Magufulification: Concept That Will Define Africa's Future and the Man Who Makes Things Happen

Magufulification: Concept That Will Define Africa's Future and the Man Who Makes Things Happen

Sunday, 28 February 2021

Maalim Seif Sharif Hamad Alikuwa ni Zaidi ya Chama


Kwa wanaomfahamu vizuri marehemu Seif Sharif Hamad, aliyekuwa Makamu wa kwanza wa Rais wa Serikali ya Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar, watakubaliana nasi kuwa makala moja hata kitabu, havitoshi kumuelezea. Hivyo, katika safu ya leo, tutajaribu japo kumdurusu kwa ufupi ili lau kuambua somo tunalopata tokana na kifo chake na mstakabali mzima wa Zanzibar na Tanzania kwa ujumla. Kimsingi, Hamad alijikita kwenye siasa za Visiwani huku akitumia vyama vilivyoundwa Bara. 
        Hakuna ubishi. Hamad alikuwa mmoja wa wanasiasa nguli nchini hasa kwenye siasa za upinzani na hata ung’ang’anizi hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa anaweza kuingia kwenye historia ya Tanzania kama mtu aliyegombea urais mara nyingi kuliko mtu yeyote tena bila kuupata. Ni mmoja wa wanasiasa waliotawala sana hasa kwenye siasa za upinzani na visiwani. Kwani aligombea urais wa Zanzibar kwa miaka 25 kama tutaanzia mwaka 1992 uliporuhusiwa mfumo wa vyama vingi nchini aligombea mwaka 1995, 2000, 2005, 2010 2015, na 2020 jumla mara sita hadi anakufa mwaka 2021.  Ukimuita mwanasiasa king’ang’anizi au mwenye maslahi fulani binafsi, unaangalia hili la kugombea mara nyingi kana kwamba hakuna wengine wenye uwezo wa kufanya hivyo baada ya kutimliwa toka Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM). Tokana na ha hulka hii, ilifikia mahali ikawa vigumu kutofautisha kati ya Hamad na CUF kama ambavyo ilikuja kuwa kwa viongozi wengine wa upinzani ambao huafanya vigumu kuvitofautisha kati yao na vyama vyao ambavyo walivegeuza kama mashamba yao au mali binafsi.
        Historia ya Hamad inaanza pale alipoteuliwa kwenye utumishi wa umma na serikali ya awamu ya kwanza Visiwani ambayo ilihitaji wataalamu baada ya kufanya mapinduzi. Maalim Seif kama alivyokuja kujulikana, alikuwa na dhamira ya kuwa Mwalimu. Hata hivyo, alibadilisha mwelekeo baada ya kuteuliwa. Ili kufanikisha lengo lake, Hamad alianzia siasa zake ndani ya CCM kabla ya kumgeuka aliyemteua kwenye ulaji, marehemu Aboud Jumbe alipofichua mbinu yake ya kutaka serikali huru ya Zanzibar. Hata hivyo, Hamad naye aliishia kutemwa toka CCM ndipo akaanzisha chama cha Civic Union Front (CUF) pamoja na marehemu James Mapalala ambaye baadaye alimnyang’anya chama kabla naye kunyang’anywa chama na profesa Ibrahim Lipumba hali iliyomlazimisha kukimbilia chama cha Alliance for  Change and Transparency (ACT)-Wazalendo baada ya kujaribu kukirejesha chama mikononi mwake bila mafanikio. Baada ya pigo hili, wengi walidhani ulikuwa ndiyo mwisho wa Hamad. Kabla ya kuwaacha hoi pale alipogombea tena kupitia chama chake kipya na kufanikiwa tena kurejea kwenye ofisi ya Makamu wa kwanza wa Rais Visiwani ambayo, kimsingi, ilitokana na Maridhiano au Muafaka aliouasisi Hamad mwenyewe na kufanikiwa kuwa Makamu wa Kwanza wa Rais cheo ambacho hakikuwahi kuwapo awali. Hapa kuna swali. Je huu ndiyo mwisho wa nafasi hii ambayo wapo wanaoiona kama ya upendeleo kwa upinzani hasa ulioogozwa na Hamad Visiwani? Maana aliyeongoza vuguvugu ni Hamad hata bila kuwa na chama. Rejea alivyoweza kuhamia ACT-Wazalendo na kuidhoofisha CUF Visiwani. Japo Mwalimu Julius Nyerere aliwahi kusema kuwa hakuna aliye maarufu zaidi ya chama. Ni zama zile. Kwani ukiangalia historia ya Hamad Visiwani utagundua kuwa alikuwa ni zaidi ya chama.
        Kutokana na umaarufu wake na namna alivyoendesha siasa zake, hakuna shaka kuwa alijitengenezea marafiki na hata maadui. Umaarufu wa Hamad ulianza kuvuka mipaka ya Zanzibar pale alipoteuliwa na marehemu Aboud Jumbe (rais wa awamu pili Visiwani) na kumgeuka hadi kumchomea utambi kwa chama akatimuliwa. Baada ya hapo Hamad aliendelea kukwea hadi kufikia kuteuliwa kuwa Waziri Kiongozi. Hata hivyo, aishiye kwa upanga atakufa kwao. Kwani, kama ilivyokuwa kwa Jumbe, Hamad alijikuta akitimliwa chamani hadi kukimbilia kwenye upinzani ambako alianzisha CUF akiwa na James Mapalala kabla kumgeuka, kumuengua na kuchukua chama. Kama ilivyokuwa kwenye kesi ya Jumbe, dhambi ile ile ilizidi kumuandama Hamad. Kwani naye alijikuta akienguliwa na kutupwa nje ya CUF kiasi cha kukimbilia ACT-Wazalendo ambacho chini yake kulitokea sintofahamu pale ACT-Wazalendo ilipomuunga mkono mgombea wa Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) kwenye uchaguzi uliopita huku kikimpa mgongo mgombea wake Bernard Membe. Hivyo, unaweza kumuita Hamad mwanasiasa kigeugeu kisiasa hata kama alikuwa na msimamo kwenye mambo mengine. Hata hivyo, hili linakuwa na ukakasi hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa huwa wengi wana tabia ya kuwasifia marehemu badala ya kuelezea ukweli wa namna walivyoishi.
        Kwa ujumla, Hamad alikuwa mwanasiasa mtatanishi ambaye aliweka mbele maslahi yake kuliko kitu chochote. Hatusemi hili kwa ubaya dhidi ya marehemu. Kama siyo Hamad, Zanzibar na hata Tanzania, zisingekumbwa na misukosuko zilizopitia hasa machafuko yaliyosababisha mauaji ya baadhi ya watu Visiwani kiasi cha Tanzania–––kwa mara ya kwanza katika historia ya uwepo wake kama taifa–––kuzalisha wakimbizi wakati ilizoea kuwa kimbilio la wakimbizi kutoka karibu majirani zake wote.
        Tumalizie kwa kusema kuwa Hamad alikuwa si mwanasiasa wa kawaida. Unaweza kumuelezea utakavyo tokana na ule upande wake uliouna. Na huo siyo mwisho wa kumjua Hamad.
Lala Mahali Pema Peponi Maalim Seif Sharif Hamad.
Chanzo: Nipashe Jpili.

Saturday, 27 February 2021

Kituyi’s no Manchurian Candidate


By    Makau Mutua


What you need to know:

  • No sooner had Dr Kituyi landed than the shills of the so-called Hustler Nation started calling him the “Handshake Candidate.”
  • Unlike many honchos on the political scene, Dr Kituyi isn’t a protégé of any Kenyan robber baron.
Dr Mukhisa Kituyi, the immediate past secretary-general of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (Unctad), has landed. That’s why you hear the howling of hyenas. I know some would’ve liked Dr Kituyi to land with a thud – a whimper, or even a loud crash.
However, none of Kenya’s internationally famous sons has sent such shivers down the spines of “dynasties” and “hustlers”. That’s why the knives are out. Dr Kituyi is on the lips of the country because he’s expressed interest in State House. That’s where his problems begin. He’s upset the chessboard. The man from Kimilili is causing heartburn and indigestion among political mandarins. Nevertheless, let me tell you this without charge – Dr Kituyi is real.
        In Manchurian Candidate, the book and its two movies, the plot pivots on the exploits of a brainwashed betrayer. In popular culture and idiom, a Manchurian candidate has come to mean a dupe – a person who’s been unknowingly convinced to act as a foreign agent for nefarious purposes.
Such a person is an automaton, a weapon in the hands of a hostile power. In political terms, the closest application of the term was former US President Donald Trump who was whispered to be an asset of Russia’s Vladimir Putin. Let me tell you something – Dr Kituyi is no Manchurian candidate. Heck, the son of the Mulembe Nation is no Trump. But that hasn’t stopped the naysayers and backstabbers.
Hustler Nation
        Let me stop eating this “ugali” from the edges. I will dive in where it’s hottest. No sooner had Dr Kituyi landed than the shills of the so-called Hustler Nation started calling him the “Handshake Candidate.” One tweeted below a picture of Dr Kituyi, “Project detected.” The assumption of this tweet and her bosom buddies was that the “Handshake” pair of Jubilee’s Uhuru Kenyatta and ODM’s Raila Odinga is such a stink that anyone associated with it was DOA. The wisdom of Dr Kituyi’s detractors is that he’s dead like a doorknob once he’s painted with the “mud” of the Handshake. They could be right. Or dead wrong. However, I know this – Dr Kituyi is his own man.
        Unlike many honchos on the political scene, Dr Kituyi isn’t a protégé of any Kenyan robber baron. In fact, he neither was born with a silver spoon in his mouth, nor is he a scion of any political kingpin. Mr Odinga, Mr Kenyatta, Amani’s Musalia Mudavadi, and Kanu’s Gideon Moi are all the offspring of powerful men who commanded the republic at its dawn.
        DP William Ruto swears he’s no “dynasty,” but the man from Sugoi is a political scion of the late Daniel Toroitich arap Moi. He’s the younger Moi’s brother from another mother. So is Wiper’s Kalonzo Musyoka whose political parentage is the late Moi and New Akamba Union’s Mulu Mutisya. Dr Kituyi doesn’t boast such pedigree.
        That’s not all. Dr Kituyi has some of the best brains south of the Sahara. Unlike some who claim fake PhDs – bought in Kenya or some unknown university abroad – Dr Kituyi has a real doctorate. He earned his at the University of Bergen in Norway in social anthropology and the political economy of the Maasai. That’s why we should listen carefully when he talks, for he knows what he speaketh. This towering educational pedigree and intellect made an excellent and highly respected SG of Unctad.
Accomplished individual
        Unlike many in the political class, Dr Kituyi is not an academic dwarf. He got great reviews as Narc’s minister for Trade and Industry. He’s an accomplished individual. He’s crème de la crème.
Dr Kituyi hasn’t only been an establishment bureaucrat and politician. Before then, he was one of the most respected student leaders at the University of Nairobi. I know because I was there. He was a year ahead of me in a different department. We shared a disdain for Kanu. He was expelled and exiled to Uganda in 1979, whereupon he entered Makerere. I didn’t last much longer.
        Together with several student leaders, I was expelled in 1981 and exiled to Tanzania where I completed my first law degree. After his doctorate, he returned to Kenya and worked with key think tanks, NGOs, and multilateral agencies. He became the Executive Director of the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (Ford).
    Dr Kituyi’s life has been wondrously fruitful and full of ambition. He doesn’t need to be somebody’s project. I think he’s been planning to run for State House since he was in his diapers. Those accusing him of being a Kenyatta-Odinga puppet are simply jealous and scared he’s going to eat their lunch.
        I am sure they would be having anatomical twitches in exuberant delirium were the Handshake duo to endorse their candidature.
Haven’t they spent the last two years attacking Mr Kenyatta because he withdrew his endorsement of Mr Ruto? Hasn’t Mr Odinga become Lucifer to them because he toppled Mr Ruto from power? Let Dr Kituyi be.
  @makaumutua
Source: Daily Nation Sunday.

