that you are gone,
We all unite to commemorate in one heart
What a humanist that you were 
Fare-thee-well mfowethu

Go meet with mama Betty
Go greet comrade Major Wezi
Go live pamodzi
Go do so as you ever did in this planet
Go live in the world of spirit
Fare-thee-well Baba wethu
Fare-thee-well Mzalwane