Magufulification: Concept That Will Define Africa's Future and the Man Who Makes Things Happen

Magufulification: Concept That Will Define Africa's Future and the Man Who Makes Things Happen

Thursday, 14 October 2021

RIP JKN AND JPM

Julius Kambarage Nyerere and John Pombe Magufuli were exceptionally patriotic and probable leaders Tanzania will badly and forever miss.



60 YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE (3): THE MOST SIGNIFICANT POLITICAL ACHIEVEMENTS OF THIS PERIOD.

This  is  the  third  article  in  the  series  on  “60  years  of  independence”.   The  first  two  articles  were  devoted  to  giving  relevant  information  regarding  the  performance    of  each  of  the  Presidents  who  took  charge  of  managing  the  affairs  of  this  nation  during  this  period. And   in  connection  with  this  aspect  (of  Presidential  rule  and  performance);  I  wish  to  draw  attention  to  the  extremely  good  fortune  that  this  country has  had,   when  God  saved  us   from  the  political  intrigues  which  have  afflicted  some  of  the  countries,   with  the  calamity  of  being  ruled  by “family   dynasties”  wielding  immense  political,  economic  and  financial  power;  as  was  the  case   with  the ‘ Khama  dynasty’  in  Botswana;  and  the  ‘Kenyatta  dynasty’  in  Kenya.  However,  that  matter  is  not  the  subject  of  today’s  discussion,  which  is  designed  to  focus  on  looking  more  closely   at  the  most  significant  political  achievements   of  this  period;  which  are:-                                                                  
(i)  The  Union  between  Tanganyika  and  Zanzibar  in  1964;  which,  significantly,   remains  the  only  successful   political  union  out  of  several  such  Unions,  which were  attempted   during  the  early  years  of  independence  in  a number  of  African  countries.   I  must  emphasize  the  words  “the  only  successful  union”,  because   there  is  the  Federal  Republic  of   Cameroon  in  West  Africa,  which  is  another  Union  of  two  countries  that  has  also  survived  for  an  even   longer  period  of  time, having  been  established  on  1st  October,  1961;   but   its  existence  has  been  afflicted  by  such  serious  internal   conflicts,   that   it  cannot  be  properly  described  as   a “successful”  Union.  
  (ii) The transition  to  multi-party  politics  in  1992;   which,  apart  from  the  unfortunate  problems  which  were  caused  by  the  recurring   post-election  violence  in  Zanzibar,   plus  other  inconveniences  caused  by  the  personal  ambitions  of  some  politicians  in   Mainland  Tanzania,   the  Union  has  otherwise  been  reasonably  successfully  operated  for  nearly  three  decades,  to  date.                                                                                                      
        These  are  the  major  political  scores  which  our  country  can  proudly  boast  about,  that  have  been  achieved  during  these  six  decades   of  independence;  and  which  deserve  special  attention,  and  appreciation.  
The  Union   between  Tanganyika and  Zanzibar.
The  Holy  Bible  says  the  following  in  Ecclesiastes,  3,  1-8:-   “To  every  thing  there  is  a season, and  a  time  to  every  purpose  under  the  heaven”.   There  certainly  was  a  ‘time   and   purpose’  for  the  creation  of    the  Union  of  Tanganyika  and  Zanzibar;  which   was  the  fulfillment  of  the  “burning  desire  for  African  Unity”.    This  ‘burning  desire’  was  expressed  by  President  Nyerere  which  he  said  in  his  Address  to  Parliament  on  25th  April,  1964  in  the  following  words:- “Leo  hii  kuna  tama  kubwa  sana  ya  umoja  wa  Afrika.  Mioyo  ya  Waafrika  ina  shauku  kubwa  ajabu  ya  kuungana  tuwe  kitu  kimoja.  Lakini  pamoja  na  kujivunia  shauku  hii,  yafaa  tukumbuke  kuwa  umoja  hutkuj  kwa  sababu  ya  shauku  tu  na  maneno  matupu.  Hatua  lazima  zichukuliwe  za  kuonesha  kwamba  shauku  hii  na  matumaini  haya,   si  ndoto  isiyowezekana,  bali  nii  jambo  linaloweza  kutimia.  
Hivyo   basi,  ikiwa  nchi  ambazo  ni  marafiki, na  ni  jirani  zikiweza  kuungana,  Muungano  huo  waweza  kuwa  ni  thibitisho  la  vitendo  kwamba  matumaini  ya  Bara  ltu  kuungana  si  ya  bure;   kwani  nchi  mbli  zikiweza  kuungana na  uwa  nchi  moja,  basi  tatu  pia  zinaweza;  na  ikiwa  tatu  zinaweza,  basi  hata  thelethini  zinaweza”.   
        President  Nyerere   also  expressed  its  purpose, in  the  following  words:- “Tanganyika  na  Zanzibar  ni  nchi  ndugu.  Tunashirikiana  kwa  historia,  lugha,  mila,  tabia,  na  siasa.  Udugu  wa  Afro-Sirazi  na TANU  wte  mnaufahamu.  Udugu  wa  viongozi  wa   vyamma  hivi  haukuanza  jana.  Basi  tunazo  sababu  zote  hizo  za  kutufanya  tuungane  na  kuwa  kitu  kimoja”.
        This,  basically,  was  just  a  ‘statement  of  facts’,  which   explains  the  reasons  that  justified  the  establishment  of  this  Union.   But  what  is  most  important  for  us  Tanzanians   six  decades  later,  is  that  we  can  justifiably  pride  ourselves  on  the  peaceful  longevity  of  our  Union;  considering  the  fact  that   there  are  several  other  attempts  which  were  made  at  establishing  similar  Unions  between  countries in   Africa,  but  such  Unions  collapsed  after  very  few  years.  
        Live  examples  include  the     Arab  countries  of  Egypt  and  Syria,  which  successfully  united  in February  1958  to  form  the  United  Arab  Republic (UAR).  But  this  Union  lasted only  three  years  until  September  1961,  when  it  collapsed.   The  West  African  countries  of  Senegal  and  Gambia,  also  succeeded  in  uniting  their  jurisdictions  on  1st  February,1982,  to  form  a  united  country  by  the  name  of  Senegambia.  But  this  Union  ceased  to  exist  on  30th  September,  1989,  after  only  seven  years  of  troubled  existence.                            
        There  is  also  the  failed  attempt  to  form  an  East  African  Federation  consisting  of  the  countries  of  Tanganyika,  Kenya  and  Uganda;  following  the  1963  joint  “declaration  of  intention” to  that  effect.   This  happened  during  the  month  of  June,  1963,  when   President  Nyerere  of   the  Republic  of  Tanganyika,  President  Kenyatta  of  the  Republic  of  Kenya;  and  Prime  Minister  of the  Republic  of  Uganda;  jointly  issued  a  formal  Declaration,  which  announced  to  the  world  their  commitment  to  form  a  Federation  of  those  countries  before  the  end  of  that  year.  But  alas,  that  commitment  was  never  implemented;  and  no  reason  has  ever  been  given  which  accounts  for  that  failure;  a  fine  demonstration  of  the  infallibility  of  Sir  Winston  Churchill’s  holding  that   “ Politics  is  the  ability  to  tell  what  is  going  to  happen  in  the  near  future.  And  the  ability  to  explain  afterwards,  why  it  did  not  happen”.                                                                                                                            