Thursday, 25 February 2021

REFLECTIONS ON SOME MISCONCEIVED POLITICAL DEMANDS.

According  to  the  Oxford  English  dictionary,  the  verb  “misconceive”  is  synonyimous  with   the word  “misunderstand”,  and   means   “to understand  something  in  the  wrong  way”.  Some  interested   sections  of  our  community,  have  kept  repeating  the  demand  for a  new  Constitution  over  and  over  again;  the  latest  occasion  being  the  beginning  of this  month,  when  information  was  circulating  in  the  social  media  platforms,  to  the  effect  that  CHAMA  CHA  DEMOKRASIA  NA  MAENDELEO  (CHADEMA)  had  held  a  three–day  ‘retreat’  in  Zanzibar,  to  reflect  on  that  party’s  performance  in  last  year’s  general  election,  and  to  make  appropriate  plans  for  winning   the  next  election;    and  further  that  one  of  its  major resolutions  was   to “ensure  that  the  goals  of  having  a  new  Constitution,  as  well  as  an  independent  electoral  commission,  are  achieved   before the  next  general  election”.                                                
        However,  what  appears  to  be  absurd,  and  illogical;   is  the  notion  of  associating   the  availability  of  a  new  Constitution,  with  CHADEMA’s  guaranteed  success  in  the  next  general  election.  And  that  is  precisely  why  I  have  described  it  in  the  heading  of  this  article,  as  a  misconceived  political  demand.   I   will   elaborate. In  a  different  context,  I  have  had  the  opportunity  to  present   some  of  this  material  in  this  column  before;   but  in  the  light  of  CHADEMA’s   strange  association  of  a  new  Constitution  with  its  chances  of  winning  the  next  general  election;   I  believe  this   provides  sufficient  justification  for  its  repeated  presentation,  specifically  for  the  benefit  of  our  new  generation readership. 
The  meaning,  and  contents  of  Constitutions.
        Constitutions  are,  essentially,  primarily   concerned  with  matters  relating  to  the  control  of  political  power,   and  authority.  Hence  their  contents  are  normally  limited  to  prescribing  the  conferment,  distribution, and   the  exercise  of  such  powers  and  authority,  among  the  specified  organs  of  state,  namely  the  Executive,  the  Legislature,  and  the  Judiciary. The  Constitution  is  the  fundamental  law  of  the  land;  and  its    contents   normally  also  include  explicit  guarantees  of  the  rights  and  freedoms  of  the  individuals  within  the  relevant State;  and  of  the  major  principles  that  will  guide  the  governance  of  the  Sate  (or  to  which  it  ought  to  aspire);  plus  other  statements  concerning  the  citizens’  duties  and  responsibilities.   The  existing  Constitution  of  the  United  Republic  of  Tanzania  also  does  exactly  that.                                                                                         
         Thus,  in  the  matter  of  elections, the   Constitution  actually  plays  no  role  whatsoever,   in  determining  which  political  party  will  win  a   given  general  election.   That   role  is  basically  confined  to  the  country’s    political  parties.  And  this  is   easily  confirmed  by  experience  from  the  other  countries   of   the   world;  where  different  political  parties  have  won   their  elections  on   the  basis  of  their   existing  Constitutions;  without  craving  for  a  new  Constitution.  There   must  surely  be  really  good  or  plausible  reasons,  for demanding  a  new  Constitution,  which  the  proponents  of  this  particular  demand   should  be  advancing,   in  order  for  their  argument  to  carry  sufficient  weight.
        Winning   elections   is   solely   the  responsibility  of   political  parties.
 Success  in  winning  a  general   election,  indeed   depends  on  a  number  of  different  factors;  but  the  main  one  is    the  positive  role  played  by  the  political  party  itself,   in  the  relevant  election  project.    Political  parties  are  the  essence  of  parliamentary  democracy;  for   they   are  the  powerful  agents  for   managing  political  mobilization.   Thus,  success  (or  lack  of  it),   by  any  political  party  at  a  general  election  is  determined,  certainly  not  by  the  provisions  of  country’s  Constitution;  but  by  the   level  of  acceptance  of  the  relevant  political  party,  by  the  electorate  of  the  relevant  jurisdiction.   
        Admittedly,  as  has  world   experience  has  shown,   the   different  factors  involved  in  elections  ,  also    include  the   negative  possibility  of  some   unlawful   election  frauds  being  committed.   But  when  such  frauds  are  committed,  they  can  be  easily  exposed  and  remedied,   through  legal  proceedings  commenced  in  the relevant  courts  of  competent  jurisdiction.  And,  as   we  have  been  authoritatively  told  before  by   Justice  Barnabas  Samatta,   “the  doors  to  the  temple  of  justice  are  always  open  and welcoming  to  anyone  who  feels  injured  by  a  reach  of  the  law”.             
        But,  as  everybody  surely  knows,   the  procedure   for  remedying  such  frauds   is  not  governed  by  the  country’s   Constitution,  but  by  a  different  law,  which  is   known as  the  Elections  Act.  Furthermore,  any  wise  Constitution - makers  will   definitely  not  agree  to  include  such  unusual  provisions (for  helping  a  political  party  to  win   elections) in  any  new  Constitution;  simply  because  that  is  not  the  role  of   Constitutions!      
        It  is  therefore  unacceptable  behaviour,  and   indeed  totally  unethical,  for  anyone   to  attempt  to  beguile  our   innocent voters  into  believing  that   a  new  Constitution  can  achieve  such  a  misconceived  outcome,  of  enabling  a  political  party  to  win  a  general  election! These  facts  are  equally  applicable  to  CHADEMA’s  other  expressed  demand (which  has  been       supported  by  some  of  the  other  Opposition  political  parties),   for  “an  independent  electoral  Commission”   before  the  next  general  election.  Even  with  regard  to  this  demand,  it  is   my    firm  submission  that   the  Constitution  cannot  provide  for  an   “independent”  electoral  entity,  that  is  to  say,  one  which  is  completely   free from  being  influenced  by  other  entities. This  is  so  because,  in  the  first  place,  the  electoral  commission  is  just  one  entity  in  the  vast  array  of  similar  entities  in  the  expansive  government  interdependent  structure.  Hence,  even  for  that  reason  alone,  the  electoral  commission  cannot  possibly  work  completely  ‘independently’  of  the  other  Government  entities.  For  example  this  Commission  obviously  needs  money,  as  well  as  manpower,  for  its  operations.  And  these  can  only  be  supplied  by  the  relevant  entities  of  the  Government.  That  ‘dependence’  cannot  be  avoided,  for  it  is  firmly   embedded  in  the  Government’s  structure  and  operational  procedures.                       
        Furthermore,  since  the  electoral  commission  is  also  required  to  operate  strictly on  the basis  of  the  relevant  laws,  this  requirement  also,  necessarily,  makes  that  commission  dependent  on  the  Legislative  arm  of  the  Government,  to  supply  the  requisite  laws,  or  amendments  to  the  existing  laws, in  order  to  enable  it  to  operate  lawfully.  
        It  is  therefore  equally  unacceptable  for  anyone  to  attempt  to  beguile  our  innocent  voters,  into  believing  that  an  “independent”  electoral  Commission  will  enable  a  given  political  party  to  win the  next  general  election!  Such  falsity  is  apparently  based  on  a  narrow  interpretation  of  the  word  “independent”,  which  focuses  entirely  on  the  desire  that  the  electoral  commission  should  be  free  from  being  influenced  by   any  decisions  made  by  the  Government  of  the  day,  for  fear  that  such  decisions  could  give  unfair  advantage  to  the  ruling  party.
The   wider  meaning  of  an  ‘independent  electoral  Commission’.
        The  proponents  of  an  “independent  electoral  Commission”  obviously  appear  to  be  focusing  solely  on  the  narrow  meaning  of  the  word  “independent”, which  is  that  the  Commission  “should  be  free  from  being  influenced  by  decisions  made  by  the  Government  of  the  day,  for  fear  that  such  decisions  could  give  unfair  advantage  to  the  ruling  party”.   But  this  type  of   independence (from  influence  by  the  Government  of  the  day)   is  already  provided  for  in  article  74(7)  of  the  present  Constitution.  No   better   provision   can    be  made  by   any   new   Constitution.                                                                                 
        But   even  this  type  of  ‘independence’  is   still   no  guarantee.  It  cannot  for  example,  prevent   an  unpopular   government  which  is  fearful   of  losing  a  scheduled  general  election,  from  cancelling  or   postponing  that  dreaded  election;   on  the  lame   excuse  that  it  has  no   money  to  pay  for   the    expenses  of  that   election.    And should   that  happen, then,  no  matter  how   highly  “independent”  the  electoral  Commission  might  be,  it  will   have  no  choice  but  to  cancel  or  postpone  that  election!     It  is  thus  quite  obvious,   that   no   new  Constitution  will  ever  be  able  to  provide  for  a  truly   ‘independent  electoral  Commission’;    except,  perhaps,  by  making  a  purely  cosmetic  addition  of  the  word  “independent”  before  the  words  “electoral  Commission, which  is  basically  meaningless !  As  we  have  just   seen above,  the  wider  meaning  of  the  expression  “independent  electoral  commission  goes  far  beyond  such  theatrical  cosmetics.                  
Political   parties  are  the  only  players.
In   the matter  of  elections,  political  parties are  the  sole  players,  in  determining  the  elections    outcomes.  Thus,  the  only  role  of  the  elections  laws   is  to  make   adequate  provision  for  a  level  playing  field  in  respect  of  election  competitions  between  competing   political  parties.   But  even  this  is,   certainly,   not  the  role  of  the  country’s   Constitution!                                                                 
The  role  of  political  parties  in  elections.
        It  may  perhaps   be  useful  to  provide  some  elaboration   on  the  role  of  political  parties  in  elections.     Political  parties  are  absolutely  essential  for  the  proper  functioning  of   our  political  system,  which   is  commonly  known  as  the  “Parliamentary  system”  of  governance,  which  we  willingly   inherited  from  Britain  at  the  time  of  independence. It  is  a system   which  is  securely  grounded  on   the  basic  principle that  “it  gives  the   majority  the  right  to  rule”,  by  further  presuming  that  “this  majority  can  only  be  established  as  a  result  of  open  electoral  competition  between   political  parties,  which   helps  to  produce  majorities  of  relatively  like-minded  members  in  the  Legislature”,  and  which  greatly    facilitates   the  smooth   operation  of  the  decision-making  processes  in  the  House;  a  process  which  is  generally   recognized  as   that  of  ‘decision-making  by  the  majority  of  the  elected  representatives  of  the  people’.                                             
        And  that  is  precisely   where  the  question  of   providing  a  ‘level  playing  field’  comes  in   as  a  very crucial  factor  in  determining  the  electoral   outcomes.  And,  in  this  particular  respect,  our  Legislature  deserves  commendation  for  having   all  the  time  given  adequate  attention  to  this  matter.   For  even  during  the  “one-party  political system’  era,  the  Legislature  enacted  laws  which  made  provision  for  affording  “a  fair  and  equal  opportunity”  to  the  competing  candidates.  Thus,    upon  the  return  to  multi-party  politics,  all  that  needed  to  be  done  was  only  to  remodel  those  laws,   so  as  to  provide  the  same  “fair   and  equal  opportunity”  to   the  different   competing  political  parties. 
        But  secondly,  political  parties  are  the  trusted   Agents  which  perform  the  important  functions  of  “interest  articulation”  and  “interest  aggregation”.   These  are  the   words  used  y  political  scientists  to  describe  the  process  by  which  individuals  and/or   groups  make  their  demands  upon  the  political  decision-makers  (“interest  articulation”);  and the  function  of  converting  the  articulated  demands  into   general  policy  options  by  the  political  decision  makers (“interest  aggregation”).  These  are   important  functions  because,  if  individuals,  or  groups  within  the  society  do  not  have  open  channels  through  which  to  express  their  interests and  demands,  these  will  remain  unsatisfied,   and  may  easily  lead  to  political  disturbances. This  function  further  underlines  the  essential  and  positive  role  of  political  parties.
Revisiting  the  new  Katiba -  making  process.
        There  is,  apparently,  no  dispute  that  the  uncompleted  ‘new  Katiba – making  process’,  should  be  completed.  This   process  was  put  in  abeyance   in  October  20014,  after  the  ‘Constituent  Assembly’  had  approved  the  draft  of  the  proposed  new Constitution.   What now   remains  is  only   the  holding  of  a  referendum,  which  will    give the   final,  peoples’  approval,  to  that   document.  
        However,   there  still   appears   to  be   considerable  opposition  to  the   said  draft;  which  thus   threatens  its  rejection  by  the  referendum.  There  are  those  who  feel  strongly  that  its  contents   are   still  inadequate,  and  that   the  ‘new  constitution’  discussions  should  be  commenced  de novo,  in  order  to  allow  for  new  additions  to  be  made.  And  there  are   others  who   just   don’t   see  the  need  for  a  new  Constitution! This  could,   perhaps,  be  the  reason  why  the  decision  makers  are  seemingly  giving  very  low  priority  to  this  project.  piomsekwa@gmail.com/0754767576.
Source: Daily News and Cde Msekwa.

