Magufulification: Concept That Will Define Africa's Future and the Man Who Makes Things Happen

Magufulification: Concept That Will Define Africa's Future and the Man Who Makes Things Happen

Tuesday, 27 July 2021

Barua ya Wazi kwa Rais Samia na Waziri Nchemba

Wapendwa waheshimwa,

Salamu, nianze na mheshimiwa Rais Samia Suluhu Hassan kwa kuzingatia hadhi. Kwanza, kwa hesima na taadhima, nakusalimu wa Jina la Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania. Pili, nakupongeza kwa kuendelea kuliongoza taifa letu baada ya kupoteza bonge la kaka, Hayati Dk John Pombe Magufuli ambaye wengi wameanza kumsahau na wengine kumsaliti. Tatu, naandika rasmi kukuomba ufanye kweli na maamuzi magumu na haraka bila kupepesa kwa kujitua mzigo ambao–––huko mbele ya safari­­­   utakukwamisha–––kama utaamua kuuvumilia kwa hasara yako baadaye. Mzigo huu si mwingine bali waziri wako wa sasa wa fedha Mwigulu Nchemba. Kwanza, niseme wazi, binafsi simjui huyu bwana. Pili, sina chuki naye. Tatu, sina maslahi yeyote na nitakayosema na juu ya ushauri wa kuomba umwachishe ngazi mara moja. Na nne, nayaandika haya kwa roho safi kabisa.

            Mama Rais, ndani ya muda mfupi, huu ni ujumbe wa pili mtawalia kwa waziri wako ambaye nilimshauri asikupotezee muda wala kukutwisha mzigo wa uzembe wake bali aachie ngazi kabla hujalazimika kumuamuru afanye hivyo.  Juzi juzi alibuni tozo za hovyo almaarufu tozo la miamala ya simu. Kusema ule ukweli, jambo hili limekuwa la kwanza kuonyesha hasira za umma dhidi ya utawala wako bila sababu yoyote ya msingi kama waziri angekuwa muadilifu, mbunifu, mweledi na realistic (sina Kiswahili chake). Kwani, mbunge mmoja mbinafsi alipopendekeza kodi ya uzalendo wakati yeye hanao na umma ukaikataa wazi wazi, ilimtosha waziri kuachana na upuuzi huu.

            Pili, gazeti hili, wiki jana, lilianika ubinafsi, uchafu na ufisadi wa Nchemba kuhusiana na kumtumia mkewe Neema na washirika zake wengine ambao gazeti liliweka wazi majina yao kumilki kampuni ya kubahatisha jambo ambalo lilimsukuma–––tokana maslahi binafsi na sababu za kifisadi–––kupunguzia makampuni kama lake asilimia tano ya kodi ambazo anataka kuzilipa kwa kuwakomoa maskini wengi wa taifa hili kwa faidi ya mafisadi wachache. Naomba ufuatilie expose hii ili ubaini ukweli zaidi na kuwa na kila sababu ya kuchukua hatua za kumfukuza mhusika haraka na kumfikisha mahakamani. Wakati tukingoja hili, kwanini asiweke kando kupisha uchunguzi kuhusiana na kadhia hii mbichi na inayomuonyesha waziri kama asiye na uzalendo wowote wala udhu wa kuaminiwa fedha za umma.

            Mwisho, mama Rais, najua una mengi yanayokufikia mengine yakiwa umbea na fitina. Ila hili la tuhuma dhidi ya waziri wako lina kila ushahidi wa kumfunga mtu. Sijui kama utaliona tofauti na kujitia doa kwa ajili watu wengine. Ili ufaidike nini? Naomba kama utaona gazeti linapiga chuku au kukomoa, ujikumbushe maneno ya makamu wako aliposema kuwa hatakuwa na subira na panya watakaotuhumiwa kutafuna fedha za umma. Sina wasi wasi hata panya buku hutawavumilia hata kama wako karibu nawe namna gani.

            Kwa waziri Nchemba,

Bwana Lameck, naomba usinielewe vibaya wala kuona kama natia kichumvi. Kwa mtu yeyote anayekubaliana na ukweli na msomi­­­­–––kama kweli wewe ni msomi­­­–––lazima aukubali ukweli haraka kuliko vihiyo wanaotegema miujiza na waganga wasijue hawana msaada. Japo binafsi sikujui wala hunijua, najua wewe ni daktari wa falsafa japo sina uhakika wa namna ulivyopata shahada yako kwani sijawahi kuona andiko lako. Langu ni juu ya namna Tanzania ilivyoweza kuutumia Ujamaa kuua ukabila na namna inavyoweza kutumika kama mfano na nyenzo ya kusaidia nchi zinazokabiliwa na kadhia ya ukabila na vita. Hivyo, ninapohoji kuhusiana na andiko lako, jua siyo kihiyo au msomi uchwara bali nguli mwenye kuandika zaidi ya vitabu 20 vingi vikiwa vya kiada na sura nyingi tu kwenye vitabu vya kiada pia. Hivyo, kama msomi mwenzako––––kama kweli wewe ni msomi mwenzangu–––nashauri ufanye uamuzi wa kisomi. Achia ngazi mara moja hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa tuhuma mbili zinakutupa nje ya ulingo bila utetezi wowote ni kubwa na chafu mno–––vinginevyo itokee miujiza–––japo zama za miujizi zilishapita miaka mingi iliyopita.

            Mbali na tuhuma zinazokukabili, jikumbushe namna Hayati Magufuli alivyowahi kukutumbua ukatubia akakurudisha kwa vile alikuwa ni mtu anayependa watu wanaotubu. Hata hivyo, kwa uoza unaokukabili, ningekushauri na kumshauri Rais wala usipoteze wala asipoteze muda kukupa fursa ya kutubia. Makosa ya kuhujumu uchumi hayana kitubio ukiacha na hili la kuja na tozo la hovyo ambalo nalo linatokana na tuhuma za ufisadi–––hivyo nalo ni la kifisadi. Kwa kilatini yanaitwa sacriligo yaani yasiyo tubiwa wala kusameheka. Pia, uombe Mungu utumuliwe bila kuchunguzwa na kufikishwa mahakamani kama wengine ambao sasa wako wanasaga meno kwa kutumia madaraka vibaya.