        Fortunately,  however;   there  is  the  consoling success  story  of  Cameroon,  also  in  West  Africa,  which  has  achieved exactly  the  same  longevity   success  as  Tanzania,  because   their  Union   was  established on  1st  October,  1961; and  is  still  intact. The  Federal  Republic  of Cameroon  is  a  Union  between  the  former two  separate  countries    called   East  Cameroon, which  was  a  French  colony;  and  West  Cameroon  a  British  colony;  which  was  established    on  1st  October,  1961.   It  is  thus  a  much  older  Union  that  of  Tanganyika  and  Zanzibar;   But  that  union  has  suffered  many  more  challenges  than  that  of  Tanganyika  and  Zanzibar;  for  the  fundamental  reason  that:    whereas  the  Union  of  Tanganyika  and  Zanzibar  was  premised  on  the  firm  foundations   which  were  expressed  by  President  Nyerere  in  his  speech  quoted  above;   this   was  not  the  case  at  all  with  regard  to  Cameroon.                                                                                                                    
        Reliable  sources  of  information   indicate   that  all  of   the   positive   factors  mentioned  therein,  were  totally  absent  in   Cameroon,  which  reportedly  suffered   from absolute  “racial,  tribal,  religious,  and  political  diversity  challenges   which  the  Federal  structure  (of  the  Union)  was  designed  to  meet”.  And,  unfortunately,  they  have  not  been  able  to  overcome  these   nasty   challenges;  a  factor  which  has  inevitably   destroyed  the  unity , solidarity,  peace  and  tranquility  which  the  United  Republic  of  Tanzania  has  been  blessed  with  for  all  these  decades.
We  are  celebrating  60  years  of  TANGANYIKA’s  independence. 
 Inquisitive  minds  may  justifiably  be  wondering  why  we  are  celebrating  the  independence  of  Tanganyika;   a  country  which,  in  fact,  does  not  exist !   This   is  explained  (if  indeed   explanation  is  necessary),  that  the  name  “Tanganyika”  was  statutorily  dispensed  with  as  a  result  of  the  enactment  of   the  “Transitional  Provisions (no .2  Decree,  1964;   which  was  published  in  the  Official  Gazette  on  15th  June,  1964.  It  provided  as  follows:-              
 (a)  that  reference  to  “Tanganyika”   in  all  existing  laws  of  Tanganyika,  shall  henceforth  read  as  references  to  the  United  Republic  of  Tanzania;  and                                            
  (b)  that  reference  to  the  Government  of  Tanganyika,  or  to  any  matter  or  thing  in  any  way  belonging  to,  or  connected  with  the  said   government;  shall  henceforth   read  as  references  to  the  Government  of  the  United  Republic  of  Tanzania. “Presidential  Decrees”  belong  to  the  category  of  statute  law  known  as  Subsidiary  Legislation;  and  become  effective  immediately  upon  publication  in  the  government   official  Gazette.
Thus,  the  effect  of  this  provision  was  to  decree  former   “Tanganyika”  completely   out  of  existence;  and  that  is  when  this  country  assumed  the  new  name  of  ‘Tanzania  Mainland’  (Tanzania  Bara).
        From  Tanganyika  to  Tanzania :  the  Union  between  Tanganyika  and   Zanzibar.
The  political  Union  which  gave birth  to  the  United  Republic  of  Tanzania,  became  a  constitutional  entity  on  26th  April,  1964;  after  both  the  Tanganyika  and  the  Zanzibar  Legislatures  had  ratified  the  “Articles  of  Union”  that  had  been  previously  been  signed  by  the respective   Presidents  of  Tanganyika  Julius  Kambarage    Nyerere;  and  of  Zanzibar   Abedi  Amani  Karume. Section 4  of  the  ratification  Act  reads  as  follows:-  “The  Republic  of  Tanganyika  and  the  Peoples’  Republic  of  Zanzibar  shall,  upon  Union  Day   and  ever  after,  be  united  into  one  sovereign  Republic  by  the  name  of  the  United  Republic  of  Tanganyika  and  Zanzibar  (this  title  was  subsequently  shortened  to  the  United  Republic  of  Tanzania).                                                                         
         The  words  “and  ever  after”  which  appear  therein  should  be  specially  noted,  as  they  demonstrate  the  hope  and  aspiration  of  the  founder  fathers  of  this  Union,  that  it  should  last   for  ever  and   ever.    Perhaps  we  should  say  Amen.  
My  personal  participation  in  the  making  of  this  Union.
I  happened  to  be  the  Clerk  of  the  National  Assembly  at  the  material  time,  and  this  where  most  of  the  action  was  taking  place.  In  the  course  of  one  blessed  Tuesday  morning,   April  21st,  1964;   while  working  as  usual  in  my  office,   I  received  a  telephone  call  from  President  Nyerere’s  Private  Secretary,  asking  me  to  report  immediately  to  the  President  in  his  office  at  State  House.   I   did   as  was  instructed.     On  arrival  there,  President  Nyerere  asked  me   whether  I  could   assemble  all  the  members  of  Parliament  in  Dar es  Salaam  before  the  end  of  that  week  for  an  urgent  meeting  of  the  House.  I  said  I  could,   and  quickly  returned  to  my  office  to  do  the  needful.     
        By  Friday  morning,  April  24th,  1964;    all  the  MPs  were  in  Dares  Salaam;  and  so  I  went  back  to  the  President  to  report  that  achievement;  whereupon  he  told  me  to  prepare  for  a  meeting  of  the  National  Assembly  the  next  day,  Saturday  25th  April,  1964;  and  that  he  would  himself  come  to  address  the  House.                                                         
         The   Assembly   convened   at   precisely   five  O’clock  in  the  afternoon  of  that   Saturday. The  President’s  Address  was  a  masterpiece  of  a  brilliant  expose,  in  which  he  used  his  abundant  capacity  to  convince  people  through  artful  persuasion.   When  it  ended,  the  session had   successfully   accomplished  it  objective.  After  the  conclusion  of  the  President’s  Address,  and  his  departure  to  return  to  Sate  House;  the  Leader  of  Government  Business,  Second  Vice  President  Rashid  Kawawa,  then  rose  to  introduce:    “A Bill  for  an  Act  to  ratify  the  Articles  of  Union  between  the  Republic  of  Tanganyika  and  the  Peoples’  Republic  of  Zanzibar;  to  provide  for  the  government  of  the  United  Republic  and  of  Zanzibar;   to  make  provision  for   the  modification  and  amendment  of  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  Tanganyika  for  the  purpose  of  giving  effect  to  the  Union  and  the  said  Articles;  and  for  matters  connected  therewith  and  incidental  thereto”.             
         In  the  circumstances  of  the  general  excitement  which  prevailed  among  the  MPs,  the  Bill  was   unanimously  passed   nemine  contradicente (with  no  one  dissenting). I  had  been  instructed  to  deliver  the  Bill  immediately  after  its  endorsement  by  the  National  Assembly,  to  the  President  for  his  constitutional   Assent;  which  I  dutifully  did,  and  was  assented  to.  It   thus  became  law  on  that   same  day;  which  is  what  made  it  possible  for  the  Union  to  become  a  constitutional  reality  with  effect  from  the  next  day,  26th  April  1964.           
(Will   be  continued  next  week).
piomsekwa@gmail.com   /  0754767576.
Source: Daily News today