Wednesday, 24 February 2021

Pongezi Takukuru Kuchunguza Taasisi za Kidini


Tangu wakoloni waingize dini za kigeni kama nyenzo fichi za kuchunguza, kupumbaza watu wetu na kurahisisha ukoloni barani Afrika,  walizipa upendeleo katika uendeshaji wake kutokana na ukweli kuwa zilikuwa na mchango mkubwa katika kurahisisha ukoloni kwa kuwapeleleza watu wetu na kuwaripoti kwenye mamlaka za kikoloni.  Dini husika, kwa mfano, ziliruhusiwa kutukana na kuharibu mila za kiafrika kwa kuziita za kishetani hata kama zenyewe zina ushetani ambao waswahili, pamoja na kusingiziwa ushetni, hawakuwahi kuufanya. Rejea, kwa mfano, kisa cha Sodoma na Gomora. Waswahili, hata wanyama wao, hawakuwahi kutenda unyama na uhayawani huu ambao kwa sasa baadhi ya mashetani wanauita haki za binadamu. Hivi kama miaka zaidi ya 5,000 iliyopita kuna jamii za watu ziliweza kuharibikiwa hadi kugeuzana, kuna la kujifunza toka kwa imani, jamii na tamaduni kama hizi? Mbali na kurahisha ukoloni, dini zilitumika kuwanyonya, kuwadanganya na kuwagawanya watu wetu kuwa wapiganie ufalme wa mbinguni na kuacha mambo ya dunia kana kwamba walikuwa wanaishi mbinguni. Hii yote ililenga kuwapumbaza wapuuzie ukoloni kwa imani kuwa maisha yao hayako hapa duniani bali mbinguni jambo ambalo ni ndoto ya mchana.
            Kitendo cha Taasisi ya Kuzuia na Kupambana Rushwa (TAKUKURU), hivi karibuni, kuanza kupanua wigo wake wa kuchunguza kadhia ya rushwa na wizi wa aina nyingine kwa visingizio mbali mbali ni cha kupigiwa mfano na kupewa shime. Hivi karibuni TAKUKURU ilikubali kufanyia kazi malalamiko ya baadhi ya waumini wa dhehebu fulani walioamini wakubwa wao walikuwa wakifuja mali yao. Kwa mara ya kwanza, Watanzania wameamka na kuwa wamilki wa taasisi za kidini badala ya kuwaachia wezi wachache, ima waliozianzisha au kuziongoza, kuzitumia kuwaibia na kufuja fedha zitokanazo nao kama ilivyozoeleka. Kabla ya hili, wiki zilizopita tulishauri serikali kuchunguza wafanyakazi wa sehemu zenye fedha kubwa. Tulisahau kuongeza na taasisi za dini ambazo–––licha ya kusamehewa kulipa kodi–––huwa zinaingiza fedha nyingi bila kufanya lolote isipokuwa kutoa ahadi za pepo na mambo mengine.
        Wasichunguzwe kwa rushwa tu bali hata kipato, lifestyle audit, watangaza mapato na matumizi ya taasisi zao na wao binafsi. Kwani, si ajabu tena kuona viongozi wa baadhi ya madhehebu–––waliogeuza madhehebu yao biashara binafsi–––wakitajirika bila kujulikana chanzo au vyanzo vingine zaidi ya taasisi zao. Wanaishi kwenye majumba makubwa na kuendesha magari makubwa kuliko hata wakurugenzi wa baadhi ya biashara. Je hiyo fedha wanaipata wapi? Tumeona kwenye nchi nyingine zinazosifika kwa ubadhilifu watu kama hawa wakimilki hata ndege bila kuulizwa wamezipata kwa biashara gani.
        Kimsingi, wenye kumiliki mali nyingi zisizo na maelezo huku nyingi ya mali hizo ikidhaniwa kutokana na kuwakamua watu wetu wengi wanaodhani wanamtolea Mungu, si wachungaji bali wachunaji wa kondoo. Hata Yesu au Mohamad wanaowahubiri hawakuwa matajiri. Wangekuwaje matajiri wakati walikuwa na kazi moja, yaani kuwasaidia maskini waliowazunguka? Wangekuwaje maatajiri, tena wa kunyonya maskini, wakati walihubiri na kuishi walichohubiri na kuhubiri walichoishi tofauti na wakubwa wetu wengi wa dini siku hizi? Lazima tuwachunguze, kuwatoza kodi na kuwahakiki kila mara. Mali bila daftari huharibika bila kujua. Tunapaswa tujue wanapata kiasi gani. Na kama watanzania wengine, kila kipato kitozwe kodi. Haiwezekani tukatoza kodi kipato cha watu wenye mishahara kidogo lakini muhimu katika jamii lakini tukaacha taasisi za dini–––pamoja na ukwasi wote–––zikaendelea kutolipa kodi wakati zinawanufaisha watu binafsi kwa jina la Mungu. Mungu si maskini kiasi hicho. Hali wala hanywi na hatumii hizo fedha zinazopatikana. Ni sheria za kikoloni zilizoanzisha uchochoro huu wa kufanya taifa maskini huku wachache wakitumia kutajirika. Wakoloni walikuwa na kila sababu ya kuziacha taasisi za dini bila kulipa kodi kwa vile zilikuwa mawakala wao waliofanikisha ukoloni kuenea kirahisi katika Afrika. Siku zote fisi na simba huwinda na kula pamoja. Katika mchezo huu, kondoo na mbuzi hawana lao.
        Tokana na dini kuwa kichocheo na kichochoro cha utajiri wa haraka tena usiolipiwa kodi wala kuhitaji kuusotea baada ya kusota darasani, kumekuwa na ongezeko la dini mpya. Kila anayetaka kutajirika haraka, hana haja ya kufungua duka au biashara nyingine zaidi ya taasisi ya kidini. Nani apoteze muda kufungua duka au biashara nyingine wakati zinabanwa kulipa kodi wakati kuna biashara ambayo mhusika huchuma bila kulipa kodi? Kwa wale wanaoshangaa kuona kuongezeka kwa utitiri wa taasisi za kidini sasa wana jibu.
        Kimsingi, taasisi za kidini, zaidi ya kuwa nyingi kuliko hata vyama vya kisiasa, nyingi, kama vyama vya kisiasa zinafanya shughuli ile ile. Kama serikali za kiafrika zitaamua kuzika sheria na tabia za kikoloni zinazoruhusu taasisi za kidini kufanya biashara bila kulipa kodi na kuamua kuzitoza kodi, zitatoweka siku moja.
Mwisho, mbali na TAKUKURU na mamlaka nyingine za kiserikali kutupia jicho taasisi za kidini, kuna haja ya bunge kutunga sheria inayoruhusu raia yoyote kufungua kesi au kuomba taasisi yeyote ya kidini kuchunguzwa anapohisi kuna ubadhilifu. Na kubwa katika yote, ni kuhakikisha tuna sheria zinazowataka watanzania, bila kujali vyeo au taasisi watokazo, kutaja mali na kujaza taarifa za mali zao kila mwaka ili kuepuka kuendelea kutumika kama shamba la bibi ambapo wachunaji wachache na mapatapeli hutumia udhaifu wa sheria zetu kuhujumu taifa na kuwaibia watu wetu wengi wakiwa wajinga maskini waliokata tamaa wanaoweza kuamini kwenye kila upuuzi kutatua matatizo yao.
Chanzo: Raia Mwema.