            Namshauri Rais aamuru TAKUKURU wachunguze kadhia hii na kukufikisha mbele ya vyombo vya haki ili haki ionekane inatendeka bila kupendelea wala chuki. Iweje wengine waliotuhumiwa wafukuzwe kazi tena toka kwenye ngazi za chini wewe uachiwe? Wakati wa kulindana haupo hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa mheshimwa Rais ana miaka minne tu kuingia kwenye uchaguzi apimwe utendaji wake si kwa sifa bali kura. Niliwahi kumwandikia mheshimwa Rais kujifunza toka kwa Makamu wa Rais wan chi jirani za Malawi na Zambia waliorithi madaraka baada ya mabosi wao kufia madarakani wakashindwa kuchaguliwa tokana na kutumia vipindi vya urithi vibaya muuaji mkubwa akiwa kufumbia macho mafisadi waliokuwa karibu nao. Mama Rais, rejea historia za hao kama kweli unautaka Urais baada ya kumaliza kipindi cha urithi.

            Mwisho, kama nilivyoanza, namaliza kwa kumshauri waziri Mwiguli ajipime na kupima maji na kufanya maamuzi magumu kabla ya Rais hajafanya hivyo. Hii, licha ya kumpa heshima na fursa ya kujitetea, itampa Rais fursa ya kurekebisha makosa kabla hayajamgharimu. Ni ushauri wa bure ila wa thamani.

            Kwa mama Rais, huna haja ya kuumiza kichwa wakati taifa linao nguli wengi bungeni na nje ya bunge wanaoweza kuhudumu vizuri kwenye wizara ya fedha. Isitoshe, ukimtimua Mwigulu, utataoa ujumbe kwa waliobaki na watakaomrithi kuwa wasipotimiza wajibu wao wataonja alichoonja. Pia nashauri waziri huyu asisimamishwe kazi wala kufukuzwa bila kuchunguzwa na kufikishwa mahakamani ili liwe somo kwake na wengine wenye mawazo na tabia kama zake. Kimsingi, hichi ndicho kilichokupandisha chati wewe na mtangulizi wako tokana na utumbuaji usio na simile wala kungoja ngoja. Kazi kwenu. Nawatakia maamuzi magumu mema na ya haraka ili kuzuia madhira yasiwe makubwa kwa wapendwa watu wetu hasa walipa kodi ambao pesa yao inapigwa. Zama za Tanzania kuwa shamba la bibi ziliisha mwaka 2015.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema


Sunday, 25 July 2021

Open Letter to Jacob Zuma



Dear former president,

Please allow me to wish you well as you go through this trying period of your life. I understand. This isn’t your first, maybe, even the last one to be behind bars if you won’t change your disrespect of the court of law. I know how it feels for the person who’s once an imperial president in the continent where presidents are but demigods. I know the pains and pangs you’re facing to live the life you’d already forgotten.

         I hope you heard how some organised criminals and paupers used you to wreak havoc to the country. So, too, I understand how you wanted to take them for a ride thinking that their criminality’s in sympathy with your disrespect of court of law, corruption and above all, bad governance that hugely contributed to penury and unemployment that forced them to do unthinkable to their country. Again, do you truly believe that the violent riots and looting the world evidenced are because of the love of you and will help you out of the quod?

      The other day little bird told me that it heard people saying that they’d love to see you being convicted of the crimes pertaining to corruption since they exacerbated their poverty and sufferings. Thus, you’d take what’s happening as a lesson that’ll help you shall the stars not align in the pending corruption cases you are facing. I hope you’ve been told about the carnage that ensued in your name. Over 200 innocent people lost their lives. I hope no member[s] of your family is a victim since they’re not paupers who depend on opportunistic attempts to just survive forget about living. Many businesses were vandalised, torched and infrastructure destroyed. As per preliminary researches, the economy of South Africa will take a hit at not less than 3% resulting in cute unemployment, bankruptcy, poor supply of goods and service, and above all, poverty.

            Dear former president, have you already spoken to current president at least to apologise for what transpired to the nation? Do you still think that being jailed for the contempt of court’s a politically motivated case at all? I know how it feels for the person who believes he’s above the law in the country whose constitution doesn’t stipulate so. I know how bitter you’re to be subjected to loneliness, especially being away from your wives. Who’s now protecting them against rapists who might take advantage of your absence? How’ll you feel to find that some of your friends have gone to bed with your wives the same way you did with the daughter of your friend?  I heard one of my friends that you desecrated a woman to end up being punished by a woman. Whoever sows injustice will reap calamity, and the rod of his fury will fail. This must be the biggest lesson to African big men who fail or ignore to read the signs of time timely and accurately.

If you’re to remember what happened to you, what’d do when it comes to those who helped you into the crises you are in? Would you jail or shun the Guptas, the criminals who enacted what’s now known as Zupta or just replicate the same? By the way, do you think that the chaos that ensued after being rewarded for your disrespect of the court of law will help you and the country? If you’re to talk to the criminals behind the criminality and madness we evidenced, without any gist of bitterness, what’d you tell or order them to do?

Dear president,

Let’s put some flesh on the bones. People need land as the capital for their livelihood. Who owns the land? According to the Land Report (2017), the Land audit revealed that whites own 26 663 144 ha or 72% of the total 37 031 283 ha farms and agricultural holdings by individual landowners who are just 9% of the population; followed by Coloured at 5 371 383 ha or 15%, Indians at 2 031 790 ha or 5%, Africans at 1 314 873 ha or 4%, other at 1 271 562 ha or 3%, and co-owners at 425 537 ha or 1%. Of all issues that are now dogging South Africa, land is number one.  To address this issue, the government needs to come up with the policies of harmonising land ownership by, at least, using quota system based on the composition of the population without forgetting the history of the country. African lost their land to whites when they colonised the country. To do justice, whites need to think about redressing the blacks in order to avoid the Zimbabwe calamity wherein land was seized and poorly redistributed to end up ruining the country.

Can you see how your failure in addressing land issues, among other thorny ones, though it isn’t your problem alone, is now biting harder? Can’t you see how hidden economic apartheid's coming to the fore dangerously and looming?