Tuesday, 12 October 2021

Barua ya Wazi kwa Polisi, Watanzania

Hakuna kitu kinatia aibu na kusikitisha kama taarifa kuwa askari polisi saba wa Tanzania waliingia nchini Malawi kinyume cha sheria tena wakifukuzia magendo ya shilingi 30,000. Hii ni akili au matope? Hata hivyo, tusiwashangae sana wenzetu hawa waliotia aibu kwa taifa, familia zao, kazi ya polisi hata wao wenyewe. Huu ni ushahidi kuwa watu waovu na wabadhirifu hutumia akili vibaya kufikia maangamizi yao hata taifa. Wengi wanajiuliza: ilikuwaje watu wazima saba kujiingiza kwenye aibu, hatari na kadhia kama hii bila kutumia akili. Kwa waliosoma saikolojia watakubaliana nasi kuwa waovu wengi wenye uchu na uchoyo wa kupata, mara nyingi, huwa hawatumii akili; hata wakizitumia, huzitumia vibaya hata kwa maangamizi yao wenye ukiachia mbali wengine.
Ndugu zangu Polisi na Watanzania wengine, hili liwe si onyo tu bali hata somo kuwa dhuluma hailipi. Sina haja ya kuwatetea wafanya magendo waliohusika na kadhia hii. Hata hivyo, nikizingatia makali ya maisha na mabaki ya ukoloni ulioligawa bara letu la Afrika kwenye vipande vya nchi dhaifu, maskini na tegemezi, haiingii akilini kupambana na watu wanaotafuta riziki wakati tunawaendekeza, kuwalinda na kuwatetea majambazi na mafisadi wakubwa ambao madhara ya jinai yao yanaumiza wengi bila sababu ya msingi zaidi ya roho mbaya, uroho na ujinga. Hivi, hawa polisi hawakuona mabaya mengi yanayofanyika? Sishangai hata kidogo. Wangeonaje hili wakati jinai ndiyo umekuwa mtaji wa mafanikio yao kwa madhira ya wengine wengi tena wasio na hatia?
Jukumu na kazi ya polisi ni kuwalinda raia na mali zao. Hata hivyo, kwa nchi nyingi za kiafrika, hali ni kinyume. Tumekuwa mataifa na jamii ya hovyo inayoshabikia kupata bila kuhoji kupata huku kunapatikana au kufikiwa vipi. Tuna wenzetu wengi, mafisadi, majambazi, dhulumati hata wauaji ambao mtaji wao mkubwa ni kutuhujumu na kutuumiza. Polisi aliyekula kiapo kuwalinda wananchi anapojiingiza kwenye hatari na kadhia kama hii, mkono wa Mungu humshukia na kumuadhibu ukiachia mbali kumuaibisha na kumfunua. Je tunao askari na maafisa wengine wengi wa serikali wanaotenda jinai hii? Tunao mahakimu na majaji, watendaji wa seriali kuu na za mitaa wanaoishi kwa jinai hii? Tunao mawaziri wangapi wanaopata cha juu na kuona ni sawa? Tunao wabunge wangapi wanaopitisha sheria za hovyo bila kujali umma? Tunao walimu wangapi wanaovujisha mitihani mbali na madaktari na manesi wanaowatoza rushwa maskini? Tunao maprofesa wangapi wanaomba rushwa iwe ya fedha au ngono kuwasaidia wanafunzi wao? Je tunao waandishi wangapi wanaogundua kashfa hatarishi na kutaka chochote toka kwa mtuhumiwa? Je wapo maafisa biashara na kodi wanaowatoza rushwa wafanyabiashara wakijua wazi wanahujumu taifa? Tumefikia hata kutojali maisha na uhai wa wenzetu kana kwamba hatujui umuhimu wake! Rejea tabibu huko Tanga aliyemfumua mgonjwa nyuzi kwa vile alishindwa kulipa gharama za matibabu. Tuna wengi lukuki tokana na mfumo wetu wa hovyo wa kuumizana na kunyonyana.
Japo waraka huu ni kwa Polisi, kimsingi, ni kwa watanzania wote wapokeaji na watoaji rushwa. Utamkuta askari akiitwa kwenye tukio la uharifu. Badala ya kuangalia madhara, anaangalia atapata nini. Magari mengi ya umma yanatumika kwenye kutengeza fedha kwa wahalifu hawa walioaminiwa na umma kuliko kutoa huduma. Trafiki anapewa rushwa na kuruhusu gari bovu litowe huduma bila kujali madhara yake. Anachojua na kujali ni maslahi finyu na ya hovyo binafsi. Tubadilike. Mwanasiasa anapiga kelele kutetea maslahi binafsi kwa kisingizio cha kutetea umma. Kiongozi wa kiroho mwenye uroho anapiga kelele kuwahimiza wafuasi watoe fedha badala ya kuangalia imani na maslahi yao. Badala ya kukiri kuwa anasukumwa na roho mtakakitu anasingizia roho mtakatifu! Mzazi mpumbavu anamfundisha mtoto wake kuwatumia wenzake kupata bila kuangalia madhara ya mchezo mzima. Mke au mume anamhujumu mwenzake bila kuangalia kuwa naye atahujumiwa na mfanyakazi wa nyumbani. Tajiri anamhujumu maskini bila kujua kuwa naye ana akili. Bosi anahujumu umma bila kujua kuwa mlinzi au shamba boi wake naye atamhujumu. Tuache. Ni hatari kwa jamii na taifa. Tunafanya yote tokana na ujinga na upogo wa kutojua kuwa kila tunalofanya lina madhara au matokeo yawe mabaya au mazuri.
Baba au mama zima linakula kiapo cha uaminifu na kuishia kutenda hujuma. Ukiishi kwa upanga utakufa kwa upanga. Ukipndisha haki au kugeuza haramu kuwa halali–––ni suala la muda tu–––utaumbuka tu. Hii ndiyo tabia ya ukweli na sayansi asilia ya mambo.
Tokana na kadhia hizo hapo juu, je nini kifanyike? Kama jamii na taifa, tukumbuke kuwa tulikuja bila kit una tutaondoka bila kitu. Kwa wale wanaoamini katika maneno ya dini, wasome Muhubiri (1:1-18) anayesema kila kitu chini ya jua ni ubadhilifu mtupu na maonyo mengine mengi. Hebu jikumbushe wale waliohujumu taifa kwa kuingia mikataba mibovu kama IPTL, Air Tanzania, rad ana mengine mengi. Wako wapi? Wengi wameishakufa na wengine wako wanamuomba Mungu awaepushe na kesi na kifo. Je wamepata nini? Mabilionea tuliowafukia wameondoka na nini? Warembo waliotisha wakazeeka au kufa bado wana urembo ‘wao’? wababe waliozeeka na kuishiwa nguvu wana nini? Wasomi waliopotezwa na ujinga na wajinga wana nini?
Tumalize kulishukuru Jeshi la Polisi kwa kuchukua hatua za haraka kuwatimua waharifu hawa haraka. Pia tuwaombe watu wetu kuwa na hekima na ridhiko badala ya kukimbizwa na tamaa na ujinga. Binadamu ni nini na ana nini zaidi ya majuto na udhaifu. Hata ukiwa bilionea, mbabe au msomi wa kutisha, bado u binadamu. Ulizaliwa kama wazaliwavyo wadudu na wanyama na utaondoka kama wao. Uwe mnyenyekevu na mwenye kutenda haki badala ya dhuluma. Hata ujenge ghorofa na kuwa na misururu ya magari, utaondoka mtupu kama ulivyokuja. Wale mliokula viapo basi viheshimuni na kuvishikeni. Mtaondoka wenye amani na furaha. Wanandoa, watendaji wa umma na wengine Heshimu viapo vyenu na nyadhifa mlizopewa na wengine. Ni ushauri tu. Afande jifunzeni kwa wenzenu sawa na wengine wote mlio katika utumishi wa umma hata kuaminiwa na familia na jumuia. Kilichotokea mpakani mwa Malawi na Tanzania ni aibu na somo kwetu sote. 
Chanzo: Raia Mwema Kesho.