Tuesday, 23 February 2021

Kabila and Tshekedi Need to Reconcile and Let the DRC Move ahead

For whoever that has been following the ongoing situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) regarding the imbroglio between two friends-turned foes between the then acolyte and guru, what’s ongoing shows that things have fallen apart among the two. When former president Joseph Kabila shocked the world by pulling a surprise in 2018 that saw the incumbent president Felix Tshekedi win presidency without parliamentary majority, many thought Kabila was seeking to keep his grasps on power, which is true. Nonetheless, his hat tricks worked though temporarily. For, Tshekedi claimed to power without any meaningful majority that would help him to fulfill his polices and promises. Indeed, without any majority in the parliament, Tshekedi had, out of necessity, to temporarily depend on Kabila whose party the Parti du Peuple pour la Reconstruction et la Démocratie (PPRD) won 500 seats of the National Assembly and 108 Senate seats compared to only 32 and 0 in the Senate Tshekedi’s the Union pour la Démocratie et le Progrès Sociale (UPDS) won after such shocking and unexpected results, Kabila and Tshekedi formed a coalition known as the Front commun pour le Congo (FCC) (Kabila) and Cap pour le changement (CACH) for Tshekedi. Of course, this made Kabila happy despite the fact that Tshekedi was knottily grappling with how to detach himself from Kabila so as to enjoy his presidency.
  Essentially, Kabila calculated to have the president he’d use to run the country by proxy. After Tshekedi bracing himself in the chair, he started to deconstruct the system that created him. He used jujitsu to technically extricate himself from Kabila whose majority is now the one Tshekedi is using to prolix Kabila power and thereby becomes his own man who would apply and enjoy his president without any body to puppeteer.  Thus, he started the crusade that’d free him from Kabila. Of recent, Kabila’s man in the government, PM Sylvestre Ilunga Ilunkamba had to bow down after the parliament voted for his removal for incompetence whereby 367of 500 deputies (Daily Nation, January 29, 2021) supported the removal of Ilunkamba. Where did Tshekedi get the votes? This speaks how he is slowly demolishing Kabila’s fortress in the government. 
In all respects, considering what is unfolding in this power undercurrents in the DRC, suffices to warn that the two leaders need to see to it that their scrimmages end without needlessly destabilising a fragile country. They need to take a leaf from Ilunkamba who was quoted as saying “as a statesman, I drew the conclusion from the evolution of the current political situation.” Ilunkamba might wrongly seem to be weak, he sets a very good precedent for others to understand and accept that the country is bigger than personal interests. Yes, the country is the same even when the shoe is on the other foot. Presidency, too, remain public institution that must be used for public interests and purposes but not personal. If this is abode with, nobody is supposed to live in fear of being persecuted if there is nothing to be persecuted for.
Kabila has lost it after some 391 deputies joined Tshekedi and thereby giving him the majority and the cudgel, he needed to freely push through his agenda as per his mandate as president. such a move lanced the boil for Tshekedi.
Apart from the removal of Ilunkamba, Tshekedi has already announced the cessation of his coalitions with Kabila. Chips are down for Kabila and his allies. However, despite that, the DRC needs to move forward. To do so, the two bulls in the stable must not fight. They must take a shine to the stability of the country as opposed to short personal gains. Kabila must underscore the fact that he was able to lead the DRC for 18 and brought about some changes simply because he had nobody to tussle with over the power as he is currently trying to do.
After the resignation of Ilunkamba, two more giants allied to Kabila were brought down. These the former Speakers of the House and Senate Jeanine Mabunda and Alexis Mwamba respectively. This marks the end of Kabila’s indirectly grip on power in the DRC. Now that Kabila loss to Tshekedi is obvious, what should he wait to see? Will he face the whack on the face whereby his dirty linens will be put in the agora for every eye to see? Will he be slapped with all types of charges and whataboutery resulting to his performance when he was in office?  Such questions above cannot be ignored provided that–––if there were nothing for Kabila to hide or fear–––there’d not been any attempt to cling unto power through proxies in various institutions. Tanzania has this culture. Ever since its founder relinquished power, no outgoing president has ever sought to have his finger on the trigger or to have sleepless nights simply because his successor would hauntingly hound. This has led to peaceability and stability in the country. However, this doesn’t come easily. It needs those who want to enjoy such a post-power life to prepare themselves for it by ruling accountably and trustworthily. 
Up and down, shall Kabila face some charges, he should take a leaf from the neighbouring Angola where the family of the former president Eduardo dos Santos has faced many corruption-related charges preferred by the government of João Manuel Gonçalves Lourenço’s government. Lourenço, Dos Santos’ handpicked successor turned tables on his mentor soon after bracing himself in office the same way Tshekedi has proved to be doing. Despite all tribulations Dos Santos’ family has decided to carry its cross instead of embarking on destabilising the country for personal and private gains. Also, it is important for the duo in the DRC must avoid the weaponization of their privileges as former and incumbent presidents. This means the duo need to tamp  down or truncate the stratagems by considering how the DRC has always been made feeble since it was under fickle and foul rule for a long time. Avoiding escalating the mess the DRC has been in is the only thoughtful and patriotic option left for the duo. Yes, if they fail to act responsibly, they’ll escalate the situation. An apple doesn’t fall far from a tree.
In sum, although Kabila––Tshekedi struggle for power might wrongly be deemed as a mere chink, the truth of the matter is, if there’s no letup, it can end up becoming a big and stinking gash. Whatever modicum the duo has, if any, what should guide them is the love and prominence of the nation but not personal grandeurs. There’s no logical need for any of the two leaders two hoodwink Congolese by creating and inviting chaos and schemes all revolving around power ravenousness and covetousness.  Kabila did his 18 years despite his controversial performance as the head of state. He must let Tshekedi do his part freely and peacefully so that the Congolese judge him according to that as is now the case for Kabila. Power belongs to the people but not warlords or anything like it. Nobody has exclusive ownership of it. Let Kabila help Tshekedi to build the DRC in lieu of demolishing it for personal feats.
Source: African Executive Magazine today. 