I know you’re going through much. Please, tell your successor and the entire deep state to address hidden economic apartheid and corruption if you want peace and prosperity for yourself and your country.

Please, don’t ignore the order of the court again. Have a good stay in the gaol.

Source: Sunday Monitor today.


What you need to know:

  • There’s no credible analyst who believes Mr Ruto can mount the steps of the State House in 2022 unless he bags at least 90 per cent of the Kikuyu vote. 
  • Even two-year-olds know that Mr Ruto has hinged his electoral strategy on winning Mt Kenya down to the last woman.
Politics ain’t beanbag. Mr Ruto knows this because he went to the school of hard knocks. His principal there was the late dictator Daniel arap Moi. He’s educated in the art of skullduggery. 

The July 15, 2021 Kiambaa by-election – with no-name candidates – was billed by pundits as the battle of the titans. The son of the Burning Spear against the humble chicken hustler from Sugoi.

Jubilee’s Uhuru Kenyatta against Uda’s William Ruto. The Prince versus the Peasant. It was prophesied by Uda blogger Senior Counsel Ahmednasir Abdullahi that if Mr Ruto vanquished Mr Kenyatta, then all – ALL – the Kikuyu vote would go to the irascible understudy in 2022.

That now appears to have been a false prophecy. It’s true Mr Ruto’s no-name man won, but with a pitiable margin. Mr Ruto lost by winning with a sliver. I go where facts take me. Today, they take me away from Mr Ruto.

Politically, he has killer instincts, which he has exploited to good effect. In fact, you don’t want to meet Mr Ruto in a dark alley at night.

No “outsider” has managed to put the House of Mumbi asunder. Until now. Mr Ruto has singlehandedly – by hook or crook – collided the head of Mumbi’s daughter with her son. Son and daughter have been left in a trance. The kikuyu don’t know whether they are coming, or going. Let me hear it for the man son of Samoei. 

Organising the House of Mumbi 

But it’s the banging together of the heads of Mumbi’s siblings that will undo Mr Ruto. Mr Ruto should be organising the House of Mumbi, not disorganising it. He should add its fractions together, not subtract them. There’s no credible analyst who believes Mr Ruto can mount the steps of the State House in 2022 unless he bags at least 90 per cent of the Kikuyu vote. 

He has to replicate his Jubilee’s feat in 2013 and 2017, when it won overwhelmingly in Mt Kenya, even if it pilfered votes elsewhere. That will not happen in 2022. The evidence from Kiambaa and Juja – if those patterns hold – suggest a fratricidal and cataclysmic electoral war in the region in 2022.

Even two-year-olds know that Mr Ruto has hinged his electoral strategy on winning Mt Kenya down to the last woman. Virtually his entire reputed campaign war chest has been expended there. He’s written off the Abaluhya, the Akamba and the Luo. He thinks the Somali are in the bag for him so he’s treated them with a neglectful shrug. He’s tried to make a play for the Kisii, but the going there has been rough.

Similarly, he’s tried to woo the coastal groups with mixed results. His lieutenants in these regions are men and women of ill repute. Given these stark realities, Mr Ruto has put all his eggs in the Kikuyu basket. He’ll need every Kikuyu.

Gema electoral unity 

In the history of the republic, the Kikuyu have never voted for anyone outside their circle for president. They’ve always had a plausible candidate in every election. 2022 may be different. 

Although I hear through the grapevine that Mt Kenya East and Mt Kenya West may each produce a presidential candidate, further laying waste to the legendary Gema electoral unity. If this happens, Mr Ruto may be politically mutilated to death by a thousand cuts. I’ve said before – and I repeat here – no one has won a presidential election in Kenya without state backing, or an unstoppable political tsunami. Mr Ruto, now a political outsider, has neither. His only hope is to conjure up Narc’s 2002 political juggernaut. 

The so-called Hustler Nation isn’t the tsunami that its adherents believe it is. In 2002, all electoral demographics, except the Kalenjin, lined up together. Among the Kikuyu, the vote was split because opposition doyen Raila Odinga said “Kibaki Tosha” to scatter the Kikuyu vote. Mr Kibaki, a Kikuyu, went head to head with Mr Kenyatta, another Kikuyu. 

In street language, Mr Kibaki – with the Narc wave – smoked Mr Kenyatta. That’s how Mr Moi’s succession plan evaporated into thin air. The Kalenjin elite was left gagging for air.

The Kiambaa and Juja by-election results point to a similar conundrum for Mr Ruto. He will likely get all the Kalenjin vote and 40 per cent of the Kikuyu. Even this is optimistic.

Lathering the Kikuyu with money 

My analysis – and crystal ball – tell me Mr Ruto’s Kiambaa and Juja victories were pyrrhic. No matter how hard he spins it, it was a debacle for him. If after nine years of lathering the Kikuyu with money and his undivided attention he only manages a 50-50 split, then he’s headed nowhere. 

This is a meagre and unflattering outcome. He needs all of the Kikuyu vote to get a fighting chance against the Deep State, which he understands only too well. We know Mr Kenyatta will do everything to block him. To win, all the stars must align to make sure groups don’t vote as directed by their kingpins.

Makau Mutua is SUNY Distinguished Professor and Margaret W. Wong Professor at Buffalo Law School. He’s Chair of KHRC. @makaumutua

Source: Daily Nation by the consent of the author.

