Heko Rais Magufuli

Sunday, 18 August 2019

LALA MAHALI PEMA PEPONI JOHN NG'AMG'A Hurúka thayú ithe wa Cikú

John DeMathew.

Gari aliyokuwa akiendesha marehemu inavyoonekana baada ya ajali
               Kwa wakenya, ukiondoa watoto wachanga na wenye maradhi ya akili, sina shaka kama kuna asiyemfahamu John Demathew gwiji la muziki wa kikuyu aliyetingisha bila mfano wala mpinzani. Kwa watu wa kabila lake la Kikuyu, wanaojua lugha ya kikikuyu na hata wasiojua lakini wapenzi wa muziki wa Kenya, John Demathew ni mgeni katika kila nyumba kuhusiana na muziki.              Habari zilizotufikia ni kwamba John Demathew hatunaye tena. Amefariki dunia baada ya gari alilokuwa akiendesha kugonga Lori na kufia hospitali. Kwangu mimi, ukiwaacha Mbaraka Mwinshehe, Marijan Rajabu, David Masondo, Paul Nkabinde Mahlathini, Spokes Mashiyane, Ndux Sr, Oliver Mutukudzi, Cephas Mashakada na Lapiro de Mbanga, (wote marehemu), Nana Moskouri, Ndux Jr, Mahotela Queens, hakuna mwanamuziki aliye hai alinivutia kama Demathew. Ameacha urathi wa album zaidi ya 50. Mungu iweke mahali pema peponi roho ya John Demathew, nani atasema eni kwenye tenzi zake. 
Thia wega muini munene wa nyimbo njega
Thia wega kikuo ni magegania murata wakwa
John Demathew jamba nene. 
Ngai ni mwega akurathime
Thia na wini waku mwega
Amina.

When europe Installed Dogs to Devour Africa This is What Happened


For whoever truly loves Africa, the demise of dogs like Joseph Desire Mobutu, who actually was a beast in human form, is nothing but  glad tidings  that bring joy. Africa is what it is today because of being ruled by some dogs in many countries. Many Africans are poor not just because they are poor. They are made poor by dogs in power. As president John Magufuli oft-asserts, Africa has everything minus good leadership. This is the challenge to every Africa. This is the greatest test for us. On this blog, we will be bringing the series of dogs european hyenas installed to destroy Africa.  It is sad that some of such rabid dogs died without facing justice. Neither did their masters or their offsprings. When will justice be done for Africa and its people who have suffered for many decades of western-created decadence? Will Africans keep mum as they perish while they actually know the root cause of their tribulations? for how long then? Think about this.

Friday, 16 August 2019

Kanada Marekani na Uingereza Hawana Udhu wala Sifa ya Kutufundisha Haki za Binadamu