Sunday, 21 February 2021

Tuzalishe Wabunifu na Si Wasaka Ajira

Hivi karibuni, kulikuwa na mjadala mkali bungeni juu ya wasomi tuzalishao siku hizi kutoweza kuwa na ujuzi wa kujiajiri au kuajiriwa. Tukiachana na kujisahaulisha, kipi kilichobadilika kwenye mfumo wetu wa elimu tangu kupata uhuru? Je hawa wanaolalamika si matunda ya mfumo huu huu ambao walishindwa kuubadili?  Je nini kifanyike?  Je tuanzie wapi na lini kuzalisha wale kwa kimombo naweza kuita thinkers and inventors but not job seekers, yaani wenye kufikiri sawa sawa na wawekezaji na si wasaka ajira.
        Katika kujaribu kutoa mapendekezo juu ya namna ya kubadili mfumo wetu, nilisikia baadhi ya wabunge–––hasa wale waliokata tamaa na kushindwa kubuni mbinu mbadala–––wakipendekeza kuwa tupunguze usajili wa vyuo vinginevyo watakaotaka kuvisajili watuhakikishie ajira. Hii ililenga kuandaa watu ambao tayari vyuo vitakuwa vimeishawatafutia kazi. Je hili ni endelevu? Kwanza,  kazi ya vyuo si kuwatafutia watu ajira bali kuwapa elimu waliyoridhika nayo hadi wakaomba kujiunga na vyuo husika. Vyuo haviwaiti watu kuja kusoma bali watu huomba viwapokee na kuwaelimisha. Pili, si lazima kila huduma imhakikishie mafanikio kila anayoipata toka kwa anayoitoa. Vyuo si sawa na majiko au hoteli. Hutoa ujuzi unaoweza kumfaa mtu maisha yake.
        Wengine wangependekeza hili la kuwatafutia wahitimu wa vyuo kazi lakini si wabunge. Wao wabunge wanatuhakikishia nini tunapowachagua? Ni wangapi wamekaa bungeni makumi ya miaka bila kuleta mabadiliko kwenye majimbo yao? Kwanini hawapitishwi kwa kutuhakikishia watatimiza ahadi na malengo ya kuchaguliwa kwao? Mfumo wa kuzalisha wasaka ajira utaweza kujibadili kirahisi bila kuwapo na ving’ang’anizi? Kuubadili, tunahitaji mawazo yenye siha na si ya kukata tamaa au kufikiri juu ya visivyofikirika. 
        Je madaktari ambao wagonjwa wao watakufa nao wafukuzwe kazi au walimu ambao wanafunzi wao watashindwa? Je polisi ambao maeneo yao yatakumbwa na uhalifu itakuwaje?
        Nadhani badala ya kuanza kulaumu kifaa, tuanze kufikiri. Hata hivyo, sishangai wanaotoa mapendekezo kama haya ya kichovu. Wengi wao si wasomi, wanachukia usomi na wasomi–––kama baadhi yao walivyoonyesha kwenye michango yao–––na hawapendi hata kujiendeleza mbali na kuchukia wasomi. Wapo waliosikika wakisema kuwa watu wenye PhD au shahada nyingine za vyuo wasiajiriwe kwa vile wamewaangusha. Je Magufuli naye na PhD yake amewaangusha? 
        Tuache mjumuisho ambao, kisomi, ni dalili ya uvivu wa kutafiti na kuelewa mambo. Tatizo, kwa mfano, matatizo kama vile majungu, rushwa, uvivu, udokozi, ukosefu wa uzalendo, wizi na mengine kama hayo si ya la wasomi wala vihiyo. Ni tatizo la watu binafsi. Kuna wasomi mafisadi sawa na vihiyo. Kadhalika kuna vihiyo waadilifu sawa na wasomi. Huwezi kuchukia au kuharamisha utuli eti kwa sababu unasababisha mafua badala yake ukaamua kutumia samadi, pamoja na harufu yake mbaya, eti kwe vile haisababishi mafua. Hapa dawa ni kutafuta namna ya kutumia utuli na kuzuia mafua na siyo vinginevyo. 
        Swali kuu na la kufikirisha hata kama ni gumu tunalopaswa kujiuliza na kulitafutia jibu sahihi haraka ni kwanini wenzetu waliweza kufanikiwa kwa kutumia wasomi badala ya kuanza kufikiria kwa kurudi nyuma badala ya kwenda mbele. 
        Tuhitimishe;  dawa nyingine ya kuondokana na wasomi au wananchi wezi bila kujalisha usomi wao ni kuwa na nchi yenye mfumo unaohimiza maadili kisheria na kimila. Nimekuwa mpiga kelele mkubwa wa dhana nzima ya kuhakiki mali za watumishi wetu wa umma na watanzania kwa ujumla. Hii, licha ya kutia nidhamu, huleta uwajibikaji na uchumaji wa halali na kupunguza tamaa za mali na wizi vilivyotamalaki nchini kiasi cha watu kusoma au kutosoma ili kutafuta nafasi ya kulihujumu taifa. Hata hawa wanaopiga kelele kuwa wasomi wameangusha taifa hili, ukiwauliza–––pamoja na kujisifia na ukihiyo wao–––wameifanyia nini nchi zaidi ya hao wanaowalaumu. Kwanza, kutotaka kujielimisha ni dhambi ukiachia mbali kuwa kikwazo cha maendeleo hasa kama dhana nzima ya kusoma ni kumkomboa mwenye kuelimika au kupokea elimu. 
        Ni kweli. Tunao wasomi wa hovyo walioshindwa kujikomboa wao na jamii yao sambamba na vihiyo. Hata hivyo, mateso ya asiyesoma katika maisha ni tofauti na aliyesoma. Elimu, hata isipoleta ajira, humfanya aliye nayo angalau kujiamini akilinganishwa na asiye nayo. Ndiyo maana, watu wanaghushi shahada au kujipatia shahada za vyuo za juu hata kama hawajazisomea. Hii ni kutokana na kutaka wapewe heshima ambayo wenye shahada husika hufaidi au kupewa na jamii. Mfano, mtu mwenye shahada ya uzamivu (PhD), siyo sawa na tajiri mwenye cheti cha darasa la saba. Asiyejua kusoma na kuandika halingani na asiyejua kusoma na kuandika. Asiyeona ajuaye kusoma na kuandika ni bora kuliko mwenye macho asiye na ujuzi huo. 
Chanzo: Nipashe J'pili.

RIP DRS LIKWELILE AND NDULU


For more info about the demise of likwelile, PLEASE CLICK HERE and HERE.

Wednesday, 17 February 2021

PHOTO OF THE WEEK

Two Congolese Papa MerciDieu and Papa Jean rescue Ashley Judd after breaking her leg in a certain remote are in the DRC. Thanks guys for your humanity.

RIP MAALIM SEIF SHARRIF HAMAD AND ENG JOHN KIJAZI

This week Tanzania suffered a very big blow whereby five bigwigs passed on. These are Zanzibar's First Vice President Maalim Seif Sharrif Hamad,  Chief Secretary Amb. John William Kijazi, Deputy Minister Works, Transport and Communication Atashasta Justus Nditiye, Former Ministers Seif Mohamed Khatib and Bakari Mwapachu. Of all, only Nditiye died after being involved in a road accident while the rest were sick. RIP All.