Friday, 23 July 2021

LAMENTING THE UNFORTUNATE MISHANDLING OF CERTAIN IMPORTANT ISSUES

In  last week’s  article,    I  used  the  heading  “Lamenting  the  forgotten  political  significance  of   of  Saba  Saba  Day”,  in  order  to    express  my  personal   feelings  of  sadness  and  disappointment,   regarding  what  I  consider  to  be  a  ‘mishandling’  of   the  issue  of  commemorating  that    important    date  in  the  political  history  of  our  country.                                                                                                                                             The  word  ‘mishandle’  means   “to  deal  badly  with  a  problem,   or  situation”.  It  could  also  be  referred  to  as   “mismanagement”  of  a  thing,   or  situation.                                                                               Thus,   In   last  week’s    presentation,  I  was  lamenting  the    unfortunate    failure  by  the  relevant  authorities,  and  in  this  case   CCM,   to  maintain  the  history  of   respect  and  glory  for   ‘Saba  Saba  Day’,  which  is  the  birth  date  of  the  political  party  (TANU)   that  brought  independence  to  Tanganyika (now  Tanzania  Mainland).    And  I  explained  therein    that  this  ‘lamentation’  was  driven  entirely   by  my  personal  love  for  history,   and,  in  particular,  for   the  political  history  of  our  country.                                                                                                                                                                                     The  word  “History”  means “the  study  of  important  past  events,  particularly  those relating  to   the  political,  social,  and  political  development  of  a  country,  or  nation”. And  I  submitted  that  Saba  Saba   Day,   which,  by  extension,  is   the  commencement  date  of  the  glorious  struggle  for  our  country’s  independence,  is  a  crucial  past  event,   which  richly  deserves  to  be  given    appropriate   prominence  in  its  commemoration.
The  similar   mishandling  of  other  important  issues.
Today’s  article  is  designed  to  be   a  continuation  of  my  ‘lamentations’,  regarding  the  unfortunate  mishandling  of  two  other,   equally  important,  political  issues.  These  are:   (i)   the  issue  of  the  style  and  manner  of  commemorating  the  annual  death  anniversaries   of   the  late  President,  Mwalimu  Julius    Nyerere,  the  father  of  our  nation.  And   (ii)    the  issue  of  the  independent  candidate  in  our  elections.
Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  commemorative  events.
At  the  national  level,  the  regular  commemorative  event  is  the  closing  ceremony  of  the  annual  country  wide   “Mwenge  wa  UHURU”   torch  race.                                                                                       Admittedly,  the  UHURU  torch  race  carries  significant  importance  in  the  country’s  political  history  relating  to  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s   leadership.    It  should  be    common  knowledge,   that  the  ‘ UHURU  torch  race’   originates  from  the  famous  statement  that  was  made  by  Mwalimu  Nyerere  in  the  Tanganyika  Legislative  Council,  on  22nd  October,  1959,  in  the  following  immortal  words:                      “We,  the  people  of  Tanganyika,  would  like  to  light  a  candle  and  put  it  on  top  of  mount  Kilimanjaro,     which  would  shine  beyond  our  borders   giving  hope  where  there  was  despair, love  where  there  was  hate,  and  dignity  where  before  there  was  only  humiliation .  .  . We   cannot,  unlike  other  countries,  send  rockets  to  the  moon,  but  we  can  send  rockets  of  love  and  hope  to  all  our  fellow  men,  wherever  they  may   be”.                                                                                                                                                   It  is  readily  appreciated,   that   those  inspiring  words  of  wisdom  fully  justifies  the  action  of  closing  the  UHURU  torch   race  on  this   day,  which   is  Nyerere’s  “remembrance  Day”.                                            
It  is  also  highly  appreciated,  that  the  Catholic  Church  has  always  celebrated   special  Holy  Masses,  on  this  day,   in  commemoration  of  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  life  and  death.
However,  in  my  humble  opinion,  the  great  glamour  which  accompanies the  closing  event  of  the  UHURU  torch  race,  has  normally  tended  to  outshine  these   religious  ceremonies.    In  that  connection,  it  was  a  most  welcome  gesture  when,  on  October  14th,,   2018;  the  late  President  John  Pombe   Magufuli  decided  to  highlight  the  importance  of  these  religious  ceremonies,  by  choosing  to  attend   the  Holly  Mass   which  was  held  at  St.  Peter’s  Church  in  Dar  es  Sanaam,  and  thereby   absenting     himself  from  the  UHURU  torch  closing  event.    And   he used  that  occasion  to  re-affirm  his  Government’s    commitment  “to  sustain  the  ‘Nyerere  spirit’  by  continuing  to  protect and  to  build  on  the  firm  foundations  which  were  laid  by  the  late  Mwalimu  Nyerere.   
A   fervent  plea  for  a  better  method  of  commemorating  his  death.
Surely,  there   must  be   other,  and     more  appropriate   ways  and  methods  of  commemorating   Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  death  anniversary.                                                                                                                                                            One  such  method  was   recently   used  by  the  Benjamin  William  Mkapa  Foundation (BMF),  when  it  organized  a  symposium  that  was  held  on  14th  July,  2021,  to  commemorate  the  first  anniversary  of    the  late  President  Benjamin  Mkapa’s  death.    The  symposium  was    also   attended  by    President   Samia  Suluhu  Hassan;  plus the    former  Presidents  of  the  United  Republic,   the  President  of  Zanzibar,  and  other   high – level  dignitaries;  including    members  of  the  Diplomatic  corps  and  many  of  our  development  partners.                                                                                                      The  theme  of  the  symposium  was  “Celebrating  President   Mkapa’s Life,  and  Living   his  Legacy”.  
I  wish  to  submit  that  this  is  precisely  the  kind  of  commemoration  that  the  late  President  Nyerere  richly  deserves.  The  said   Mkapa    symposium’s   ‘concept  note’  made  the  pertinent    observation  that  “President  Benjamin  Mkapa  was  a  visionary  leader,  a  devoted  public  servant,  and    with  outstanding  accomplishments;  who  served  his  country  honourably  during  his  time  in  office,  and  after  retirement”.    All   of  that  is,  of course,    absolutely  correct  and  true.   
But   Mwalimu  Nyerere  also   did  that,   and   very  much  more.                                                                            For  example,  he   bravely   volunteered    to    resign  from  a  lucrative  teaching  job  at  St.  Francis  College  Pugu  in  1955,   and   ventured    into   the (uninsured)   risky  business   of  politics;  when he  was  forced  to  make  that  choice  by  the  colonial  Administration;   in  order  to  go   and  lead  the  struggle  for  the  country’s  independence.      He  subsequently   ruled  the  country  for a  good  twenty  five  years  until  1985,  when  he   again    voluntarily  stepped  down,    saying:  “I  cannot  possibly  achieve in  the  next  five  or  ten  years,  or  whatever  period  is  left  of  my  lifetime,  what  I  could  not  achieve  in  all  these  years  that  I  have  ruled  Tanzania”. 
And   after  voluntarily   stepping  down  from  the  country’s  leadership ,   he  became  deeply  involved  in  the  running  of  the  newly  formed  “South – South  Commission”  as  its   founder  Chairman,  with  is  head  office  in  Geneva.    And  furthermore,   until  the  time  of  his  death,  Mwalimu  Nyerere  was  presiding   over  the  crucial   peace  talks  for  the  relief  of   the  then  war  torn  Burundi.