Waraka wa Wazi kwa Watumishi wa Umma

Kwa tuliokulia chini ya mfumo wa chama kimoja enzi za vita baridi kati ya kambi za ubepari na ukomunisti zikingozwa na Marekani dhidi ya uliokuwa umoja wa Kisoshalisti wa Kisovieti wa Urusi, watakumbuka namna serikali za kiafrika zilivyokuwa zikikandamiza uhuru wa vyombo vya habari bila kupigiwa kelele na mabingwa wa demokrasia wa magharibi.  Nchi hizi zilifanya hivyo kulinda maslahi makubwa ya mabwana zao na madogo ya manyampala waliokuwa wemewekwa kwenye mamlaka. Hali ya wakati ule iliruhusu kwa vile kila taifa lilikuwa likilindwa na kutetewa na mabwana zake. Tulikuwa chini ya ukoloni mambo leo ambao haupaswi kurudiwa au kuendelezwa chini ya kisingizio chochote.
Kwa nchi ambayo ilipata uhuru wake miaka sitini iliyopita kuwa na mawazo, mikakati au sheria zinazofungia au kukandamiza vyombo vya habari ni kujidhalilisha na kushindwa kuonyesha si ukomavu tu bali hata hayo matunda ya uhuru. Mojawapo ya matunda ya uhuru ni kuwa na haki ya kutoa na kupokea habari, mawazo na kujieleza bila kizuizi ilmradi asivunje sheria pia kujiamini na kuaminika. Kwa kinachoendelea nchini, hakifanani na nchi huru tena kwa muda mrefu kiasi hiki. Hata siasa za sasa za ushindani na kisasa hazina nafasi ya ukandamizaji wa vyombo vya habari kwa sababu hakuna sababu zozote za msingi za kufanya hivyo. Wala, kama jamii na taifa hatuhitaji kufanya hivyo. Ni aibu mbali na kuwa dhuluma.
        Je tunapaswa kufanya nini kuachana na ukale na mawazo mgando kama haya? Yafuatayo ni mambo ambayo tunapaswa kuyafanya kama jamii, nchi na watu walio huru na wanaojifunza tokana na makosa hata mapungufu yao:
Mosi, tunapaswa kuanza kujenga ustaarabu na utamaduni wa kukubali kukosoana bila kuchukiana, kuhujumia, kutishana wala kuumizana. Kama chombo cha habari kitakosoa jambo, badala ya kukifungia, watendaji wake waitwe na kueleza walichomaanisha au kujua nini walitumia au kuzingatia hadi kufikia hitimisho walilofikia. Kunaweza kukawa na makosa hata nia mbaya. Hata hivyo, kukosea ni sehemu ya ubinadamu.
Pili, kama taifa na jamii ya watu wanaotaka kutenda na kutendewa haki, tupambane na ufisadi, uoza, wizi na ubabaishaji na mengine kama hayo yanayosababisha kuwa chanzo kizuri cha habari ili kuepuka kutoa habari zinazoonekana kuwakwaza baadhi ya wenzetu hadi wakatumia madaraka yao vibaya. Mfano, inapotokea chombo cha habari kikaandika habari ambayo inakionyesha chama fulani au serikali vibaya, badala ya kukimbilia kufungia chombo husika, wahusika wasafishe nyumba yao. Waache kufanya hayo yanayovutia waandishi na wachunguzi kuyafichua. Ukitaka inzi wasikufuatefuate, jitenge na harufu.
Tatu, tunapaswa kujenga utamaduni wa kutenda haki bila kuangaliana usoni au itikadi ya mtu. Tunapaswa kuongozwa na dira moja kuwa wote ni binadamu na ni watanzania wenye haki na stahiki sawa. Maana inapotokea upande mmoja, yaani serikali inayojiita ya wananchi, kuwa na mazoea ya kutumia maguvu dhidi ya wananchi wale wale ambao ni wenye serikali, inakuwa si kutenda haki wala sawa.
        Nne, licha ya kutoa haki, tukubali kuwa kila mtu ana haki na haki hizi zinalingana kwa watanzania na binadamu wote. Hakuna haja ya kuwa na kwa mfano mojawapo ya imani ya mwanachama tawala kuwa binadamu wote ni ndugu zangu na Afrika ni moja lakini serikali yake au watendaji wake–––tokana na sababu zozote–––ziwe mbaya au nzuri–––kutenda na kufanya maamuzi bila kuzingatia msingi huu muhimu ambao ni kiashiria tosha cha ubinadamu na uhuru wa kweli.
    Tano, tukubali kuwa hatujui kila kitu. Na hii ni sifa ya kawaida ya binadamu. Hivyo, inapotekea chombo cha habari kikaandika kitu ambacho hatukijui vizuri, tujipe muda wa kujifunza na kudurusu lau tukijue hicho kitu au nia au mazingira yaliyofanya wenye kukiandika wafikie hitimisho husika na wakajiaona wako sahihi. Wanaweza kuwa sawa au wakakosea sawa sawa na wale wenye mamlaka ya kuwapatiliza. Elimu haina mwisho. 
    Sita, tuondoe woga dhidi ya vyombo vya habari. Kwa nchi zilizoendelea, serikali huwa hazina bifu na vyombo vya habari wala hakuna anayemuongopa mwenzake kwa vile kila mtu anatimiza wajibu wake kwa mujibu wa sheria kwa lengo la kujenga taifa husika. Kwetu ni tofauti. Vyombo vya habari havipati ushirikiano wa kutosha kutokana na kuogopwa na baadhi ya watendaji wabovu. Hili nalo ni tatizo. Hakuna haja ya kuogopana, kuogopeshana au kufundishana woga.
        Mwisho, kama jamii ya watu walio huru, tunapaswa kujenga ushirikiana na urafiki baina ya serikali na vyombo vya habari. Hakuna haja ya kuwa na uadui wakati wote tunatumikia taifa moja ukiachia mbali kuwa wote ni wananchi wa nchi moja wenye kupaswa kushirikiana kuijenga. Hata hivyo, kama kuna wanaojiona wana haki au mamlaka zaidi ya wengine au kutenda ndivyo sivyo halafu wakataka waachwe na mchezo huu, hapa lazima kutakuwa na uadui baina ya waovu na watetea mema hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa vyombo vya habari ni sauti ya wasio na sauti. Vyombo vya habari licha ya kuwapo kisheria, vinatumwa na wananchi saw ana serikali ingawa havipigiwi kura. Sifa mojawapo ya jamii na taifa huru ni kujiamini, kuaminiana na kuthaminiana na kutendeana haki. Hichi ndicho wenzetu walioendelea wanatuzidi.
Chanzo: Raia Mwema Jana

Sunday, 10 October 2021

34 YEARS WITHOUT THOMAS SANKARA

Thomas Sankara (21 December 1949 – 15 October 1987)


Saturday, 9 October 2021

APPRECIATION


The family of the late Attilio Anselm (RIP & WABM) of Mbezi Beach, Tangi Bovu in Dar es Salaam, would like to express its heartfelt gratitude to all relatives, friends, neighbours, various institutions and members of the community who extended their sympathy, kindness and support during the difficult time following the untimely death of our beloved Attilio Anselm Tagalile who passed away on 8th July, 2021; and was laid to rest on 12th July, 2021 at Sinza Makaburini, Dar es Salaam.
        We were so deeply touched, and we solidly remain exceptionally touched, by all those who were with us physically, those who travelled long distances just to be with the family in prayers through the wake, mass and burial and who have continued to provide emotional and practical support during the entire period of grieving. 
        Such kindness has provided the much needed support to ensure the family endures this difficult time bravely. May our Lord God bless you abundantly. 
        The family would like to express its special gratitude to all doctors and nurses at Hindu Mandal and Cardinal Laurean Rugambwa Hospitals in Dar es Salaam where the deceased was admitted before he succumbed to his illness. 
        Special thanks to Prof Kaushik, Dr. Ramadhani, Dr. Moredina as well as Mrs Lydia Kalinga of Hindu Mandal for their exceptional dedication in the endeavour to save the life of our beloved Attilio. 
        Dr Kitima, the TEC Secretary General and Dr Sarah and the entire team of doctors and nurses at Cardinal Laurean Rugambwa also deserve special mention for their immeasurable support. 
        Special thanks to Jumuiya ya Mtakatifu Petro, where Attilio was a dedicated worshipper and chairperson. The family would also like to extend gratitude to the Roman Catholic Church’s Bikira Maria Mama wa Huruma Parish, Mbezi Tangi Bovu for the funeral service. 
        Since it would be impossible to thank everyone individually, please accept this acknowledgement as an expression of our deepest gratitude to you all.
        To mark the 40th Day of Attilio Anselm Tagalile’s demise, there will be a Requiem Mass on Saturday, 16th October, 2021 at 6.30am at Bikira Maria Mama wa Huruma Parish at Mbezi Tangi Bovu, in Dar es Salaam. 
        1 John 2 : 25: “Änd this is the Promise that He has promised us -ETERNAL LIFE.”
Mary A. Tagalile on behalf of Family and Friends

Thursday, 7 October 2021

Remembering West Nkosi (1940-8 October, 1998)


 

REFLECTIONS ON OUR 60 YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE (2).