Tuesday, 16 February 2021

WAHESHIMIWA WABUNGE WAFANYE UTAFITI KABLA YA KUJISEMEA


Siku ya kwanza ya mkutano wa Bunge unaoendelea, ilianza kama kawaida. Waheshimiwa wabunge waliuliza maswali. Mawaziri wakijibu hoja na maswali ya Wabunge. Kupitia mitandao, tuliweza kuona mkutano wa Bunge. Kitu kimoja kilinivutia kuandika makala hii.  Ni mchango wa Mbunge wa Vunjo Dkt. Charles Kimei–––licha ya kuunga mkono mipango ya serikali na kuchangia kirefu kwenye uchumi wa taifa–––alitoa ushauri uliwavutia wengi kuwa uwekezaji katika elimu, kwa sasa, usijikite kwenye utitiri wa shahada bali stadi za kazi zinazojibu mahitaji ya sasa. Mfano  Kimei alisema kuwa ukosefu wa ajira kwa wahitimu wa vyuo vikuu ni mkubwa kuliko wa wahitimu wa vyuo vya stadi mbali mbali. Kimei alishauri serikali kuliangalia hili ili kuepuka kutoa mikopo kwa wanafunzi wanaosoma masomo ambayo hayatawawezesha kupata ajira na kurejesha mikopo. Sambamba–––bila kutaja masomo husika–––mheshimiwa Spika alimuunga mkono Kimei kuwa kuna baadhi ya kozi zinazofundishwa kwa sasa vyuoni zilizopitwa na wakati jambo ambalo ni kweli. Yote haya ni mambo ya kawaida ya kibunge. Hata hivyo, kilichotufanya kuandika makala hii na kichwa chake ni ile hali ya Mbunge wa Geita  Vijijini Joseph Kasheku (Msukuma) kuomba kumpa taarifa Kimei. Kawaida, taarifa hutolewa pale ambapo kuna jambo halikubaliwi na mtoa taarifa au lenye kupewa au kuhitaji ufafanuzi zaidi. Kasheku alimpa taarifa mheshimiwa Kimei kuwa matajiri wote duniani hawana shahada. Hii si kweli. Ni matajiri gani mheshimiwa alimaanisha? Je hili linawafundisha nini watoto wetu zaidi ya imani potofu kuwa ukiwa na elimu kubwa huwezi kuwa tajiri au utajiri na elimu haviendani? 
Tukianzia Tanzania, tajiri mkubwa kuliko wote, Mohamed Dewji ana shahada. Matajiri waliotangulia mbele ya haki: Ali Mfuruki na Reginald Mengi wote walikuwa na shahada au elimu inayokabiribiana na shahada. Kimataifa, matajiri wanaoongoza kwa sasa yaani Elon Musk ana shahada mbili BA na BS toka chuo kikuu cha Pennsylvania na  Jeff Bizos  ana BSE toka chuo kikuu cha Princenton. Lazima tukubali. Hata hao matajiri ambao hawana shahada kama Bill Gates na Mark Zuckerberg ni wasomi ambao walitokea vyuoni walikokatiza masomo yao na wengine bado wanajisomea ili kupata maarifa.  Hivyo, licha ya kuwa uongo, ni upotoshaji mkubwa kujumlisha matajiri wote kwenye kapu la ujinga kwa sababu eti wengi wao hawana shahada. Tunachopaswa kuwaambia watu wetu ni kwamba watafute maarifa yatakayowasaidia kupambana na matatizo yao. 
Mahitaji ya elimu yanatofautiana tokana na wakati na nyanja. Kwa mfano, mtu aliyezaliwa pindi tu baada ya kupata uhuru, alihitaji elimu kwa ajili ya kujitambua na kutambua mchango wake katika kuutimia na kuudumisha uhuru wetu. Ndiyo maana wale walisoma miaka ya 60 hadi 70 walijikita sana kwenye fasihi na masomo ya namna hii kwa sana. Baada ya hapo yalianza kuibuka masomo kama vile uhasibu, uinjinia, udaktari, uanasheria bila kusahau ualimu ambao hata hivyo ulikuwa big deal pindi tu tulipopata uhuru. Kwa sasa masomo mengi yanapaswa kuhusiana na mahitaji ya sasa kama vile jinsi ya kwenda na utandawazi, mitandao, electroniki, uchumi wa kijani, ugaidi na masuala kama haya. Pamoja na mahitaji tofauti ya elimu na ujuzi kwa nyakati na malengo tofauti, bado elimu ni muhimu. Hili halina mjadala. Ndiyo maana ukiangalia teuzi nyingi anazofanya rais Dkt. John Magufuli zinahusisha watu wenye shahada za juu. Kwanini asiteua tu watu bila kujali viwango vyao vya elimu?
Tokana na kukua kwa elimu ya taifa letu, tungependekeza hata wabunge wawe na angalau shahada moja ili kuwamotisha vijana kujua umuhimu wa elimu na siyo utajiri. Sidhani kama tutawaaminisha kuwa unaweza kuwaaminisha vijana wetu kuwa unaweza kuwa tajiri bila elimu tutakuwa hatutoi motisha kwao kujiingiza kwenye njia haramu za kupata utajiri wa haraka kama vile uuzaji na usafirishaji mihadarati, ujambazi, utapeli na kadhia nyingine. Hakuna nchi iliyoweza kuendelea bila kuwa na jamii ya watu wasomi hata kama hawana ajira. Nadhani tujifunze kuwa elimu iwasaidie walioipata kutatua matatizo yao mojawapo likiwa ni tatizo la ajira. Kanada inasifika kama nchi yenye wasomi wengi. Kwa udogo wa taifa hili kwa idadi ya watu, lisingekuwa na wakazi na wananchi wasomi, lisingeweza kujulikana kwenye ramani ya dunia sawa na mataifa makubwa yenye idadi kubwa ya watu.
Ukiuangalia utajiri au kipato kikubwa kirahisirahisi, utagundua ni kwanini watu kama mheshimiwa Kasheku wana imani kuwa elimu haina uhusiano na utajiri. Kwa watanzania wa kawaida kama Kasheku, mshahara anaoupata¬¬–––ikilinganishwa na kiwango cha elimu na ujuzi vyake–––ni mkubwa sana. Hivyo, kwa mtu ambaye malipo yake kila mwezi ni makubwa kuliko ya wengi wenye shahada za juu, humfanya asione faida ya kuwa na elimu ya juu. Hata hivyo, kosa la watu wenye elimu za juu wasio na ajira au ajira zenye kipato cha juu si kosa lao bali kosa la mfumo mbovu tuliourithi toka kwa wakoloni. Ndiyo maana hatuoni mantiki, kwa mfano, ya kutowalazimisha wanaogombea ubunge angalau kuwa na shahada ili waeze kuwa mchango mzuri bungeni.
Tumalizie kwa kuwaomba waheshimiwa wabunge kuhakikisha wanafanya utafiti wanapotoa matamko au taarifa, kwa vile wao ni kioo cha jamii. Pia tuwahimize kujisomea hata kama siyo lazima wawe na shahada. Angalau wawe na welewa kwa kawaida unaowawezesha kujenga hoja na mahitimisho bila mijumuisho isiyo na ulazima kama ilivyo kwenye hoja hii ya elimu na utajiri.
Chanzo: Raia Mwema kesho.

Monday, 15 February 2021

COVID-19 AND HOW SOME AFRICANS FEEL ABOUT IT


 

RIP GALLANT LEADERS

Former Argentinian President Carlos Menem, Garissa Senator Mzee Yusuf Haji and former Tanzanian  Minister Mohamed Seif Hatib passed on recently. May their Souls Rest in Eternal Peace.


Sunday, 14 February 2021

HATUNA HAJA WALA SABABU KUONEA AIBU KISWAHILI

Mwl. J.K Nyerere alipoamua Kiswahili kuwa lugha ya taifa la Tanzania huru, wengi hasa majirani zetu–––tena wengine waliopigania uhuru naye–––walimcheka. Hata hivyo, Nyerere alishikilia uzi ule ule ingawa naye hakukitangaza Kiswahili vizuri. Hakukitumia  zirani nje au kuhutubia vikao vya kimataifa kama wafanyavyo viongozi wa mataifa yanayotumia lugha zao asilia kama lugha za taifa.  Leo tuna mataifa yanayojivunia kujua Kiingereza bila kukijua huku yakisema Kiswahili ni lugha zao za taifa. Lugha ni nyenzo ya mtu kuiona na kuielezea dunia yake. Tafiti nyingi zinaonyesha kuwa watu wanaelewa zaidi kwenye lugha mama kuliko lugha za kigeni. Najua Kiswahili si lugha mama ya watanzania wote. Angalau ni lugha ya pili yenye kukaribiana na lugha mama ikilinganishwa na lugha za watawala wetu wa kikoloni ambao hatuna ukaribu kimila au kwa lolote.
        Uhuru maana yake ni ile haki ya binadamu kujiamria bila woga kufanya kile unachoona kinafaa kisheria kama mtu binafsi, jamii au nchi. Kwa kuzingatia dhana hii, Rais John Pombe Magufuli alipoingia madarakani aliamua kukanyaga nyayo za Mwalimu bila aibu wala woga tena kindakindaki kwa kuamua kutumia Kiswahili kama lugha yake ya mawasiliano katika kila shughuli ya kitaifa anayofanya kama  rais. Hata hivyo, uamuzi huu–––tokana na mabaki na mtindio wa kikoloni–––haukupokelewa na watanzania wote.  Wapo waliombeza kwa maneno mengine wakidai hajui kiingereza. Magufuli aliwashangaa hawa kwa kuhoji aliwezaje kupata shahada mbili za juu moja ya uzamili na nyingine ya uzamivu bila kujua kiingereza wakati masomo yote yalifanyika kwenye lugha hii?
  Hivi karibuni, akihutubia sherehe za kuadhimisha miaka 100 ya mahakama, alisema wazi alivyojiamini na kuisimamia lugha ya Kiswahili pamoja na kukejeliwa kuwa hajui kiingereza. Kuonyesha alivyodhamiria, Magufuli alimpandisha cheo jaji wa mahakama kuu kanda ya Musoma, Zephrine Galeba kuwa jaji wa mahakama ya rufaa kwa uzalendo wake wa kutoa hukumu kwa Kiswahili jambo ambalo, licha ya kumvutia rais, lilimpa imani kuwa idara ya mahakama itaweza kubadilika na kuanza kuenzi na kutumia Kiswahili katika kazi zake. Je hili litawezekana bila kutungiwa sheria?
        Nchi za kiafrika kuogopa kutumia lugha zao ni aina fulani ya ukoloni ambayo inapaswa kuangaliwa upya. Nadhani haya ndiyo matokeo ya dini za kigeni zilizowafundisha waswahili kuwa karibu kila kitu chao ni cha shetani isipokuwa vyakula vyao na wanyama wao. Ndiyo maana watu wenye mawazo ya kikoloni tena ya kujitakia wanaogopa lugha na majina yao. Ndiyo, tunahitaji kiingereza kama lugha inayotumika sana duniani. Hili lisitupe unyonge wa kuogopa lugha zetu asilia au za taifa zenye asili ya Afrika kama Kiswahili. Nikiwa Kenya kipindi fulani, majirani zangu walisema mimi si mtanzania kwa vile naongea kiingereza kizuri. Niliwajibu mbona marehemu baba wa taifa alikiongea vizuri kuliko rais wao wa awamau ya pili hata wa awamu ya kwanza? Niliwasuta kuwa nawasikitikia kwa vile hwakuwa wakijua ima kiingereza au Kiswahili wakati mie navimudu vyote bila wasi wasi.
        Kama tutakuwa wakweli, watu wetu wengi kiingereza kinawapa taabu si kwa sababu hawakijui bali hawakuandaliwa kukijua tokana na fikra huru za baba wa taifa. Juzi nilimsikia mkuu fulani wa wilaya akisema visibility studies badala ya feasibility studies. Hii inaweza kuonyesha ni kwanini tunahitaji lugha yetu ambayo watu wataitumia kwa kujiamini. Hata wanaojifisia kujua kimombo wana matatizo kibao. Mfano, ukimwambia mkikuyu pale Kenya aseme neno pond atakwambia pod. Ukimwambia mmeru aseme neno pond atasema mpond. Uganda nako utasiki exichuse me badala ya excuse me. Pale Nigeria wanasema  broda badala ya brother. Afrika Kusini wanasema struggal wakimaanisha struggle. Hii ni kuonyesha namna waswahili tunavyoweza kutumia lugha zetu na mambo yakaenda. Ni ushahidi tosha kuwa, pamoja na kutumia lugha za wenzetu, bado tunazibukanya au kuboronga huku tukijisifu tunazimanya. Huku Ulaya ukiongea mfano kiingereza, hutaacha kusikia kuwa una accent au lafudhi kukuonyesha kuwa hii si lugha yako na huwezi kuimilki kama wao. Huwa najiuliza. Kama nina lafudhi na unajua, una haja gani ya kuniambia kama siyo ubaguzi tu wa kawaida na kujiamini kwa wale wanaojiona ndiyo wenye lugha?
        Kama tutajivunia lugha za watawala wetu wa kikoloni basi tujivunie na zetu. Hii inanikumbusha wasudan ya Kaskazini ambao huonea fahari kiarabu hadi kujiita waarabu wakati waarabu wakiwaita watumwa yaani abid kutokana na kujikana na mila na lugha zao. Naamini kuwa unapojikana na wengine watakukana. Usiopojiamini hutaaminiwa na usipojipenda hutapendwa. Kimsingi, utachuliwa na wengine kama unavyojichukulia. Na hii ndiyo siri ya nchi za magharibi kujiamini hata pale zinapokuwa zinatufunza vitu visivyoendana na utamaduni na  imani zetu waka kuingia akilini. Ndiyo maana Wasudan hata wanaposhiriki kwenye mikutano ya nchi za kiarabu au kwenda kufanya kazi kwenye nchi hizo wanaonyeshwa wazi kuwa wao ni waswahili na si waarabu. Ukitaka kujua mbuzi au kondoo ni kondoo au mbuzi, mpeleke kwa wale wanaosema ni mbuzi au kondoo wenzake. Wakimpokea basi ni mwenzao. Hata hivyo, hata wanyama pamoja na ufinyu wao wa akili bado hawawezi kumkubali mnyama ambaye si mwenzao. Mbuzi watamkubali mbuzi na kumkataa kondoo na kondoo kadhalika watamkubali kondoo na kumkataa mbuzi kama ambavyo waarabu hufanya kwa wasudani. 
        Tumalizie kwa angalizo na ushauri. Kuenzi lugha zetu hakuna maana ya kuzikimbia lugha za watawala wetu hasa kutokana na ukubalikaji wake duniani. Tunaweza tukaendelea kuzitumia bila kukimbia lugha zetu. Mbona mataifa kama Japan Korea Kusini na Uchina yaliyoendelea yanatumia lugha zao asili na yameendelea? Hatuna haja ya kuogopa kutumia Kiswahili katika mambo yetu ya kitaifa; ni lugha sawa na nyingine yenye uwezo kuwa na dhana zote tunazodhani zinapatikana kwenye lugha za kigeni tu.
Chanzo: Nipashe Jpili.