Mwalimu  Nyerere  was  an  outstanding  intellectual;  and   his  thoughts  and  ideas regarding    a  ‘just  society’    that  is   based  on  human  equality,  and  dignity;   were  the  foundation  of  his   philosophy  of  “Socialism  and  Self-  reliance”;  which  made   his  speeches  and  writings  on  this  philosophy  to  gain   prominence  in  the  studies  on   socio-economic  development,    in   many  parts  of  Africa.                   He  surely  deserves  a  more  appropriate  method  of  commemorating  his  death.
The   issue  of  the  private  candidate  in  our  elections
This  matter  is  the  second  issue  which  is  the  subject  of  my  ‘lamentation’.                                                  This  matter  has  been  ‘mishandled’,   or  ‘mismanaged’,   in  the  sense  that  its  implementation   has  been   unfairly  neglected,  or   ignored.                                                                                                                                                          
In  his   little   book  titled: “Our  Leadership  and  the Destiny  of  Tanzania” Zimbabwe  Publishing  House,  Harare, 1995);    Mwalimu   Nyerere    wrote  the   following -:                                                                                          “ I  am  not  denying  that  the  right  of  every  citizen  to  stand  in  an  election,  was   effectively  denied  under  my  leadership   during  the  one-party  political  system.                                                                              But  I  argued  then,  and  I  continue  to  do  so  even  now,  that  the  manner  in  which  we  operated  that  system,  with  two  candidates  being  submitted  to  free  choice  of  the  voters  in  their  respective  constituencies,  that   was  the  most  democratic,  and  the  most  appropriate  system,  in  the  circumstances  of  that   time.    But  by  moving  to  the  multi-party  system,  a  move  which  I   fully  supported,  we  were  effectively  saying  that  the  circumstances  had vastly   changed;    hence  this  restriction  on  the  exercise  of  one  of  the  peoples’   basic  rights (i.e.  the  individual’s  right   to  stand  as   a  candidate  in  elections),    could  be  lifted  without  endangering  the  unity  of  our  people,  or   the  peace  of  our  country;  provided   that   appropriate  steps  are  taken   to  ensure  that  all  the  political  parties,  and  all  the  candidates,  are  barred  from  using   race,  tribe,  or  religion,  as  the  basis  of  their  appeals    to  the  electorate  for  votes”. 
 This  restriction  on  the  right  of  the   individual   citizens  of  Tanzania  to  stand  as  candidates  in  elections,  is  provided  for  in  articles  39  (1) (c )   (for  election  to  the  Presidency) ;  and  67  (1) (b)  (for  election  to  Parliament),  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  Republic  of  Tanzania,  1977;    and  Similar  restrictions  are  imposed  on  candidates  seeking  election  to  Local  government   Urban  and  District  Authorities,    by  the  Local government  electoral  laws. 
Because    I   was  a  ‘lead  participant’  in  the  making  of  the  1977  Constitution  of  the  United  Republic;   I  should  perhaps   accept  a  share  of   the  blame  for  the  inclusion   therein   of  these  provisions;                                                                                                                                                                               But ,  it  should  be  appreciated  that  the  matter  of  constitution  making  is  governed  by  certain   established   conventions;  which  include  the  following:-                                                                                            (i)   the  political  forces    that   are at  work   at  the  time when  the  Constitution  is  being  made;                  (ii)   the ‘commonsense’  consideration  of  practical  convenience  at  the  material  time;  and                                (iii)  the  relevant  precedents  that  are  available  at  that    material  time,   from  which  the  Constitution  makers  could  draw  guidance.  
Hence   we,  the  ‘Committee  of  twenty”  people   who  were  entrusted  with  the  patriotic   task   of  making  this  Constitution,   could  not,  in  our  God  given  wisdom,  fail  to  respond  to  the   influence  of  “the  political  forces  that  were  at  work”  at  the  material  time.                                                                                 By  adopting  the  “one-party”  political  system  of  governance,   our  nation   had,  in  effect,   determined    that  the   ruling   party  shall  be  the  ultimate  authority  in  our  country.                                 And,  in  this  particular   case,   the  party  had  ordained  that  private  candidates  shall  not  be  allowed  to  participate  in  all   elections.   Roma  locuta,   causa   finita.
However,   as  was  argued  by  Mwalimu  Nyerere,  upon  resolving  to  adopt  the  multi-party  political  system,  we  were  actually  accepting  a  very   fundamental   political   change;  which  should  have    reversed   this   unfortunate   constitutional   breach  of  a  peoples’   fundamental  right
It  is  my  submission  that  this   constitutional  ‘deficiency’  clearly  requires  remedy.  And  that  remedy  can   be  achieved  by  simply  making   appropriate  amendments to  the  Constitution,  without  waiting  for  the  enactment  of  a  new  Constitution.                                                                                                                    As    I   have  already   submitted    above,  the  matter  of  ‘Constitution  making’   is  governed  by  certain  established  conventions ;  and  in  the  matter  of   enacting  a  new  Constitution,  the    convention  is  that  a   new  Constitution  is  normally  enacted   only  upon   the  occurrence  of   certain  specified  political  events  of  a  fundamental  nature;  such  as:-                                                                                        (i)  a  change  of  sovereignty;  as   was  the  case  when  the  Tanganyika  Republican    Constitution  was  enacted  to  replace  British  sovereignty  over  independent  Tanganyika,  that  had  been   incorporated  in    the  ‘Tanganyika  Independence  Constitution’ which  was    titled  “the  Tanganyika  Independence  Order -in-Council,     which  was enacted  by  the  British  Parliament  in  London,  and  only  published  in  the   Tanganyika   official  Gazette  on  1/12/1961  as   GN  415 .                                                                    (ii)  the  occurrence  of    a   merger  of  sovereignty; as  was  the  case  upon  the  establishment  of  the  Union  between  Tanganyika  and  Zanzibar;                                                                                                                                                    (iii)   when  the  previous  Constitution  has  been  abrogated,  usually  as    a  result  of  a  military  coup;  and                                                                                                                                                                                              (iv) where  there  is  need  to  abandon  a  totally  unacceptable  Constitution,  as  was  the  case  when  the  apartheid  Constitution  of  South  Africa   was  abandoned.   
But   where   no   such  fundamental  political change  has  taken  place,  the   normal  procedure  and  practice ,   is   to   just  amend  the  existing  Constitution,  in  order  to  accommodate  the  new   requirements;  which  is  what  was  done  when  we  adopted  the  multi-party  political   system  in  1992;  and  we   have  made  a  number  of  other  important  amendments  thereafter.  
My  plea  is  that   such  action  should  now  be   taken. 
piomsekwa@gmail.com   /  0754767576.  
Source: Daily News