By Pius Msekwa
This is  the  second  part  of  the  narrative  on  60  years  of  independence  whose  first  part  appeared  last  week;    in  which  we   focused  on  the  first  half   of  these   60  years  (the  first  three-plus   decades  of  the  post-independence  period)    that  were  under  the  leadership  of   founder  President    Mwalimu  Nyerere,  followed  by   his   successor  in  office,  President  Ali  Hassan  Mwinyi.                              In  last   week’s  article,  I   characterized  the   Nyerere’s  years  as  the   nation’s  “formative  years”;   during  which  the  leadership   was  “groping  forward  in  the  dark”  to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  new  society,  which  would  be  “ fully   committed  to  the  strict  observance,  and   implementation,   of     specified   ethical   principles  of   individual  rights,  freedoms  and   binding  duties”   (see  Nyerere’s                 “ Guidance   to  the  one-party  State  Commission”,    January, 1963.
On his part,   President  Mwinyi’s   years    were   notable  particularly  for  his  achievements  in   the  economic,   and   the  political,  major  reforms  which  he successfully   introduced.   His economic reforms  fell  under  the  blanket  description    of   “liberalizing  the  economy”,  which   earned  President   Mwinyi   the  affectionate   designation    of   “Mzee  Rukhsa”.   His   political reforms   resulted   in  the  country’s   return  to  multi-party  politics.         
The second  half  of  the  60  years   post-independence  period. 
In   today’s article,  we  will  look  at  the  second  half,  or  the  three  decades  of  Presidents   Benjamin  Mkapa;   Jakaya   Mrisho  Kikwete;   and   John  Pombe  Magufuli.                                             President   Mkapa’s   leadership    decade.  
President Benjamin William Mkapa   assumed  office,  following  the  1995  first   post-independence  multi-party  elections;  in  which  four  candidates  had  entered  the  contest.  They   were:   Benjamin Mkapa   who  was  sponsored  by  CCM;   Augustine  Lyatonga   Mrema,   sponsored  by   NCCR-MAGEUZI;   Prof.  Ibrahim Lipumba,  sponsored  by CUF;   and  John  Momose   Cheyo,  sponsored  by UDP.  President Mkapa  won  that  election  after  obtaining  a  handsome   61.8%  of  all  the  valid  votes.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                    During the  whole  of  Preside                                                       And, by  the  grace  of  God,  there  happened  to  develop   some  strong  affinity  between  the  two  of  us.                      
I   thus, can  reliably  testify   on  some  of  President  Mkapa’s   major   achievements,  as  follows:-                                                                           On  the  economic  front;   President   Mkapa’s    leadership   decade   will  be  remembered  primarily   because  of  the   fundamental   economic  reforms  which  he  introduced.                                                                                  As  he  put  it   himself   in  his  autobiography  book   titled   “My  Life,  My  Purpose :  A   former  President  Remembers” :                                                                                                                                                      “It   was  a  period   of  Reforms,  and   Yet  More   Reforms”.    He  explains  further   that   “my  biggest  burden  was  how  to  turn  around the  economy,  including  the  management  of  government  revenue  and   expenditure   .  .  .  understandably,  the   World  Bank,  and  the   IMF,  would  not  work  with  us  unless  we  showed  financial  discipline,  So  I  said  we  would   show  discipline”.    
His  predecessor,  President  Mwinyi,  had    already  taken  the  initial  steps  by  setting  up   the   Presidential  Commission  of  Enquiry  into  Public  Revenues in  1991;  which  had recommended  the  establishment  of  the  Tanzania  Revenue  Authority (TRA).   This  was   established,  and  commenced   full  operations   in  July  1996,  after  President  Mkapa  had  taken  office.  
His  other  reforms  were:    the  setting  up  of  the    Business  Registrations  and  Licensing  Agency  (BRELA)  in  1999,  and  the  launching  of  the  National  Business  Council   in  2001;                                                the  Energy  and  Water  Utilities  Regulatory  Authority  in 2001;  the  Tanzania  Communications Regulatory  Authority  (TCRA)  in  2003;  and   the  “Public  Procurement  Regulatory  Authority  (PPRA)   in   2004.    
But   President   Mkapa    also  took  some   fairly  controversial  measures,  such   as   the  wholesale   privatization   of  the  major  economic  public commercial   enterprises  and  undertakings  (a  total   of    319  individual  enterprises),   including  the  National  Bank  of  Commerce (NBC),  which   was  split  into  two  separate  Banks;   with    one  focusing  on  commercial  Banking  for  high  and  middle  class  customers,  which retained  the  name NBC;    and the  other   serving   the  peasantry  and  small  business  people,  which  ws  named   NMB;  He  also  privatized  the  Tanzania  Electric  Supply  Company (TANESCO).                                                                                                                                                      He  was  heavily  criticized  for  taking  these  measures;  but,  in  reality,  the  country  had  reached  a  situation   where  the  gross  incompetence   of  those  who  were  entrusted   with   the  management   of  these  enterprises   could  no  longer  be  tolerated.   For  example,   there  was  not  a  single  state  owned   commercial    enterprise  that  was  making  money.   Instead,  they  were  all   depending  on  government  subsidies  from the  Treasury.   And   this,  surely,   does  not  make  any  economic  sense !
President   Mkapa  did   also  introduce  reforms  in  the  Public  Service;   which  addressed  issues  like  reducing  the  number  of  Public  Service  employees,  improving  salaries,  and  introducing  a  transparent   systems  designed  for  human  resources  development,  and  career  advancement  through  training,   and  retraining.   He  was   specifically  battling   the  lack of  skills,  experience  and  accountability  in  the  Public  Service,   which had  been  lost  partly  due  to  the  earlier  attempts  that  had  been   made,   to  politicize  that  Service.
Enter  President  Jakaya  Mrisho  Kikwete.
 President  Jakaya   Kikwete’s  leadership  period  was   particularly  notable  for   his  efforts  at  constitutional  reforms.,  when   he  initiated  the  process  of  writing  a  new  Constitution  of   the  United  Republic.                                                                                                                                                                      In  the  circumstances of  CCM’s  “Kofia   Mbili”   policy  of  combining  the  country’s  Presidency   with   that  of   CCM  national  chairman,  the  occupants  of  these  high   positions  have  tended  to   differ  in  the  amount of  weight  that  each   individual  incumbent   places  on  either  of  these   two responsibilities.    On  his  part,   President  Kikwete  was  clearly  inclined  towards  putting  much   greater  weight  on  his  party  responsibilities;  which  is  what  largely   accounts   for  his  enthusiasm  in  getting  a  new  Constitution  enacted;  in view  of  the  fact  that  the  demand  for  a  new  Constitution  which  would   respond   more  positively  to  the  need  and  circumstances  of  the  multi-party  political  dispensation,  has   continuously   been  voiced  by  the  Opposition  parties  for  all  the  time  since  1992,  when  the  multi-party  political  dispensation  was  restored,  after  some  thirty  odd  years  of  operating  the  single-party  system.                                                                                                                                                                                         Hence,  even  for  that  reason  alone,   President  Kikwete  deserves  kudos  for  this  initiative   of  putting  in  place  the  process  of  enacting  a  new  Constitution  for  the  United  Republic .  Because  it  had  been  a  matter  of  serious   conflict between  the  ruling  party (CCM)  and  the  opposition  parties,  actively  supported  by  some  other  stakeholders.                                                                                            The  initial  opposition  demand  was  for  the  convening  of  a  “National  Constitutional  Conference”  which  would  determine  the  contents  of  that  Constitution.    But  such  demands  had  so  far  been rejected  by  the  ruling  party,  on  the  ground  that  such  an  assembly,  which would  consist  merely  of  hand- picked,  or  self  appointed  delegates ,  would  be  lacking  the  necessary  mandate  from  the  people,  on  whose  behalf  they  were  supposed  to  act.   But  this   stance   had   led  to  misinformed  assumptions  being  made;   that  probably,   “the  top  man  in  power  was  deliberately   refusing  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  the  people”  regarding  this  important  matter.                                                               Thus,   President   Kikwete’s   action   was,  clearly,   designed    to  remove   any  such  misconceptions.   
But  he  took  the  correct   measures  for  implanting  this  process;  namely,  the   appointment   of  a  “Constituent  Assembly”.   And   in  addition,  and    very   commendably  indeed,   he  not  only  appointed  the  members  of  Parliament  to  become  members  of  this   Constituent  Assembly  as  has  always  been  the  case  in  the  past;   he   introduced  significant  departures  from  that  past  practice.  He  greatly   enlarged  this  Constituent  Assembly,   by  adding  all  the  members  of  the Zanzibar  House  of  Representatives;  plus  another  201  members  from  lists  of  persons  nominated  by  all  the  fully  registered  political  parties,  and  from  Civil  Society  Organizations.    He  also  made  other  significant  departures  from  previous  practice  in  this  respect,  when  he  caused  the  enactment  of  a  special  law  which  would  guide  the  implementation  of  this  whole  exercise;  and  also  introduced  a  requirement  for   a  referendum  to  be  held,  which  would  ratify  the  proposed  new  constitution  after  its  passage  by  the   Constituent  Assembly.   
However,  his  decision  to  embark  on  this  exercise  of  enacting  a  new  Constitution,  attracted  resentment  from  some  of  his  comrades  in  the  ruling  party,  who  were  opposed  to  the  idea  of  a  new  Constitution,  and  would  have  preferred   him  to  follow  the  traditional  route  of  making  appropriate  amendments  to  the  existing  Constitution. 
Furthermore,  President   Kikwete   also  introduced  major   reforms  in  the  structure  of  the  ruling  party,  through  his  innovative  concept  of   Kujivua   gamba”;   which  he  borrowed  from   the  known  habit  of   certain  snakes,  who   regularly   shed  their  outer  skins   in  order  to  allow   new  ones  to  develop.    But  he  made  the  mistake  of  excessively    enlarging   the  size  of  the  National  Executive  Committee,  the   party’s   policy-making  body,  by  introducing  a  provision  under  which  NEC  members  would  be  recruited  from  the  District  level,    instead  of  the  Regional  level.  
This  reform   produced  an  unmanageable  large  number  of  NEC  members,  an  undesirable     situation  which  was  quickly    rectified  by   his  successor  in  office  President  John  Pombe  Magufuli.   
President  Jakaya   Kikwete  is  also  credited  for  having  successfully  finalized  the  long  negotiating  process  between  CCM and  CUF  in  search  of  a  lasting  solution  to  Zanzibar’s  seemingly  unending    problem  of  post-election  violence,  when  he   achieved  the  signing  of  the  Agreement     between  CCM  and  CUF  known  as  MUAFAKA  III,  which facilitated  the   introduction    of    the    Government  of   National  Unity (GNU)  in  Zanzibar,   that  brought  the  desired  peace  and  tranquility  in  Zanzibar’s   subsequent   political  management.
President  Magufuli’s  uncompleted  decade.
Dr.  John  Pombe  Magufuli  was  declared  the  winner  of  the  2015  Presidential  election,  in  which  he  obtained  58.46%, of  the  total  valid  votes;   thus  beating  his  closest  challenger,  former  Prime Minister  Edward  Lowassa,  CHADEMA’s  election  candidate,  who  had  garnered  39.97%.                                 One  of  the  traditional constitutional  function  which  must  be  performed  by  the  President  after  a  general  election,   is  the  official  opening of  the  newly elected  Parliament.     President  Magufuli  duly  performed  this  function  on   9th  November, 2015;  when  he  opened  the  11th  Parliament.                                  In  this  maiden  speech,  President  Magufuli    promised  to  confront  the evils  of  corruption  by  establishing  a  special  Division  of  the High  Court,  which  would  deal  extensively  with  graft  cases.  He  also  promised  to  fight  the  widespread  embezzlement  of  public  funds;  and  to  improve  the  management  of  public  resources.                                                                                                                                            He  also  referred  specifically  to  the  country’s  mineral  wealth,  which  he  promised  to  protect    by  overhauling  the  mining  sector.  Additionally,  he  vowed  to  end  the   excessive  bureaucracy  in  the government;  to  introduce  strict  discipline  in  the  public  service;  to  increase  government  revenue  collections;  and  to  improve  the  infrastructures  relating  to  the  provision  of  the   country’s  social  and  economic   services. 
To  many  observers,  these  seemed  to  be  empty political   promises  which  could  not  be  implemented.  But,  as  it  turned  out,  President   Magufuli,  being   ‘a  man  of  his  word’   successfully  implemented    all  these  promises  during  his  first  five  year  term;   at  the  close  of  which,  in  his  speech   dissolving  the  eleventh  Parliament  on  16th  June,  2020;  he  presented   an   impressive,  unprecedented  success  story  of  his  achievements  in  in  relation  thereto;    to   thunderous  applause  from  all  sides  of  the  House,  which    signified  unanimous  agreement  and    approval,  of  what  he  had   said.  Consequently,  he  was  re-elected  in  October  2020  with  a  ‘bumper  crop’   majority  of  votes  for  his  second  term.   
However,   by  an  unfortunate  stroke  of  bad  luck;   President  John  Pombe  Magufuli  suddenly  died   in  the  early   night  hours  of  17th  March,  2021.                                                                                                                                                                                                                        Thus,   by  simple  operation  of  the  country’s  Constitution,  his   unexpired  period  of  five  years   was  smoothly   taken  over  (and  is  being   ably  continued  to  its  completion  in  2025)   by  President  Samia  Suluhu  Hassan),   under  her innovative   slogan  of   “Kazi  iendelee”  .   
piomsekwa@gmail.com   /   0754767576.
Source: Daily News Today.