     Image result for photos of the flags of canada UK and USA    
          Hivi karibuni, kumekuwapo na sintofahamu kuhusiana na haki za binadamu nchini Tanzania hasa baada ya kukamatwa kwa mwandishi mmoja wa habari. Hakuna anayeuunga mkono ukiukwaji wa haki za binadamu. Hivyo, mataifa tajwa hapo juu, kupitia mabalozi wao, yalitoa shutuma dhidi ya serikali ya Tanzania kuhusiana na kile yanaochokiona kama ukiukwaji wa haki za binadamu. Kukemea ukiukwaji si wa haki za binadamu tu bali chochote kinachofanana na hiki ni jambo bora. Cha msingi, anayefanya hivyo, asiwe na ajenga zake za siri kama ilivyo kwa mataifa tajwa ukiachia mbali ukweli kuwa nayo yamekuwa yakikiuka haki za kibinadamu tena si taifa moja bali mengi duniani kwa miaka mingi.
       Kwa ufupi, Kanada imekuwa ikitekeleza mauaji ya kimbari dhidi ya wakazi wa asili wa taifa hili ambao hujulikana kama First Nations, Aboriginals na majina mengine. Kwa wanaoishi Kanada, wanajua ni hali gani watu hawa wamekuwa wakiishi kuanzia kunyang'anywa watoto wao na kupelekewa kwenye makambi ya mateso yaliyoitwa  residential schools ambamo waliteswa, kubakwa, kuzuiwa kuongea lugha zao, kuabudu dini zao, na mambo mengine. Pia wazazi wao hadi sasa wengi wanaishi kwenye maeneo tengefu yaitwayo reserves. Kama haitoshi, weupe walinyakua ardhi ya watu hawa wa asili kiasi cha kuteketeza mawindo na maeneo mengine yaliyokuwa yakizalisha chakula chao. Walivuruga utamaduni na maisha yao kiasi cha kuwageuza makasha ya kile walichokuwa kabla ya kutawaliwa. Weupe walileta silaha nyingi za maangamizi ya kijamii kama vile madawa ya kulevya, magonjwa na pombe mambo ambayo yameharibu watu hawa ambao kwa sasa wamebakia kuwa asilimia 4.9 kwa mujibu wa sensa ya mwaka 2016. Je kwa namna hii, Kanada ambayo imetekeleza unyama huu kwa miaka 151 ina udhu kweli kwa kukemea kile inachokifanya tena kwa kundi kubwa la watu?
      Kila mtu anajua namna waingereza walivyotawala nchi nyingi duniani wakaziibia na kuziacha maskini huku wakitaka waendelee kuzitawala kwa mlango wa nyuma. Wanadai hakuna haki za binadamu, je wahamiaji wanatendewaje nchini Uingereza hasa watu weusi? Je Malkia wa Uingereza naye amechaguliwa kidemokrasia kuongoza taifa hili koloni na beberu? Je unajua kuwa ni uingereza hii hii iliyomuweka madarakani imla Idi Amin wa Uganda aliyeua Waganda akaishia kuivamia Tanzania akitaka kuchukua ardhi yake? Nani asiyejua kuwa mataifa haya licha ya kujua kuwa rais wa zamani wa Msumbiji , marehemu Samora Machel angekuawa na makaburu wa Afrika Kusini, yaliendelea kuwaunga mkono kulhali ili kuendeleza utawala wao wa kinyama na kibaguzi uliovunja haki za binadamu nchini humo kwa miaka mingi tu kabla ya kuondolewa mwaka 1997.
    Kwa upande wa Marekani, taifa lililojengwa kwenye misingi ya dhuluma na vurugu, wengi wanajua ilivyovuruga nchi za Afghanistan, Irak na sasa inanyemelea Venezuela. Marekani inasifika kwa kupindua marais wazalendo na walioonyesha kutaka kukata mizizi ya ukoloni kwa kulinganisha bara la Afrika kama vile Kwame Nkrumah (Ghana) na Patrice Lumumba (DRC). Je hawa hawakuwa na haki sawa na binadamu wengine? Je haki zinazovunjwa ni za makundi madogo kama vile waandishi wa habari, mashoga na wanasiasa tu wakati umma umeteseka kwa miaka mingi tokana na madhara ya ukoloni mkongwe na mkoloni mambo leo wakati hawa wanaojidai kutetea haki wakiwa kimya na ima kushiriki mateso haya au kuyanyamazia ukiachia mbali kuyashiriki?
      Kwa sasa, wakati Marekani ikihanikiza na kushinikiza Tanzania kuhusiana na uvunjwaji wa haki za binadamu kwetu, imo kitanda kimoja na maimla kama vile Paul Biya (Cameroon), Teodoro Obiang Nguema (Equatorial Guinea), Ali Bongo (Gabon) na wengine wengi wanaojulikana kwa uvunjaji wa haki za binadamu tena kwa muda mrefu.
   Kwa kuangalia rekodi za mataifa husika, kabla ya kupitisha hukumu, tunapaswa kujiuliza, je ni kitu gani wanachotafuta katika kelele zao kama siyo ajenda za siri? Kama kweli wanataka haki kwanini hawazitendi kwao tena kwa makundi makubwa ya watu na nchi?
Image result for photos of the flags of canada UK and USA and Tanzania

UJUMBE HUU NI MAALUMU KWA RAIS MAGUFULI NA WASHAURI WAKE

     The prime minister, Ahmed Abiy, plants a tree in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. 
John Magufuli: Tanzania president sweeps the streets outside state palace
Mheshimiwa rais John Pombe Magufuli, PhD,
Sina mazoea ya kutumia vyombo vya habari kuwasiliana na viongozi zaidi ya kuandika kwa ajili ya wote wanaosoma maandiko yangu. Leo navunja mwiko. Naandika andiko hili fupi mahsusi wewe usome, kama si wewe washauri wako au watu wako wa karibu.
        Hivi karibuni jarida maarufu la the Guardian liliandika habari njema toka Afrika pamoja na ukweli kuwa vyombo vingi vya habari vya Magharibi huwa havioni mazuri yanayofanyika barani Afrika. Jarida lilioandika kwa mstuko na upekee kupandwa jumla ya miti milioni zaidi ya 350 nchini Ethiopia kwa muda wa masaa 12 huku ikipandwa jumla ya miti zaidi ya bilioni mbili ndani ya miezi michache iliyopita. Haya ni matokeo na fikra za kiongozi mpya wa Ethiopia Ahmed Abiy, kijana anayeonekana kuleta chachu ya maendeleo na mageuzi ya kiutawala barani Afrika kama ambavyo nawe umekuwa ukifanya.
      Kwa vile janga na mabadiliko ya tabia nchi ni matishio kwa maisha ya wanadamu wote wakiwamo watanzania, nashauri uige mfano wa kiongozi huyu na kuhimiza watanzania si kupanda miti tu bali kupanda kwa wingi hata ikiwezekana wavunje rekodi ya Ethiopia. Pia lile zoezi lako la kusafisha makazi wa wananchi kila wiki lirejerewe na kupewa mwamko mpya. Maana siku hizi halisikiki tena.