Wednesday, 21 July 2021

Lala Pema Nguli Attilio Tagalile

Tasnia ya habari juzi ilipata pigo. Ni pale tarehe 8 Julai ilipoondokewa na mwandishi nguli Attilio Tagalile ambaye alitumikia tasnia hii kwa takriban miaka 50 kati ya 70 ya uhai wake. Binafsi, naandika tanzia hii kama rafiki wa karibu wa marehemu.  Licha ya kuwa kwenye tasnia moja, nilimfahamu Hayati Tagalile kupitia kwa ndugu yangu Hayati Reggie Mhango (RIP) waliyekuwa wakifanya kazi wote Daily News. Tulikuja kufahamiana kwa karibu sana wakati tukisoma wote sheria pale Chuo Kikuu cha Dar es Salaam. Baada ya hapo, tulifahamiana siyo sisi tu bali wake na watoto zetu wakikutana kufahamiana na kuendelea kuishi kama familia rafiki.

            Kwa wanaomjua Hayati Tagalile kama mwandishi wa habari nguli hasa mbobezi katika habari za michezo akiwa mchambuzi, watakubaliana nami kuwa alikuwa nguli haswa. Pia, alikuwa mwalimu wa uandishi akitoa semina mbali mbali baada ya kustaafu. Ukiachia mbali kufundisha kwa njia ya semina na warsha, alikuwa mwandishi wa vitabu aliyechapisha vitabu vitatu huku viwili alikufa akiwa mbioni kuvichapisha. Kwa wanaomjua Hayati Tagalile, alifisika kwa uwazi, ukweli na ubukuzi wake. Alisoma sana, saa nyingine kuliko hata kuandika.

            Sasa Tagalile hatunaye tena. Je nini cha mno, mbali na urafiki na ukaribu kilichonisukuma kuandika tanzia hii? Kwanza, marehemu alikuwa mwandishi mzuri wa tanzia moja kati ya nyingi ikiwa ni ya Hayati Augustine Mahiga. Mbali na hiyo, alikuwa kielelezo safi cha waandishi na wachambuzi wa habari. Kusema ule ukweli, mwandishi wa habari, pamoja na kutumikia taifa kwa kirefu, halipwi vizuri kama maafisa wengine. Anachoambulia ni tanzia baada ya kufariki. Anayebishia hili anipe orodha ya waandishi maarufu ambao ni matajiri.

            Kwa vile magazeti huandikwa na waandishi wa habari kama Hayati Tagalile, kwa tulio hai, hii ni fursa ya kufarijiana na kuendelea kutumikia wito huu wa kuhudumia taifa.  Waandishi wa habari wana hali mbaya hasa wakati huu wa gonjwa la corona. Wanapaswa watafute habari hata kwa kuweka maisha yao na familia zao hatarini ili kutumikia wito huu. Pia, waandishi wa habari wana changamoto nyingi kulingana na aina ya serikali na viongozi walioko madarakani. Hili nisingependa nilijadili sana. Kwa wale waliopitia mshike mshike hasa kipindi ambapo vyombo binafsi, licha ya kukabiliwa na kesi, kufutwa na kunyimwa matanganzo na mtangazaji mkuu ambaye ni serikali wanajua. Kwa sisi ambao tumo kwenye tasnia ya elimu, si haba kwa wale wa viwango vya vyuo.

            Kwa tuliomfahamu Hayati Tagalile kwa karibu, alikuwa mkarimu si wa mali tu hata hali. Ukifanya kosa au akigundua una upungufu katika fani, atakueleza hata kama kufanya hivyo kutakufanya ujisikie vibaya au kumlaumu. Hivyo, hakuwa mbinafsi wa maarifa mengi aliyokuwa amejilimbikizia tokana na muda mrefu wa kutumikia tasnia hii. Kwa upande wa mali, Hayati Tagalile alijua shida hasa ikizingatiwa alitoka mbali kufikia alipofikia. Ukiwa na shida atakusaidia hadi uone aibu. Kama binadamu yeyote, ukimwendea una shida na bahati mbaya akawa hawezi kuitatua, atakwambia, nenda kwa shemeji yako Mama Hans, huenda anaweza kukupa jibu. Naye Mama Hans, sawa na mumewe, ni mama mkarimu na mwelewa.

Kifo hakiepukiki ila kinauma hasa namna kinavyotuchukua. Hayati Tagalile hakuugua muda mrefu. Nadhani hata yeye hakutarajiwa angekufa ghafla kama ilivyotokea. Alikuwa tough. Mpiga judo na karate, muangalifu wa anachokula, anavyofikiri na anavyoishi kwa ujumla. Sie tunaomfahamu tumestuka na kupigika, sijui mkewe Maria, watoto wake Hans, Doreen na Yvonne wamepokeaje pigo hili. Sijui mjukuu wake Noah ambaye huwa napenda kumwita mgomvi wake anajisikiaje. Hakika, kul nafsi zalikatul maut bi maana kila nafsi itaonja mauti, tunapaswa kuwafariji waliobaki.