Saturday, 13 February 2021

Don’t Blacks deserve Covid jabs?



What you need to know:

So far, over 95 per cent of the available vaccines have gone to the wealthiest and high-income countries – US, EU, UK, China, UAE and Israel.
In Africa, only South Africans will receive the vaccine the earliest, perhaps in mid-2022.
The gods are angry. Perhaps it isn’t the gods. One thing is clear – Covid has ravaged the rich and the poor alike. In Southern Africa, Covid-19 recently took more than 10 ministers in three weeks.
        Zimbabwe lost at least four ministers. Several African ex-presidents – Ghana’s Jerry Rawlings, Burundi’s Pierre Nkurunziza and Pierre Buyoya, and Eswatini’s PM Ambrose Dlamini – have been taken by the Grim Reaper of a pandemic. I suspect hundreds of thousands of African hoi polloi have suffered the same macabre fate. But we only hear of the demise of the high and mighty because no one cares about “little people”. Except South Africa, most African states either can’t, or won’t, collect and report accurate Covid-19 statistics. 
        The lives of Blacks on this planet have been deemed worthless for centuries. We’ve been enslaved, colonised and murdered outright for the benefit of other races and religions. But – and this hurts perhaps even more – we’ve been subjected to terrible oppression and pogroms by our very own. Most African states, including Kenya, have treated their own citizens as human garbage. That’s why they haven’t responded to the pandemic with urgency.
        Sadly, many have been Covid denialists, including the aforementioned Nkurunziza. I laugh in pain when Kenyan CS Mutahi Kagwe reports no new deaths from Covid on a given day. Pray, tell me, how would he know? The official numbers are hogwash and inaccurate, if not deliberate, lies. 
Vaccine inequality
        To be fair to Mr Kagwe and many African states, they lack the ability to collect data. Many don’t know how many people live in their countries. The census, when it’s done, is usually shambolic. Corruption is clearly the number one problem.
        Recently, Jubilee’s Uhuru Kenyatta announced in broad daylight that thieves – read senior state officials – were stealing 2 billion shillings a day. No one was surprised.   Surprisingly, however, no one did anything, or organised a demonstration to demand that government should arrest and prosecute the culprits, or resign. Theft of the public purse is normal in Kenya. Meanwhile, the public is in the deadly grip of the empty malignant ruse of “hustlers” versus “dynasties”. How stupid are Kenyans?
We don’t know how many Kenyans contract, and die, of Covid. But we know this – Covid vaccine inequality is real. 
        There are two effective authorised vaccines – Pfizer and Moderna. AstraZeneca may be approved soon. Pfizer and Moderna have produced approximately 200 million doses. Production is ramping up and more vaccine is on the way.
Global South
        However, so far, over 95 per cent of the available vaccines have gone to the wealthiest and high-income countries – US, EU, UK, China, UAE and Israel. Most people in the Global South, and especially in Africa, won’t see a dose until 2023. In Africa, only South Africans will receive the vaccine the earliest, perhaps in mid-2022. Meanwhile, the more deadly Covid variants will be rampaging.
        The World Health Organization launched Covax in April 2020 to purchase and deliver Covid vaccines to over 180 countries, most of them impoverished. Wealthy countries, however, have directly bought the vaccines from Pfizer and Morderna. Could some poor countries have also directly bought the vaccine? I believe so. This would have required strategic thinking, planning, participation in the clinical trials, and ready funds.
        However, I don’t know why Kenya’s leadership has been asleep at the switch. Even more troubling, who will get the vaccine if – and when – it finally gets to Kenya? Will folks be given fakes and placebos? Will the country’s leaders and their families get it first? Have they and other bigwigs been secretly vaccinated already?
        Recently, I received the first dose of the Pfizer vaccine because I am teaching at my university in New York. I shared the good moment on Twitter, largely to discourage vaccine hesitancy and denialism among persons of colour.
Beggarly nation
My good friend, the flamboyant Nairobi lawyer Ahmednasir Abdullahi – a native of Mandera County – complained I should’ve protested against vaccine inequality and declined the shot until people in Kitui, where I was born, received it first. His comment, as usual, was snarky and tongue-in-cheek.
        However, I took it as a teachable moment. I reminded the esteemed attorney of how much vaccine Kenya could’ve bought but for scandals such as Kimwarer and Arror dams, among others. My backhanded jab was a no-brainer. 
        As it turns out, Kenya is very rich. We aren’t poor, people! Imagine 2 billion shillings stolen every day. How much money is that in a year? I bet you it’s enough to buy Covid vaccines for every Kenyan twice over. Instead, the government has gone to the World Bank, EU, China and other multilateral lenders with a begging bowl for Covid relief funds.
        What’s wrong with this picture? We can’t continue to be a beggarly nation. A beggarly people aren’t a proud people. It’s unforgivable our leaders have made us beggarly. Now, we are slugging it out for the leaders in the silly name of the “hustler-dynasty” stupidity to choose how to remain beggarly. 

Makau Mutua is SUNY Distinguished Professor and Margaret W. Wong Professor at Buffalo Law School. He’s Chair of KHRC. @makaumutua.
Source: Daily Nation and Author.

Friday, 12 February 2021

RIP DEAR BROTHERS AND COMPATRIOTS


The late Anastasha Nditiye, Harith Bakari Mwapachu and Arcardo Ntagazwa all passed on recently. May God RTSIP.

“JPM PROMOTES KISWAHILI HERO JUDGE”.