Wednesday, 6 October 2021

Barua ya Wazi kwa Rais Naomba Nikushauri pia Kukushukuru


Mpendwa Rais, sitaki kukuzeesha kukuita Mama yangu wakati tunakaribia kulingana, nakusalimia kwa jina la Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania.
Mheshimiwa rais, najua una majukumu mengi. Haraka haraka najitambulisha. Mie ni mshauri wako wa hiari ambaye juzi tu nilikushauri umteua Waziri wa Ulinzi na Jeshi la Kujenga Taifa (JKT) mwanamke na ndani ya siku chache ukafanya hivyo kuonyesha wewe ni Rais anayewasikiliza watu wake.
    Mheshimiwa Rais, naomba uniruhusu nikupe machache yafuatayo:
Kwanza, pokea taarifa kuwa hujasoma ushauri wangu kwa mwezi mzima tokana na gazeti hili kufungiwa kwa sababu na namna za ajabu ajabu. Hivyo, leo nitagusa mambo zaidi ya moja haraka haraka. Gazeti lilifungiwa kutokana na mambo fulani liliandika ambayo wenye madaraka ima hawakupenda, kuelewa au walitafsiri vibaya kiasi cha kulifungia gazeti bila stahiki wala sababu za msingi. Sina ugomvi na maamuzi yao kama yangetenda haki na kufuata kanuni za haki asili au natural justice au kuwa na mantiki hata kwa mtu asiye msomi wala mtaalamu. Mfano, waliofungia gazeti ndiyo walikuwa walalamikaji, waendesha kesi na mahakimu jambo ambalo ni kinyume na natural justice ambapo mwenye kushitaki hapaswi kuwa hakimu, mpelelezi, mwendesha mashtaka au lolote. 
Mheshimiwa Rais, sikushitakii bali kukumbusha na kukushauri. Gazeti hili lilifungiwa kwa siku 30 baada ya kueleza wasi wasi wake kwa kile lilichokiorodhesha kama maumivu 17 na kuandika kuwa yule kijana aliyeua askari polisi alikuwa mwana CCM jambo ambalo si uzushi. Wahusika walisahau kujua kuwa kila jamii au kundi la binadamu lina wema na wabaya. Na hili ni jambo la kawaida. Sijui kusema kuwa Hamza aliyetuhumiwa kuwa gaidi alikuwa mwanachama wa CCM ni kosa sawa na kuwa mwanachama. Hayo tuyaache. Hivi inapokutikana kuwa mtu fulani aliyefanya kosa fulani ni mwanachama fulani ni kukichafua chama wakati siyo kazi ya chama kufuatilia tabia za watu? Kwanini watendaji hawa walishindwa mambo rahisi kama haya kweli kama wana sifa za kushika nyadhifa husika? Je haya siyo matumizi mabaya ya ofisi za umma? Je inakuwaje kazi ya kutoa haki ambayo ni pekee kwa ajili ya mhimili wa mahakama inaanza kuingiliwa?
    Mheshimiwa Rais, nashauri kwenye nafasi nyeti kama hizi wateuliwe watu wenye taalumu za kutosha na siyo watu wanaotia shaka na kuchafua sifa nzuri ya Serikali yako. Hivi hawa wateule wako wanaoanza kuwa na sifa ya kufanya mambo yasiyosaidia taifa wanakusaidia au kukukomoa? Je mtu anapofungia gazeti hajui kuwa––––licha ya kuwanyima wananchi haki ya kutoa na kupokea taarifa––––anaathiri ajira na maisha ya watu wengine wanaofanya kazi kwenye gazeti na kunufaika nalo kama vile wasambazaji, wauzaji na hata wapakia mizigo? Je aliljiuliza kwanza, kuwa wale wanaowategemea kama vile watoto watakula nini au kusomea nini? Je wazazi wao wanaowategemea mnawaweka kundi gani? Je kufungia gazeti ndilo jibu? Inakuwaje hata mafisadi wanafunguliwa huku magazeti yakifungwa? Je watendaji wanaochukua maamuzi haya wanalisaidia taifa kiuchumi na kijamii? Je jibu pale gazeti linapoandika mambo ambayo hayawapendezi wakubwa ni kulifuta? Je hapa wanatoa picha gani ambapo tuliaminishwa kuwa  kuna mageuzi yamefanywa kwenye uendeshaji wa Serikali? Je hawa wanaofanya madudu haya wanatumwa na nani na wanafanya hivyo kwa faida ya nani? Ni hatari kuwa na watendaji wasio waza sawa sawa hasa linapokuja jambon yeti na practical kama hili.
Mheshimiwa Rais, naomba uniruhusu nigusi suala jingine ambalo sikupata nafasi ya kulidurusu baada ya uga wangu kufungwa. Ni kuhusu ukusanyaji wa kodi. Juzi nilisoma kwenye vyombo vya habari mamlaka husika zikijisifu kuwa zimekusanya kodi kwa asilimia 94.3 kwa kipindi cha mwezi uliopita. Hapa kuna la kujisifia au kuona aibu hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa asilimia saba iliyopungua si haba. Je hapa tatizo ni nini? Kuna uzembe katika kukusanya kodi? Je ni kwa sababu ya athari za Ukovi-19 zilizoathiri chumi nyingi duniani? Je kuna ukwepaji katika kulipa kodi hasa baada ya watu kuchezea mashine za kielectroniki? Je kuna misamaha ya kodi isiyopaswa kutolewa? Je walioshindwa kufikia malengo nao mishahara yao imepunguzwa kwa asilimia hiyo hiyo? Nashauri, kuanzia sasa watakaoshindwa kufikia malengo ya serikali wapanguliwe. Sitaki kutumia neno kutumbua maana lilionekana ni la kikatili. Napendekeza panga pangua ili kieleweke.
Katika kufanikisha ukusanyaji kodi, naomba nikushauri urejee kwenye mfumo wa Hayati mtangulizi wako John Pombe Magufuli wa kuhakikisha wateule wako wanaishi kwa tension. Mheshimiwa rais, nakushauri usome kitabu cha Magufulification, New Concept that Will Define Africa’s Future and the Man who Makes Things Happen nilichoandika na mzee Pius Msekwa kinachoeleza kilichomfanya Magufuli awe lulu. Katika mambo ambayo wachambuzi wengi wanakubaliana ni kwamba Magufuli alikuwa mfuatiliaji na asiye na huruma linapokuja suala la kuwajibika na kuchapa kazi. Pia, hakuruhusu watu waridhike na nafasi zao zaidi ya kuwataka watimize matarajio na hayo ndiyo yawape ridhiko na uhakika wa nafasi husika. Ndiyo maana alitumbua tumbua bila kujali nini kitasemwa.
Mheshimiwa Rais, naomba niseme wazi kuwa awamu ya sita siyo ya tano wala ya nne. Hata hivyo, ina mambo mengi ya kujifunza kutoka kwenye awamu ya tano kuliko awamu zote. Kwani, matendo ya awamu ya tano, yataendelea kuwa kipimo kwa utendaji wa mliofuata hasa wewe mheshimiwa Rais.
Mwisho mheshimiwa Rais, naomba nikupongeze kwa hotuba yako safi kwenye kikao cha wakuu wa Umoja wa Mataifa (UNGA) hivi majuzi. Hata hivyo, nina dokezo. Katika baadhi ya watu waliokupongeza ni kampuni moja chafu iliyotuhumiwa kwa ufisadi wa kutisha kiasi cha mahakama kuamua mali za wenye kampuni hiyo kupigwa mnada. Baada ya kifo cha Magufuli, tunaona jamaa huyu mwenye kutia mashaka amerejea kwa nguvu hadi kufikia hata kutaka kushitaki serikali akidai mali zake badala ya kufikishwa korokoroni. Kunani? Hapa hapa, naomba niongezee kushangazwa kwangu kwa kuachiwa hivi karibuni kwa watuhumiwa wa kashfa ya IPTL huku mmoja akiamriwa kulipa pesa kiduchu ikilinganishwa na aliyoiba na mwingine kuachiwa bila kuamriwa kurejesha hata senti moja wakati wote walikuwa wakikabiliwa na mashataka yanayofanana. Je tunaanza kuelekea wapi? Je tujiandae kuona mafisadi wakishika kani?  Haya si maswali yangu. Ni maswali ya umma ambao mali na fedha zake zilibadhiliwa. Ni mshangao wa umma ambao hadi sasa haujui kinachoendelea kuhusiana na vita dhidi ya ufisadi, uzembe, ubabaishaji, matumizi mabaya ya mali za umma, uzururaji na mengine kama hayo. Naomba niishie hapa kwa leo nikikuombea afya nje, amani na fanaka katika shughuli zako mheshimiwa.