Wednesday, 14 August 2019

THE FORTH COMING SET OF GENERAL ELECTIONS: THE MOST APPROPRIATE TIME FOR POLITICAL RALLIES


                                                                                                                                    
The banning of ‘endless’ political rallies by Union President John Magufuli in 2016, was strongly opposed by the Opposition political parties, strongly supported by certain self-style zealots of ‘democracy’, who loudly cried foul.    
Image result for msekwa photosThus,  in view of the forthcoming set of general elections  that are scheduled  to be held  later  this year and next  year,  today’s article  has been  designed to  focus  mainly  on suggesting an answer to those  negative reactions  which  accompanied  the  promulgation of the said  ban;  by presenting  the stipulated  Constitutional and legal  perspective  regarding  this matter; in a spirited  endeavour  to  convince  those stakeholders  who cried  foul,  that the most  appropriate season for such rallies  has now  arrived;   which  is  the period  that is  designated by law as the “campaign period”  that  precedes   every general  election and by-election,  to be announced  in due course by the National Electoral Commission  in respect of the  anticipated elections.  
As the Holy Bible says in Ecclesiastes, 3.1 – 1-8: “To everything there is a season, and a time to every purpose under heaven”. Election time is the most appropriate season for political rallies.
The legality of Presidential Orders.
Among the challengers  of the President’s ban on ‘endless’  political rallies, was the Tanzania Episcopal Conference (TEC)  of  Catholic Bishops; who,  in their  statement  that was  quoted  by  MWANANCHI newspaper of Sunday, 11th February, 2018   in a  news item  that stated,  in part,  as follows:- “Katika ujumbe wake, TEC imesema kuwa kuzuia  mikutano ya hadhara ya vyama vya siasa,  ni   kwenda kinyume cha Katiba ya nchi”.  Its English translation would be: “The Government’s action to impose a ban on political rallies by political parties, is unconstitutional”.  It is an indisputable fact that Presidential Orders, such as this one, are challengeable in the courts of competent jurisdiction; as happened   in   the case   of Sheikh v The Regional Police Commander, Dare es Salaam and others (1985).   In that case, the President of the United Republic of Tanzania had made an order that the applicant should be deported to Zanzibar from Tanzania Mainland, under section 2 of the Deportation Act.  The applicant made an application in the nature of habeas corpus to   the High Court, in which he challenged the President’s   Order, on the ground that the President had exceeded his powers under the said law.  His application was indeed successful.  However, the said Order by President Magufuli has not actually been challenged in court, so far.
The politics of the ban imposed on political rallies.
It has been rightly said, that “there are two sides to every coin”. The constitutionality or otherwise of this matter, is but only one side of the coin; and that is a professional area appropriately reserved for determination by the Judiciary.   We will therefore avoid trespassing on that land, and just confine our discussion to the ‘politics of the matter, which is the other side of the same coin.  
My submission is that this  ban on ‘endless’ political  rallies,  and the its condemnation by some stakeholders, together  constitute  one crucial  lesson  in political education  which is well-worth learning;  This is  because the incident  raises  the important political  question of what is, or should be,  the proper ‘role of political parties’  in the country’s governance  system.  
A proper understanding of this role will be achieved only through efforts being   made to   enhance the public’s   knowledge and understanding of the basic principles governing this matter. In that connection, the Tanzania Labour Party’s differing opinion   provides a relevant ‘case study’.    
The TLP national Chairman, Agustino Lyatonga Mrema, also issued a statement (which was reported in the DAILY NEWS of Tuesday, 28th June, 2016), fully supporting the Government ban. He said the following: - “It should be understood that such political rallies are not the priorities of the people. The people out there want the provision of social amenities such as education, health, water and infrastructure, among others. Hence, if the Opposition political leaders insist on never-ending politicking, it is obvious that the Government will not get enough time to fulfill the campaign pledges which they made to voters regarding these matters”.      
Are political rallies an essential element in the functioning of political parties?  The answer will depend, of course, on the respondent’s personal perspective.
The proper role of political parties.
Article 4 (1) of the country’s  Constitution, is what  makes provision for the lawful functioning of political parties in Tanzania; and their  proper role is defined   in the Political Parties Act,  (no. 5 of 19192);  which gives the following definition of a political party:  “Political party” means “any organized group which is formed for the purpose of forming a Government, or Local Authority, within the United Republic through elections; or  for putting up or supporting candidates to such elections”. 
 Thus, in the context of this definition, the primary purpose, or indeed the raison d’etre of any political party in Tanzania is, or should be, to participate in elections with a view to acquiring political power, both at the national and the local Authority levels. The implied meaning of this provision is that any group of persons that does not adhere to these clearly articulated aims and objectives, does not qualify to be registered as a political party. It could perhaps be registered only as a ’society’, under the relevant law relating to the registration of societies.  
In other words, the primary role of any political party in Tanzania, is to participate in elections whenever they are due.