Baada ya kupata habari za kifo cha Tagalile, niliwasiliana na marafiki zangu tuliomjua kwa pamoja wengi wakiwa makamanda wa jeshi la polisi ambao tulisoma nao sheria. Kila mmoja ilimchukua muda kuamini huku wengine wakishindwa hata kujibu. Mie binafsi, mwezi huu umekuwa mugumu kwangu. Kwani wiki moja kabla, nilimpoteza rafiki yangu John Njema Ndamu (Chairman of Poor People) huko Githakwa, Tetu, Nyeri,  Kenya ambaye naye alifariki ghafla. Kutokana na kutojulikana nchini, sikutuma tanzia yake gazetini. Badala yake niliituma kwa familia yake wakaichapisha na kuitawanya kwa waombolezaji. Sikujua nitaandika nyingine ndani ya muda mfupi.

Itoshe kusema kuwa sina nguvu ya kuendelea kuandika. Ninachoweza kusema ni kuwaombea Faraja wana familia yake, ndugu, jamaa na marafiki na wana tasnia ya habari.

LALA PEMA KAKA, NDUGU NA RAFIKI YANGU ATTILIO TAGALILE

HAMBA KAHLE MFOWETHU, MZALWANE

AAAMINA.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema Leo.

Tuesday, 20 July 2021

Riots in South Africa Not About Zuma

            

Despite Zuma being one of the architects and beneficiaries of the mega corruption the country has ever seen, Zuma’s shamelessly raiding on the wave of riots cheating himself that it is because of him. There riots are not sympathising Zuma. Instead, they’re using him as a pretext of rooting the way Zuma wants to use the rioters thinking that if he is release from jail they’ll stop rioting. The solution to this imbroglio is not to free Zuma. Instead, the solution is to free the South Africa from the fangs and hands of a few privileged whites and their African pawns in power.  The solution is to embark on equitable and good policies that will free the mass from manmade abject penury. Another solution is for the government to become answerable to the people by telling them what it did to bring the culprits to the book? How much money South Africa lost?

Land decolonisation

 People need land as the capital for their livelihood. Who owns the land? According to the Land Report (2017), the Land Audit revealed that Whites own 26 663 144 ha or 72% of the total 37 031 283 ha farms and agricultural holdings by individual landowners who are just 9% of the population; followed by Coloured at 5 371 383 ha or 15%, Indians at 2 031 790 ha or 5%, Africans at 1 314 873 ha or 4%, other at 1 271 562 ha or 3%, and co-owners at 425 537 ha or 1%. Of all issues that are now dogging South Africa, land is number one.  To address this issue, the government needs to come up with the policies of harmonising land ownership, at least, using quota system based on the composition of the population without forgetting the history of the country. African lost their land to whites when they colonised the country. To do justice, whites need to think about redressing the blacks in order to avoid the Zimbabwe calamity wherein land was seized and poorly redistributed to end up ruining the country.

Apart from land, whites in South Africa own almost everything and black own nothing except for a few greedy and selfish elites in power, who also, survive on the leftovers of the mega wealth of their country as has been the case in many failed countries such as the DRC, CAR, and many more. Such a situation has led to violent conflicts that have destroyed these countries pointlessly. South Africa is no exception when it comes to the dangers  system inequities and injustices pose to the cohesion and existence of the country.

Economic detoxification

Another thorny but important issue revolves around doable and realistic economic empowerment. This needs to be done through enabling the majority to have access to the means of production such as land so that they can contribute to the betterment of their lives and the economy of the country. South African economy is toxic and lop-sided. Thus, economic tweaking should learn from the chicanery known as Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) a thieving scheme, which became a cropper after making a fewer connected leeches billionaires while the majority became poorer and poorer. The taxes were stolen to benefit fat cats in the upper echelons of power and their foreign masters or quacks such as the Gupta brothers and the Zuma.

In sum, South Africa needs to embark on purposeful deconstruction, decolonization and reconstruction by buying into the ideals of independence but not neoliberal racism that’s turned a blind eye on the injustices and inequalities in South Africa since such criminality serves blue eyed children as opposed to the majority blacks. To make sense of independence, the economy of the country must equally and judiciously serve all citizens. Thus, SA needs to detoxify its economy to meet this requirement among others.

Source: African Executive Magazine Wednesday.

Monday, 19 July 2021

RIP MY BEST FRIEND ATTILIO TAGALILE


July has been a very tough month on me.  For, I recently lost two close friends in Kenya and Tanzania respectively. It started with the sudden passing of John Njema Ndamu of Githakwa, Tetu, Nyeri whom I have known for many years. Before long, another great friend of mine, Attilio Tagalile (pictured) suddenly passed on without even being informed. His family thought I had known of his passing, while actually I didn't. He died on 8th July and I have just got the news today morning. It is sad and unfortunate for me that in the entire past week,  my bad, I did not venture into social media where I would have gotten the bad news. Tagalile was not only a friend but a brother.  He will be deeply missed. My heart goes out to his widow, Mary, children Hans, Doreen and Yvonne and his grandson, Noah. Indeed, in the world, we are just like shades that can evaporate anytime shall the maker decide. 
RIP MY BEST FRIEND AND BROTHER HAMBA KAHLE
NENDA SALAMA
SALALA SALAMA
ATTILIO TAGALILE
Attilio I am hurtingly calling you
I don’t know if you can really hear me
If you can, please understand
You’ll always be deeply missed
Your demise came unexpectedly
Bro, it came very quickly
It struck me like a thunderbolt
Despite all that 
Brother rest peacefully in eternity

Tagalile my Brother
Can you hear me?
It’s me 
If you can, please listen
Go well and say high to Reggie Mhango
Hopefully you remember him well
Yeah, he’s the Nyasa you worked with 
I knew you through him as a Brother
As an akin, Reggie linked us up then
Dear Bro, go Well
Fare thee well

Attilio my friend,
Your other party Mary will dearly and deeply miss You
Hans, Doreen, Yvonne and Noah will forever grieve for You
We all who knew you will always pray for you
Sleep well my Brother
Go well my Brother
Fare thee well my Friend

Your readership are still shocked
You’ve left them quickly
They still can’t believe what happened
Yet, it happened
You're where we can’t reach you physically
Spiritually,  we'll always be with You
Rest well my sport Writer
Rest well my Brother
Fare thee well Hero

We all know nobody’ll live forever
Yet, we've never accepted that, never
We knew You’d die like anybody
Yet not this faster my Buddy
Pains are unbearable my Friend
When I remember your jokes and sagacity
It is as if it were yesterday
No, You no longer are around 
What can I say?
God knows what and why
Why should we die
How we die
When we die
Only God knows

Go well my Friend
Fare thee well Friend
Hamba kahle Mfowethu
Hamba kahle Mzalwane
Lala salama Mwanakwetu
Rest in peace my Elder Brother
We’ll meet again one day
As come as go

Saturday, 17 July 2021

Next year could be 2017 redux

What you need to know:

  • December 10, 2007 will live in my mind forever. On that day, I predicted Kenya was perilously careening towards civil war. Prof Ludeki Chweya and I were the duelling keynotes on ‘Politics and the 2007 Kenya elections’ at the Stanley Hotel Nairobi. The highfalutin intellectual meet was organised by the Kenya Human Rights Commission to celebrate the traditional International Human Rights Day.