Chanzo: Raia Mwema leo

Sunday, 3 October 2021

Can William Ruto Change Course for Kenya’s VPs?

I am one of those who tingle on and interrogate Kenyan Deputy President, William Ruto’s controversial philosophy. Today, I’m building on the same by looking at chances for Ruto’ll make it to the top job. Kenya’s history shows that, out of its ten Vice Presidents, it’s only Daniel arap Moi who landed presidency after the death of his boss, the first president Jomo Kenyatta. There are assumptions that maybe–––if Kenyatta lived to retire or relinquish power–––he won’t have become president. The rest of other vee pees, none made it to the top job.  Currently, Ruto seeks to emulate his mentor and tribesman Moi to become president though differently since his boss is still alive; and will soon retire. Again, there’s a difference between deputy president and vee pee legally and constitutionally.
    The first Vee Pee, Jaramogi Odinga had issues with Kenyatta that forced him to quit the government  and join the opposition. After Odinga, there came Moi who’d no issues with his boss although he'd issues with Kenyatta’s inner sanctum aka the Kiambuu Mafia. He outsmarted them by keeping his cards to his chest. After Moi, at last, after weathering heavy storm and becoming president, he appointed Mwai Kibaki to appease the Kikuyu. However, things didn’t go as planned for Kibaki. Before long, after being vee pee for nine years, Kibaki fell out with his boss and as was for Odinga, he quit the government and joined the opposition to end up clinching presidency 14 years thereafter beating Moi’s choice Uhuru Kenyatta whom Moi wanted to hand the baton as a sign of reciprocity for what his father did. Again, Kibaki’s able to punish his boss after teaming up with other Moi’s vice presidents such as Saitoti, Musyoka and the son of Odinga, Raila.
            When Kibaki became president, he appointed Michael Kijana Wamalwa, who, alas died before finishing his term in office. Therefore, we can’t say anything about him as far as power struggle between president and vee pee is concerned. The same applies to his tribesman, Moody Awori who left without any issues with his boss. Thus, we move on to vee pee professor George Saitoti, who served at this capacity for 14 years. Being Moi’s vee pee for such a long time, Saitoti believe that his boss would hand him a baton after retiring. However, Saitoti got the shock of his life. The baton’s instead given to a greenhorn Uhuru Kenyatta whom Kibaki easily trounced in 2002. Like Odinga and Kibaki, Saitoti left the government and joined the opposition and helped it to defeat the choice and protegee of his boss as a sign of revenge. At least, Kibaki and Saitoti punished their boss one Moi, who left power unceremoniously but died a national hero after Uhuru became president.
            The last vee pee who made it to the opposition and helped to punish his boss, Kibaki, is Kalonzo Musyoka who saved as Kibaki’s vee pee for five years. After  Kibaki, like Moi, supported Uhuru, Kalonzo left the government and joined the opposition though Uhuru this time won and Kibaki triumphed where Moi didn’t. Importantly, the upshot here’s that for vee pee to inherit his boss is historically difficult in Kenya.
            Now, let’s see if Ruto’ll make it to the top with all squabbles between him and his boss. Experience shows that to be a good vee pee, one must keep low profile instead of thinking is a shareholder to the presidency. Those who remember how Ruto used to enjoy the bromance and camaraderie with his boss in the first term under UhuRuto that died many years ago–––when his star rose and aligned–––know how uncomfortable Uhuru’s to have a person who’d think he’s using him to reach his goal even without his choice and will. Instead of being a vee pee, as a deputy president, he thought he’s a co-president while he wasn’t. Now that his star exploding, what does the increase of negative  political luminosity we evidence foretell?
     In the first term, Ruto thought’s in control and the lame duck president who turned out to be as cunning as a fox. Ruto used the idiom that if you can’t convince them confuse them by pretending he’s not against his boss while he’s always been. He used to traduce his boss behind the curtains and pretend he’d take a bullet for him in the public, while he actually can stab him shall opportunity avail itself for him. Thus, he thought he’s confusing his boss after convincing him. Again, when he took the glove off, Ruto started to throw stones at the same government to which’s the member. He thus, started to scare them. Yes, if you can’t confuse them scare them. The best strategy’s to confuse and scare them without including yourself in this confusing and scaring business.
            Will Ruto’s political aggression, assaults and against his boss and theatrics see him through to the top post, and like Moi become an exception to the general rule of Kenyan politics and its races to presidency? Will Ruto punish his boss or be punished by him? Who’ll laugh last and have a laugh longest? Will Uhuru clone or crown Ruto to become president and maltreat him in retirement? How can Ruto meet his presidential ambitions without the support of the other vee pees and other political bigwigs as was the case in Kibaki’s victory? How’ll he while the person he wants to succeed doesn’t only support him but also has some issues with him not to mention that he is retiring? Why didn’t Ruto see the open secret that his presidency ambitions would not succeed without the support of his boss? Why didn’t he see it coming? Is it because of arrogance or overconfidence?  Look at Kibaki even Uhuru. They’re able to succeed either by being supported by colleagues or their bosses.
In sum, one week is a long time in politics; and anything can crop up and turn the tables on anybody. Will Ruto win Uhuru’s confidence and heart back; and thereby force him to divorce his handshake brother, Raila Odinga? Will Raila let this happen while he knows too well that the coming elections are the only chance left for his to give a shot at the presidency? Will Uhuru trust Ruto again for his peril if we refer to how they’re dangerously at loggerheads now? Will Ruto yank the opposition supremos from Kenyatta? For, it is an open secret that Uhuru’s already  shown the dalliance to Odinga. Refer to the formation of One Kenya Alliance (OKA) to rival United Democratic Alliance (UDA) Ruto aims to use as his vehicle come 2022general elections. Considering all facts above, what’s Ruto waiting for in the government that’s already clearly shown him he’s its opponent for his peril?
Source: Daily Monitor today.