“Participating in elections”, of course, includes organizing campaign rallies all over the country, within a time frame which is normally determined by the National Electoral Commission. This confirms what was stated above (as a reminder to all those who ‘cried foul’ to the ban); that there are more appropriate times for such rallies to be organized and carried out.       
We have already referred to the Bible saying in Ecclesiastes 3.1–8: “To everything there is a season, and a time to every purpose under the heaven:   A time to be born, and a time to die.   A time to kill, and a time to heal.  A time to mourn, and a time to dance.  A time to break down, and a time to build up… etc.”  Thus, if the ban on endless political rallies was their ‘time to mourn’; the forthcoming set of general elections should be their ‘time to dance’, and dance to their hearts’ content.
This   role appears to have been obscured.
The  ‘rule book’  in  the multiparty political culture,  provides  that “at the conclusion of a competitive general election  (which is normally conducted through numerous campaign rallies  countrywide),  has finally determined the winners and the losers of that competition, political competition between them does not  end  there, it is only the venue of that competition which now ceases to be the open public rallies, and  moves  to Parliament House”.
But, alas, the absence of the requisite multi-party-political culture has largely obscured this requirement; and not only here in Tanzania, but in practically every other country that inherited the British-based (Westminster) system of Parliamentary governance.   Examples abound around the Commonwealth to confirm this contention.  For example, in October 2000; Dr. the Hon. Keith Mitchell, MP, the then Prime Minister of Grenada in the Caribbean, lamented as follows: - “The Caribbean people have long had a reputation for passionate partisan  debate in the adversarial  form of parliamentary democracy  inherited from Westminster.  But they also enjoyed the reputation for playing by the rules:  the winners of the arguments took office, and the losers continued the debate from the Opposition benches inside Parliament and prepared for the next election.
  But   today, passionate political debates are being continued, in an alarming number of cases, not in Parliament, but in the streets.  And they are being pressed not by debate, but by demonstrations.  Our acceptance of the parliamentary system is being seriously eroded”.
As can be seen, the demands for endless  political rallies outside of the election period, (when political arguments should have transferred from the public arena to Parliament House,   thus  continuing the debate from the opposition benches inside Parliament);   the Opposition parties were, in effect, demanding the right to “press their arguments by demonstration, instead of by debate inside Parliament”.  Thus “seriously eroding our acceptance of the Parliamentary system of governance”.  
 It is therefore submitted that efforts should be made to remedy the situation, and that President Magufuli’s ban on such endless political rallies   was intended to contribute to these efforts.
 Political parties are the essence of Parliamentary democracy.
It should also be noted,  and appreciated,  that  in the British-based parliamentary system of governance which we inherited at the time of independence,  political parties are the essence of parliamentary democracy; in the sense that the party which wins a majority of the parliamentary seats at the relevant general election   gets the right to form the Government of the day and that  the losers  also get their  right to participate effectively in the decision-making processes of Parliament; by establishing mechanisms which guarantee them such effective participation.             
Such mechanisms include   the establishment of the institution known in parliamentary parlance as “the Official Opposition”.  This ‘Official Opposition’ is an institution of vital importance, because it enables the country’s citizens to retain effective control over their Government, by making those who are in authority to account for their stewardship.
According the multi-party ‘rule book’,  the main responsibility for ensuring that the policies and actions of the Government are subjected to constant  challenge,  is vested in  this institution; whose primary functions,  according the multi-party ‘ rule book’,  can be listed as follows:-     
(a) to secure continuous  accountability by the Government of the day, in the performance of its duties and functions.  In respect of this function, the Official opposition is expected to examine all Government proposals very carefully, to probe into the Governments performance, to criticize as may be appropriate and necessary; and to present its considered comments and observations.   
 (b) To act as the alternative Government in-waiting. It is no secret that the underlying objective of the Official Opposition in Parliament, is to acquire power at the next, or subsequent general election. Hence, it is expected to perform its functions largely with that basic purpose in mind. It is therefore bound to be constructive and responsible, in order to be seen by the voters as being really worthy of becoming the next Government.
(c) To cooperate with the Government of the day, in ensuring the smooth operations of the day-to-day business of Parliament. But, of course, in order for this cooperation to be meaningful, the Opposition must accept that the Government has valid duties to perform, plus a programme to be completed.         
And, on its part, the Government must also accept that the Opposition has a positive constitutional role to play, and must therefore be enabled to play that role, without any undue encumbrances.                           
         A proper understanding of these rules that govern multi-party politics in the Parliamentary system of governance, plus a genuine willingness to observe them; is what will ensure the growth, and healthy sustenance, of our cherished   parliamentary system of governance.
piomsekwa@gmail.com/0754767576.
Source: Daily News and Cde Msekwa himself.