    In the room were some politicians and doyens of civil society. Let’s refresh your noggin. PNU’s Mwai Kibaki was locked in a do-or-die presidential contest with ODM’s Raila Odinga. The two foxes – nay, bulls – stared at each other from a deep political divide. It was clear to me none of them would blink, or concede defeat. 

                Mr Odinga believed the Deep State would rig him out. Mr Kibaki’s mandarins seemed determined to “re-elect” him come hell or high water. Rarely do African incumbent presidents “lose” elections. Mr Odinga had run a particularly effective campaign. He was indefatigable. He drew massive maniacal crowds wherever he went. 

                To pundits and pollsters – including chickens in the village – Mr Odinga was poised to redeem the long-suffering Odinga family by making them tenants in the State House. It was not to be. Late on election night, the count showed Mr Odinga with a virtually insurmountable lead against Mr Kibaki, the incumbent. But in the wee hours, the Meru vote poured into the portals of the defunct Electoral Commission of Kenya.

                 Right in front of our unbelieving eyes, Mr Odinga’s formidable lead went poof – evaporated. In the ensuing melee, ECK Chair Samuel Kivuitu mysteriously disappeared and then reappeared to swear in Mr Kibaki under the cover of darkness for the second, and final, term. 

  • Island of tranquility 
Explosive cocktail brewing
Jubilee’s Uhuru Kenyatta disdains Mr Ruto, his insolent deputy, with bile not seen since Sir Thomas More was executed – by beheading – in 1535 for refusing to take the Oath of Royal Supremacy. Mr More went from being King Henry VIII’s trusted adviser to having no head. 
December 10, 2007 will live in my mind forever. On that day, I predicted Kenya was perilously careening towards civil war. Prof Ludeki Chweya and I were the duelling keynotes on ‘Politics and the 2007 Kenya elections’ at the Stanley Hotel Nairobi. The highfalutin intellectual meet was organised by the Kenya Human Rights Commission to celebrate the traditional International Human Rights Day.To pundits and pollsters – including chickens in the village – Mr Odinga was poised to redeem the long-suffering Odinga family by making them tenants in the State House. It was not to be. Late on election night, the count showed Mr Odinga with a virtually insurmountable lead against Mr Kibaki, the incumbent. But in the wee hours, the Meru vote poured into the portals of the defunct Electoral Commission of Kenya.Right in front of our unbelieving eyes, Mr Odinga’s formidable lead went poof – evaporated. In the ensuing melee, ECK Chair Samuel Kivuitu mysteriously disappeared and then reappeared to swear in Mr                      Kibaki under the cover of darkness for the second, and final, term. At the centre of the electoral debacle at the KICC – from where the results were announced – was none other than rambunctious Eldoret North MP William Ruto, then a stalwart in Mr Odinga’s ODM. Mr Ruto and ODM’s James Orengo faced off with PNU’s Martha Karua in a battle royale. Mr Odinga refused to concede and alleged Mr Kibaki had stolen the election.  Mr Kibaki dug in. An orgy of unprecedented genocidal violence threatened to terminate Kenya.Back to December 10, 2007. When I told the crowd at the Stanley that I saw in my crystal ball the 2007 election outcome as an existential threat to Kenya, I was panned by some in the crowd. Dr Chweya himself vigorously contested my characterisation of the coming Armageddon. He was appointed PS in the Grand Coalition Government following the post-election violence. Dr Koki Muli, then director of the Institute for Education in Democracy and chair of the Kenya Domestic Observers Forum, rebuked me for thinking Kenya could descend into civil war. She pointedly said that Kenya wasn’t a failed state like Somalia. She had a point.                    Kenya was seen as an island of tranquillity in a sea of chaos. I have a lot of respect for Dr Muli, but I thought she wasn’t utilising her vast scholarly and practical repertoire on elections and their consequences, especially in so-called fragile post-colonial states. We saw how the 2020 election in the US – one of the oldest established democracies – virtually threatened the leading state in the world. I told Dr Muli that states don’t fail until they do.In my telling, it was na├»ve and jingoistic hubris to think that Kenya couldn’t collapse or come under severe distress the way Angola, Uganda, Ethiopia, DRC, CAR, Rwanda, Burundi, Liberia, Sudan, Libya, Egypt, Nigeria, Ghana, Zimbabwe, and many others had. There was nothing about Kenya to prevent such a tragic national cataclysm. Fast forward to 2022. My analytical hat, if crystal ball, tells me that 2022 is shaping up to be 2017 redux. It could even be worse. We have an explosive cocktail brewing. You know the outline. Mr Ruto finds himself in a similar predicament, except his beheading so far has been political, not biological. Both he and his boss trade the vilest attacks daily. Mr Ruto has lost all respect for Mr Kenyatta.But it’s Mr Ruto who has scored the most biting – and vicious – jabs against Mr Kenyatta. Mr Ruto has a messianic complex and believes the presidency belongs to him as of 2022. He’s convinced he’s God’s gift to Kenya and that anyone standing in his way to the presidency is a heretic like Mr More. Mr Kenyatta has vowed that only over his dead body will he hand over power to Mr Ruto. Mr Ruto thinks that his only credible opponent is Mr Odinga, whom he’s vowed to crush. Will Mr Ruto accept defeat in 2022 if he loses, or shall we revisit 2017?   Makau Mutua is SUNY Distinguished Professor and Margaret W. Wong Professor at Buffalo Law School. He’s chair of KHRC. @makaumutua        Source: Sunday Nation.