Saturday, 2 October 2021

It is Exactly One Month after Sudden Demise of Nobesuthu Mbadu of the Mahotela Queen Passed on


RIP NOBESUTHU MBADU (26 April 1945 – 31 August 2021)
For more info please follow this link
 


Why Uhuru dumped Ruto

 

President Uhuru Kenyatta has a word with his deputy Dr William Ruto during the 57th Madaraka Day Celebrations on June 01, 2020 at State House Gardens, Nairobi.By Makau Mutua 

 Professor at SUNY Buffalo Law School and Chair of the KHRC.
What you need to know:
President Kenyatta owes Kenyans a candid explanation as to why he’s dumped Mr Ruto. 
On the other hand, Mr Ruto needs to speak publicly on why he thinks he’s been dumped.
It seems like aeons ago. In those days – long, long ago – Jubilee’s Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto were inseparable. Siamese twins. White starched shirts, matching red “power” ties. Sleeves rolled up. Camaraderie. Simpatico. Mr Ruto, the eager and scheming understudy, would stand deferentially behind his boss, hands clasped in decorum. Every now and then Mr Ruto would crack a smile. Studious. The king-in-waiting.
        Seven years later – as Irish poet William Butler Yates wrote in ‘The Second Coming’ – we’ve all witnessed “Things Fall Apart”. Indeed, “the centre cannot hold; mere anarchy is loosed upon the world.” Mr Ruto’s carefully crafted succession plan is adrift – his ship listing, taking on water. Why did the scion of Jomo dump him?
        Back then, Mr Kenyatta told fanatical Jubilee hoi polloi that he would serve for a decade, and hand the baton to Mr Ruto for “his own 10”. But as they say, a day – let alone a year – is a long time in politics. After the 2017 elections, Mr Kenyatta turned his back on his precociously ambitious deputy.            At one point, Mr Kenyatta rebuked Mr Ruto in public, saying that the “principal assistant” had forcibly grabbed the “succession baton” and was running backwards. It was an extraordinary statement. Mr Ruto pretended to smile as he shifted and squirmed in his seat. Mr Kenyatta’s punch had landed with a loud report. Their relationship had irretrievably entered the Door of No Return.
        Mr Kenyatta and Mr Ruto were both “Moi-Kanu boys”. But they weren’t a natural fit, especially after the 2008 post-election violence. The worst of it was between the Kikuyu and the Kalenjin. For that, both gentlemen ended up at the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague. 
Ironically, it was the ICC that united them – and their communities – even after people lustily butchered each other. It was an uncertain truce born of fear and ambition, not principle. The biblical house built on sand. Was their divorce inevitable after Mr Kenyatta secured a second term? Many thought so. But that wasn’t the real reason. Fear, I suggest, is the reason. Fear of Mr Ruto.
Central Kenya elite
If we understand politics as the conquest of state power without violence, then it all makes sense. 
Political power is the medium through which economic power is captured, and then husbanded. 
Methinks that the Central Kenya elite learnt from the Moi-Kanu era that the presidency was the indispensable tool for taking, and keeping, the commanding heights of the economy. Lose political power and you face economic Armageddon. 
        Dictator Daniel arap Moi decimated the Central Kenya business elite. The détente reached between Mr Kenyatta and Mr Ruto – and by implication the Kikuyu and Kalenjin elites – in the wake of the ICC cases couldn’t survive the distrust between the two. Mr Ruto can’t be trusted to protect the Central Kenya elite hold on economic power. 
        More importantly, Mr Kenyatta and his larger clan don’t want to find out what Mr Ruto could do to them if he captures state power. There are signs of what animates Mr Ruto. Like Donald Trump, Mr Ruto seems to be enamoured with dictators. His close relationship with the regime of former Sudanese dictator Omar al-Bashir, who’s facing charges at the ICC, is a matter of public record. More concerning is Mr Ruto’s admiration of – and dalliance – with Uganda’s Yoweri Museveni. 
Mr Museveni is an African Vladimir Putin who’s essentially abolished term limits. He rules with the fiercest iron fist. All we need to know is that Mr Ruto is under Mr Museveni’s political pupillage. 
Scandal after scandal
That’s not all. Mr Ruto is dogged by allegations of scandal after scandal. Is he the sort of person to whom a wise nation would entrust its democracy? And would any elite – including those around Mr Kenyatta – be comfortable under his reign?
        Kenya is a fledgling democracy. It can be reversed easily. Mr Kenyatta himself has taken an axe to Kenya’s democratic experiment. Often, he’s torn through democratic norms, laws, even the Constitution. He’s set a terrible example for his successors.
But if we think Mr Kenyatta is illiberal and often dictatorial, then as they say, we ain’t seen nutin’ yet. Mr Ruto’s anti-democratic proclivities will probably make Mr Kenyatta’s ham-handedness look like a walk in the park.
        It’s clear that Mr Kenyatta wants no part of Mr Ruto in the next administration. Which means he must back someone who can beat Mr Ruto. Mr Ruto has a right to run, and Mr Kenyatta has an equal right to stop him within the strictures of the Constitution and Kenya’s laws. But as a political matter, Mr Kenyatta owes Kenyans a candid explanation – without obfuscation – as to why he’s dumped Mr Ruto. 
Come out and say it straight, and let the chips fall where they may. On the other hand, Mr Ruto needs to speak publicly on why he thinks he’s been dumped. This is critical information for the electorate.
Makau Mutua is SUNY Distinguished Professor and Margaret W. Wong Professor at Buffalo Law School. He’s chair of KHRC. @makaumutua
Source: Sunday Nation tomorrow