Kiswahili Kitaendelea Kuwa Lugha ya Ukombozi wa Afrika

 Image result for photos of kiswahili           Pamoja na kuwa na baadhi ya maneno toka lugha nyingine za kigeni kama vile Kiarabu, Kiingereza na nyingine pia zenya asili ya Afrika kama vile Kishona, Kizulu, Kinyanja, Kibemba na nyingine, licha ya kuwa lugha yenye chimbuko lake Tanzania na lugha ya taifa pia, Kiswahili ni lugha ya Kiafrika inayopaswa kutumika Afrika. Tangu aingie madarakani, rais John Pombe Magufuli, bila kujali wakosoaji, hata waliomkejeli kuwa hajui Kiingereza, amesimama imara kukienzi, kukitumia na kukiuza Kiswahili duniani. Hivi karibuni waziri wake wa Mambo ya Nje Prof Palamagamba Kabudi alikaririwa akisema kuwa mawaziri wa Jumuia ya Maendeleo Kusini mwa Afrika (SADC) wamependekeza kwa wakuu wa nchi kupitisha lugha hii kama mojawapo ya lugha zitakazotumika kwenye Jumuia hii. Lugha nyingine zote zinazotumika kwenye Jumuia hii ni za kigeni na kikoloni ambazo ni Kiigereza, Kifaransa na Kireno. Hivyo, kwa namna ya pekee, wakuu wa SADC ambao wengi wao ni matunda ya Kiswahili, tunawasihi na kuamini watapitisha ombi hili mara moja ili lau kutambua mchango wa Kiswahili na Tanzania kwenye ukombozi wa Kusini mwa Afrika.
        Mbali na kutambua mchango wa Kiswahili na Tanzania, Kiswahili kitakuwa lugha pekee ya Asili ya Afrika na ya Ukombozi kutumiwa na nchi wanachama. Hii ni njia sahihi ya kujikomboa (true decolonisation) ukiachia mbali kuondoa sumu ya ukoloni (detoxification).  Mbali na SADC, Jumuia ya Afrika ya Mashariki (EAC) ishakiridhia na kukitumia ukiachia mbali nchi kama vile Rwanda na Sudan ya Kusini kukitambua umuhimu wake huku Afrika ya Kusini, kwa kutambua mchango wa Kiswahili na Tanzania kwenye ukombozi wake kuamua kifundishwe mashauleni. Tunaamini. Kuna siku Kiswahili kitakuwa si lugha ya EAC wala SADC tu bali lugha ya Afrika. Na hili likitimia, Afrika itakuwa imeanza kupiga hatua kwenye ukombozi wa kweli.
    Ukiachia mbali na kuwa lugha ya asili ya Afrika, Kiswahili, kitawafanya Waafrika kujifunza na kukijua kirahisi kutokana na asilimia kubwa ya Waafrika kuwa na lugha zenye kufanana kitabia na kimuundo. Pia Kiswahili, kinaweza kuleta manufaa ya kiuchumi kwa Afrika kwa maana kwamba, fedha nyingi zinazotumika kutafsiri kwenye mikutano ya Kiafrika zitatumika kwenye maeneo mengine. Hata gharama ya kufundisha Kiswahili si aghali kama vile lugha za kikoloni ambazo bado Afrika haijazimanya vilivyo. Hivyo, kutegemea wageni kuwafunza watu wake wanaoshughulikia masuala mbali mbali. China, Japan, Urusi hazikufikia kwenye maendeleo yake kwa lugha za kikoloni. Korea pia kadhalika. Kwanini Afrika isiweze?

Sudan Agreement: Has AU blessed coups?

Image result for au and sudanese military junta photos                        Considering the stance by the Africa Union (AU) on coups in Africa, what transpired recently in Sudan pokes holes on this stance. After long-time wrangles, brutalities, massacres and ho-has, the world on Friday 5th July 2019 woke up to the news that the Sudanese Transitional Military Council (TMC) had, at last, reached agreement with the opposition that saw Sudanese long-time potentate Omar Bashir being pulled down. Many still wonder. Why did the duo enter a shotgun agreement that became impossible for months? Did they bow before the pressure exerted from within and outside; or just because one of the duo the military junta agreed for the sake of argument in order to devise more methods of usurping power provided that it has guns under its disposal?
                        First of all, before delving into what seem to be in the store for Sudan, we need to ask ourselves if this is what the Sudanese people sought. Whatever the answer[s] one gets will tell him or her if this is deal is a real deal or just a bad if not a no deal. I once warned that the revolution in Sudan was likely to go haywire and be grabbed as it transpired in the neighbouring Egypt wherein the army robbed the revolution just a year after the mass agitated against and thereof overthrew Hosni Mubarak whose elements, like Bashir’s stepped in and deposed a democratically elected president, the late Mohamed Morsi. The difference however is that in Egypt, the status quo waited for a year. In Sudan, the victory has been snatched from the table even before democracy was applied in charting out the way for the country. This is why many Sudan, especially whose relatives were killed in the demonstration see the agreement as a surrender. For other many, the so-called agreement is the beginning of the revolution because the causes of revolution in Egypt and Sudan are symmetrical by nature, stinking endemic and systemic corruption and failures and long-time economic hardship and failure for the regime to deliver.
             Another cause is the fact that long-time dictatorship normally doesn’t deliver. It plays holier than thou to end up creating the seeds of its own destruction. Naturally, dictatorships fall however long they try to cling unto power. This is because of creating many enemies inside and outside of it not to mention natural decay that they undergo. So, too, dictatorship create a sort of monotony in whatever it does, especially when we underscore the truth that everything either revolves around one person or a group of his/her courtiers in this mutualism of corruption and criminality.
            Geared by criminal history, ignorance and greed for power, the junta in Sudan seems hellbent to cling unto power. The major question one can ask is: Will it survive, and if it does, for how long? Will the current carbuncular civimilitary regime adequately address and solve these problems? Will this setting outsmart the other failed experiment of the Governments of National Unity (GNU)?
            Will the power behind the curtain snatch this opportunity to exploit Sudan? Refer to how three Middle East nations of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) in conjunction with Egypt have been pulling strings behind the curtain not to mention being the sponsors of the current military junta they expect to use in many ways including keeping on supplying mercenaries to fight in Yemen and honouring their agreements to lease land in Sudan and produce food for their citizens while Sudanese are going to bed with empty tummies.
            When it comes to the AU, has it surrendered to the coup? What precedent does that set for other ticking countries under dictators? What should we expect?
               Provided that many of those making the TMC are accused of committing genocide in Darfur not to forget maintaining Bashir’s corrupt and notorious regime for 30 years, such criminals will always sabotage the process so as to buy time and thereby, maybe, escape the long arm of justice not to mention being geared by ignorance and greed that they can get away with murder hence keep on milking Sudan as they deem fit.
                Again, will they succeed where their boss Bashir failed despite having all instruments of power under his disposal? Will the international community stay aside and look as if what is ongoing is not one of its business? Where are the powers of the world? Again, who cares about Africa and African things? Will the AU see the light and make a U-turn by coercing the TMC to leave the business of politics to politicians? Will the Sudanese buy into this false wherein the conflict seems to have been postponed? Yes, the conflict has been postponed either because of the fear or wooziness of the parties to it. In conflict resolution, we understand that wherever there is conflict, what we see is but an iceberg. The part we see is just a small portion of a problem. This is why my understanding is that what transpired in Sudan is but the beginning of the beginning of a big problem yet to come. This is because the process has been flawed. Sudanese and their political leaders may hope that things will normalize. How while those with guns are going to have an upper hand in everything?         
Further, the military has no knowhow of economic and political matters. Thus, having such immense power by being a part of the ruling ‘whatever’, they will make matters worse than they are so as to force Sudanese people back to the drawing board. History shows that military juntas tend to depend on bureaucrats to run their show. In Sudan this will be hard provided that those who spearheaded the demonstrations were professionals and experts of all sorts. Therefore, shall the military seek their service, they’ll sabotage it so that the mass rise against it as it was for their master.
 You can take this to the bank. If Sudanese military think that they are going to have a very smooth ride just like their counterparts in the neighbouring Egypt, let them be told that the two cases are completely different.  
To put it in today’s contexts, in Egypt, superpowers from the west have their unabandonable interests, particularly if we consider the centrality of the Middle East with its oil-rich nations not to mention Israel which has always been the project of the West as it created it in 1948. Thanks to regional geopolitics, Sudanese junta will never make it due to the fact that Sudan is Africa however it perceives itself as Arab country. The aid that’s maintaining dictatorship in Egypt will never be forthcoming shall Sudanese stand again against it. So, too, what created this humungous movement is Sudan will never get away without addressing central issues such as tanking economy, unemployment and hardship. More importantly, the force behind Sudan revolution is nothing but the kamikaze youth who have nothing to lose except their chains.
In nutshell, Sudan agreement is still premature to tell exactly what to expect provided that the crux of the problem hasn’t been touched yet. In other words, Sudanese conflict is a hard nut to crack. As for the AU, its stance is not only confusing but also discouraging. And shall it not come forth and rethink it, it is likely to set a very dangerous precedent not only for Sudan but Africa in general.

Saturday, 10 August 2019

Ajali ya Moto Morogoro Somo kwa Watu Wote

    Image result for ajali ya moto morogoro photos       Ajali ya Jumamosi 10 Agosti ambapo baadhi ya watanzania wapatao zaidi ya 60 walipoteza maisha ima wakiwa wanachota mafuta baada ya gari la mafuta kupata ajali au kuwa karibu na eneo la ajali ina somo kubwa kwetu kama taifa. Pamoja na kutisha na kusikitisha kwa tukio hili lililoacha simanzi nyingi kitaifa, kama taifa na watu, tunapaswa kujisuta na kuthamini maisha yetu. Si jambo jema inapotokea ajali watu kwenda kuiba au kuchukua vitu vinavyokuwa kwenye chombo kilichopata ajali. Hii ni jinai kama jinai nyingine itokanayo na ujinga na umaskini vya kupita kiasi. Kama taifa, kuna haja ya kuanza kuwaelimisha watu wetu kuwa wanavyoona mambo siyo yalivyo. 
          Ni ajabu kidogo kwa watu wenye akili kukimbilia kuchota mafuta huku wengine wakiwa wanavuta sigara ukiachia mbali kutochelea kuwa unaweza kutokea mlipuko na kusababisha maafa kama yaliyoshuhudiwa Morogoro. Pamoja na ujinga na umaskini, pia ujinai na roho mbaya vinachangia kadhia hii. Kabla ya kuchukua hatua ya kwenda kuiba kwenye chombo kilichopata ajali, jifikirie. Je ningekuwa mimi mhanga ningependa nitendeweje? Isiwe mkuki kwa nguruwe kwa binadamu mchungu. Ni jambo la aibu kwetu kama taifa kuendelea kuthamini udohoudoho kama huu kiasi cha kuhatarisha maisha ya wengine. Tunatoa mkono wa rambirambi kwa wafiwa tukiomba wawe ni mabalozi wazuri wa kuelezea kadhia hii ya kutumia ajali kama fursa ya kujipatia kipato. Tusiogopane kuambiana ukweli. Kwani kufanya hivyo ni maafa zaidi ya haya tunayoshughulikia. Inabidi, kama taifa, tukemee vikali tabia hii ya maangamizi ya kujitakia.

Kumbe Hata Wanyama Hulipa Fadhila!


Wednesday, 7 August 2019

Wangapi Wanamkumbuka Gen Mstaafu Mzee David Musuguri

Image result for photos of david musuguri
Jenerali Musuguri akiwa na marehemu baba wa taifa Mwl Julius Nyerere na Silas Mayunga. Mzee Musuguri licha ya kuwa mkuu wa majeshi ya Tanzania baadaye, ndiye aliyepewa jukumu la kumpiga na kumtimua nduli Idi Amin wa Uganda hapo mwaka 1979 jukumu na kazi ambavyo alivitekeleza kwa kiwango cha juu tena ndani ya muda mfupi wa miezi minane iliyomuona nduli akitimka na kukimbilia Libya kabla ya kuishia Saudi Arabia alikofia. Je ni wangapi wanamkumbuka shujaa huyu aliyezaliwa miaka 96 iliyopita huko Butiama anakoishi kwa sasa? Tuwakumbuke mashujaa wetu.Image result for photos of david musuguri

TIGHTENING THE SCREWS AGAINST ELECTORAL CORRUPTION: THE NEW ELECTION EXPENSES LAW



Cordial ‘nane nane’ festival greetings to all our esteemed readers.
The whistle has already been blown for the commencement of preparations for the fourth coming set of general elections, starting with the Local Authorities elections which are to be held later this year, to be followed by the Parliamentary and Presidential elections to be held in October next year, 2020.
Image result for photos of pius msekwaOrdinarily, there are two ways in which members of the general public become ‘stakeholders’, or active participants, in any general election exercise. The first is when they act as voters, for which purpose they are required to be registered first, in accordance with the provisions of the relevant law. The second, is when they act as election candidates; for which they are similarly required to observe the provisions of all the relevant laws; including, in their particular case, a recently enacted statute cited as The Election Expenses Act” (no. 6 of 2010).The purpose of today’s article, is to draw the attention of  all the aspiring candidates,  in both sets of the forthcoming elections referred to above, to this important new law; and specifically, to the reasons for its enactment, which  is, primarily,  to tighten the screws against the  scourge of electoral corruption; but also to  draw attention to the  severe punishments which can be imposed for breach of the said law.
Those ‘learned brothers’ who are mandated to administer justice, have a wholly ‘unreasonable’  catch phrase which decrees that  ignorantia juris baud excusat  “ignorance of the law is no defense”  I call it  unreasonable, because it is absolutely impossible  for anyone  to know all the rules of law which are in force at any given time, for they are just too numerous.
Thus, for the purpose of  offering  a little helping hand,  this article is addressed to all those who are aspiring for nomination as election candidates by their respective political parties  in the said forth coming general elections;  in order to draw their attention to this new statute which was enacted by the Parliament of the United republic of Tanzania, and became law on the 1st day of April, 2010; whose primary intention is to impose strict controls on  election expenses.
The election Expenses Act, 2010; makes provision for controlling the use of funds by candidates during the three stages of the election process, namely the nomination stage, the campaign stage, and the election stage. These controls include the disclosure of, and accountability for all such funds; and the imposition of an upper limit to expenses which may be incurred. Secondly, it imposes a prohibition on certain practices (which are specified therein) during the whole period covered by these stages.  Thirdly, the law prescribes penalties which may be imposed upon a candidate who is in breach of its provisions.
The particular provisions to be noted.
Particular attention should be paid to the sections of the Act listed below: -
Section 7(1) of the Act defines the term ‘election expenses’ as “all funds expended, or expenses incurred, in respect of the conduct and management of the nomination process, election campaign, and election.” And, as indicated above, this law provides for expenditure controls and imposes certain prohibitions on candidates (and their political parties) during “the nomination process, election campaigns, and the elections.”  The term ‘nomination process’ is new in our system and should be carefully noted.  References to ‘nomination day’, the ‘campaign period’, and ‘election day’ present no difficulty, because their dates are set and announced in advance by the National Electoral Commission. What is new and not so familiar, is what the new law describes as “the nomination process” during which the provisions of this law will be applicable. It is defined in this law as: “the process by whatever procedure, whereby a political party invites persons who wish to be sponsored by any of such political parties to stand as candidate in the elections.”   
For example, participating political parties normally invite their members who wish to be considered for nomination as candidates, to start collecting the relevant request forms beginning from a date which is several weeks before the Electoral Commission’s ‘nomination day’ for candidates. It means that the whole of this period is now included in “nomination process’ as defined by the new law.
Section  14 (1) provides expressly that “all expenses to be incurred during the nomination process within the political parties shall be borne by the political party concerned”  This provision would appear to impose the whole burden of paying the necessary election expenses during this specific process, on the candidate’s political party.
It is imperative to ascertain, for the avoidance of any doubt, whether an individual candidate will he have violated the law if he incurred any personal expenses during this particular process.
Section 21(1) of the Act provides that: “during the nomination process,  election campaign, or election, every person who,  directly or indirectly by any other person on his behalf,  gives, lends, or agrees to give or to lend . . . any money or valuable consideration to any person in order to induce such person to vote for him at any nomination process or election, commits an offence.”
The punishment for this  business of  ‘giving or lending money’ during that process, is described as “prohibited practice”, and is provided for in section 24 (2), which is precisely that  “he lends himself liable to disqualification from participation in the nomination process, or election”.  This is serious and should be noted by all aspiring candidates.  
But even if he is able to escape from being so disqualified, he is still haunted by section 24(7), which provides that “where a candidate or his agent  . . . commits an act which amounts to a ‘prohibited practice’ in respect of which no action was taken, the Attorney-General may institute criminal proceedings, or file an election petition, against that candidate.”
As can be seen, this section expressly includes the nomination process which takes place within his political party. And the danger to the candidate is further buttressed by section 25 of the Act, which provides that :“the prohibition of ‘prohibited practices’ stipulated in this Part, shall extend and have the same effect to a person who, by pronouncement or conduct, has shown an intention to participate in the nomination process’ (kutangaza nia).
Section 23 (1) of the Act prohibits “payment, or contract for payment, for the purpose of promoting or procuring the nomination of a candidate at any nomination process or election, for the conveyance of voters to or from the polling station, whether for the hiring of any vehicle, vessel or transport of any kind whatsoever.”
And section 23(2) provides that if any payment is made in contravention of this section “either before, during or after an election, the person making such payment or contract shall commit an act of prohibited practice.”  
             The words ‘before an election’ obviously include the nomination process which takes place within the political parties. Thus, the following question inevitably arises:  does the prohibition on “hiring of any vehicle vessel, or transport of any kind whatsoever”  apply to  the conveyance of a candidate’s supporters (who are his  prospective voters) to the venues designated for the public announcement of his  intention to participate in the party  nomination process, or the collection of the relevant participation forms?  For the avoidance of doubt, the interested stake holders should seek clarification.
A temporary reprieve for the ruling party CCM.
For the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi, the provisions of this new law relating to the ‘nomination process’ (which takes place within the political parties)  will not bother them in respect of the 2020  mid-term Presidential elections;  during which incumbent President John Magufuli will be seeking a second and final term in office.  This s due to  the well-established CCM  convention,  which practically eliminates any internal competition between CCM candidates for the Presidency, through express party Rules which guarantee the nomination of the incumbent President for the mid-term election, unless, of course, he has committed such awful blunders that will qualify him for dismissal from office, which is what is implied in the refusal to nominate him for a second term.
But in view of the usual stiff  competition which normally takes place in Parliamentary, as well as in Local Authorities elections, it is of utmost importance for the aspiring candidates and their supporters, to familiarize themselves with the provisions of this new law, and, in particular, those provisions that might put them into trouble, in order to avoid being “caught with pants down!”
A contribution to the fight against corruption in elections.
It is important to understood that the enactment of this law was motivated by the need and desire on the part of the ruling party, to further ‘tighten the screws’ in the fight against corruption in elections. This is what explains the inclusion in that Act (section 21 (1),  of  a provision prohibiting certain conduct, which is described  as “prohibited practice”; and is defined as  follows: “During the nomination process, election campaign, or election, every person who, directly or indirectly by any other person on his behalf,   gives or lends, or agrees to give or lend money or valuable consideration to any person in order to induce such person to vote for him at the  nomination process or election, commits an offence.”  Such conduct has thus been placed within the category of “electoral corruption” offences, in order to further strengthen the country’s legal regime against corruption.
Collection of funds during elections, can easily constitute a huge source of electoral corruption. This reminds me of a book which I read about electoral corruption in India. The book is titled “ The politics of corruption”, published in 1995,  in which the author contends that (in India), “the greatest source of electoral  corruption was the collection of funds for political parties, ostensibly for financing what was vaguely described as ‘party work’, whereas  in fact, the line between the party chest and the personal pocket was literally obliterated.”
       The author goes on to describe the unexpected negative results of an  amendment which had been made by the Indian Parliament to their Companies Act,  in order to forbid companies from  contributing to political parties; whose real intention was to plug the glaring loophole which had facilitated massive electoral corruption activities.   On the contrary however, this amendment actually opened the door for even bigger election corruption deals! As the author himself puts it, “when companies were allowed to make donations to political parties, they were obliged to disclose such donations in their accounts. 
          But once such transparent donations were banned through the said amendment, there was no limit to unaccounted for, or secret, donations being made to all and sundry, who had access to the corridors of power, in exchange for a quid pro quo.  It became free for all in terms of funds collection. No one knew from who, and for whom, the funds were being collected. Everyone who was in a position to do so, just merrily went about doing that, without any accountability.”
The new Election Expenses Act was intended to curb such prohibited conduct, of “everyone merrily going about, corruptly collecting election funds without any accountability.”
piomsekwa@gmail.com  / 0754767576.
Source: Daily News and Cde Msekwa Himself.