The words  in  the  heading  of  this  article,  are  lifted  from  a  front  page  news  item  in  the  Daily  News   of  Monday,  February  02,  2021;  which  reads  as  follows:  “President  Magufuli  yesterday  promoted  High  Court  Judge  Zephrine  Galeba   to  be  Justice  of  the  Court  of  Appeal  of  Tanzania,  after  becoming  the  first  Judge  to  deliver  a  judgment  in  the  Kiswahili  language.  It  was  a  fitting  reward  for  Justice  Galeba,  following  his  bold  decision  to  use  Kiswahili,  instead  of  English,  while  delivering  a  judgment  on  a  labour  dispute  in  Musoma  recently”.  President   Magufuli  announced  this  decision  in  his  speech  while  officiating  at  the  annual  ‘Law  Day’   celebrations  in  Dodoma.  In  his  speech,  the  President  described  Justice  Galeba  as  “a  Kiswahili  hero  within  the  Judiciary,  for  departing  from  the  existing  rules  after  writing  his  judgment  in  the  national  language”. This  little  episode  has  motivated  me  to  revisit  President  Nyerere’s  determined  efforts  to  promote  the  use  of  Kiswahili  in  all   Government  operations.
A  brief  resume  of  Nyerere’s  efforts.
Tanzania’s  founder President  Mwalimu    Julius  Nyerere   showed  his  determination  to  promote  the  use  of  Kiswahili  in  all  government  operations   right  from  the  beginning  of   his  Presidency,   in   January 1963;  when  he  issued  an  Executive  Order,  directing  the  use  of  Kiswahili  in  all  Government  operations   where  possible.  And,  presumably,  as  a  precursor  to  the  coming    directive;  he   himself  delivered  his  opening  address  to  the  first  Parliament  of  the  new  Republic  of  Tanganyika  on  10th  December,  1962,    in  Kiswahili.                              
        Thereafter,  in  a  rapid  response  to   the  Kiswahili  Presidential  directive,   the  National  Assembly    formally  resolved,  on  12th  February,  1963,   to   adopt   Kiswahili  as  the  official  communication  medium  in  the  House. I  had   just  been  appointed  the  first  Tanzanian   Clerk  of  the  National  Assembly  on  9th  December,  1962.   Thus,  the   implementation of   this   resolution   became  my   responsibility. To  start  with,  we  had  to  find  a  Kiswahili  translation  for  the  word  “Parliament”.   I   then remembered  the  Liganda  language  word  for   “Parliament”,  which  is   “Bulange”.    In  my  young intellectual   ingenuity,  I  removed  the  middle  “la”  from  that  Luganda  word,  and  remained  with  “BUNGE”;  which  I  then  recommended  should  be  the  Kiswahili  word  for   “Parliament”.  This   was  readily  accepted.   I  then  turned to  the  bigger  task,   of   setting  up  of  an  entirely  new  system  for  producing  the  official  records  of  the  Parliamentary  proceedings,  the  “Hansard  Reports”.                                                                                        
        Prior  to  the  Presidential  Kiswahili  directive,  all  the  proceedings  of  the  National  Assembly  were  being conducted  only  in  the  English  language,  for  which  task   we  had  a  team  of  competent shorthand   stenographers.  The  immediate  challenge  was  that  no  shorthand  characters  had  been  developed  for  the  Kiswahili  language,  and  therefore  there  were  no  trained  Kiswahili  shorthand  stenographers  available  anywhere  on  the  job  market.                                        
        We  thus  had  to  embark  on  establishing   a  completely  new  system  of  using ‘audio-typists’, i.e.  persons  who  would  take  audio  recordings  of   the  House  proceedings,  and  later  have  their  recordings  transcribed  into  typewritten  scripts.   With  the  help  and  full  support  of  the  Civil  Service  Department,  and   the  ‘Organization  and  Methods’  Unit  of  the  Treasury;    all  this  was  done  and  accomplished  in  a  relatively  short  period  of  time;   which  enabled  us  to  avoid  postponing  any  of  the  subsequent  scheduled  sessions  of  the  National  Assembly,  merely  for  ‘lack  of  preparedness’.  
        With  regard  to  the  Judiciary,  available  records  show  that  the  higher  level  courts  were  allowed  to  use  Kiswahili  in  the  conduct  of  its  proceedings (but  not  the  writing  of  its  Judgments), on                          May  16th,  1973.    This  is  the  strict   barrier  that was  boldly  removed  by  Justice  Galeba’s  action,  which  deservedly  earned  him  promotion  to  the   Court  of  Appeal.
            President   Nyerere’s  personal   efforts  in  promoting  Kiswahili.
President  Nyerere  was  certainly  very  keen  on   promoting  the  use  of  Kiswahili;  but  I  have  personal  evidence  to  show  that  he  had  no  intention  of  replacing  English  with  Kiswahili  as  the  medium  of  instruction  in  our  institutions  of  education.                                                                                         In  April  1974,  The                  TANU  National  Executive  Committee  was  scheduled  to  consider  and  adopt  a  new  policy  document,  which  would  abolish  the  system  of  direct  entry  to  University  immediately  after  successful  completion  of  Form  Six  secondary  education;  and  introducing  an  intervening  period  of  two  ears  National  Service  training,  plus  the  acquisition  of  some specified   work  experience,  before  entry  into  University.                                                                                                                   
         A  very  small  team,  which  included  myself  and  Minister  of  Education  Simon  Chiwanga,  had  been  assigned  the  task  of  preparing  the  relevant  policy  document   which  was  to  be  discussed  at  that   NEC  meeting.  Minister  Chiwanga  had   suggested  that  we  include  in  the  draft  of  that  document,  the  proposal  that  Kiswahili  “shall  be  progressively  introduced  to  replace  English,  as  the  language  of  instruction  in  all  our  institutions  of  secondary  and  tertiary  education”.    
            We  all  agreed,   and  did  that.   But  when  we  submitted  the  draft  to  President  Nyerere  for  his  review   and  comments  before  its  finalization;  he  instructed   us  to  delete  that  part  of  the  draft;  because,   in  his  own words:  “we  cannot  avoid  training  our  students  in  English.   English  is  the  Kiswahili  of  the  world  today”.  
         Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  personal  efforts  in  promoting  Kiswahili,  are  best  illustrated  in  his  sustained  endeavours  to  provide  proof  that  the  Kiswahili  language  is  also   capable  of  being  used  even   in  the   highly  sophisticated   academic  and   other  scholarly  undertakings,  when  he  translated  into  Kiswahili  some  of  the  ancient  and  renowned  scholastic  tomes,  such  as  the  Holy  Bible’s   Four  Gospels (the  New  Testament),  to  which  he  gave  the  Kiswahili  title  “TENZI  ZA  BIBLIA”;   plus  two  of  William  Shakespeare’s  famous  Plays ,  JULIUS  CAESAR,  and   THE  MERCHANT  OF  VENICE.   
        There  are  two   astonishing   aspects   in  relation  to  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  undertaking  in  making  these  translations.  One  is  how  Mwalimu  Nyerere  was  able to  render  more  than  500  lines  of  dense  Shakespearian  old  English  verse  into  Kiswahili;  thus  providing  adequate  proof  of  the  expansive  richness  of  our   Kiswahili  language.  But  the  other,  and  perhaps  more  intriguing  aspect,  is  how   Mwalimu  Nyerere  was  actually  able  to   find  the  time  carry  out  these arduous  tasks,  given  the  fact  that  he  was,  at  that  same  time,  heavily  engaged  in   the  more  substantive  and  heavily  demanding  day-to-day   tasks,  of  managing  the  socio-political  and  economic  development  of   the  new   Tanzanian  nation;  plus  spearheading  the  Pan-African  efforts  to  eliminate  colonialism  from  the whole  of  the  African  continent. This  outstanding   achievement,  I  humbly  suggest,   should  be  taken  as  a  pertinent  lesson  for  the  current  leadership  generation,  many  of  whom  tend  to  (falsely)   claim  that  because  of  their  full-time  job  preoccupations  in  the  public  service;   “they  have  no  spare time”  for  reading  or  writing  books!  
The   contribution  of   Kiswahili  to  Tanzania’s   nation  building  efforts.   
            President  Nyerere’s  eagerness  to  promote  Kiswahili,  may  indeed  have  been  based  primarily  on  his  sincere  love  for  this  language,  which  is  sufficiently  evidenced  by   his  early  adventures  into  the  exclusive  field  of Kiswahili  poetry;  for  example, when  he  wrote   this  lovely  independence  piece,  titled: “Kunakucha  kulichele,  na  kulala  kukomele”,  in  welcoming  the  imminent  arrival  of  country’s   independence, in  1961.                                                                                         
         But  Mwalimu  Nyerere  also  had  a more  fundamental  reason  for  promoting  Kiswahili,  which   is  that in  the  area  of  the  country’s  governance,   Kiswahili  actually  contributed  immensely  to  promote   the   enthusiastic  acceptance  of  new  policy  initiatives,  and  thus  made  their  enforcement  very  much  easier.  This  happened  when  new  Kiswahili  words  or  phrases  were  introduced  to  hammer  home  the  real   meaning,  and  implication,  of  the  relevant  policy  initiatives.  For  example,  the  introduction  of  the  phrases  “Uhuru  na  Umoja”,  and   “Uhuru ni  kazi”,  helped  to  facilitate   the  emergence  of  a  common  understanding  among  the  public,  of  the  true   meaning  and  implication  of  the  country’s  UHURU. 
        Similarly,  at  the  time  of  the  inauguration  of  TANU’s   ‘Ujamaa  and  Self-reliance  policies’;   a  variety  of  new  Kiswahili  words  were  introduced,  such  as  “Ubepari”,  Ukabaila,  Unyonyaji;   plus  new  phrases  such  as  “Ubepari  ni  Unyama”  and  “Usiwe  kupe,  jitegemee”.    Such  new  words  and  phrases  not  only   greatly  enriched   the  Kiswahili  language  itself;   but,  in  addition,  they  also  created  a  deeper  public  understanding of   the  implied  meaning  of  those  messages;   and  consequently,    they   generated  a  correspondingly  higher  compliance  level,   by  creating  a   kind  of  ‘imperative requirement’ to  adhere  to  the  instructions  contained  in  those  messages.    
President  Magufuli’s  entry  onto  stage.
        President  John  Pombe  Magufuli  is  himself  also  a  keen  lover  of  Kiswahili,  for  he  always   proudly   uses  it  even on  occasions  such  as  official   State  banquets  normally  hosted  for  foreign  Heads  of  State  (unfortunately,  his  ethnic  Kisukuma  orientation  routinely  misleads  him   into  making clear  grammatical  mistakes  of  creating   non-existent  plural  forms  for  words  which,  in  fact,  exist  only  in  the  singular;  such  as  ma-umeme,  ma-mifugo,  ma-samaki !).                               
        Thus,  there  was  really   no  surprise  when,  in  his  closing  speech  on  18th  August, 2019  at  the  end  of  the  39th  Southern  African  Development  Commission (SADCC)  Heads  of  State  Summit;   President  John  Magufuli  (who  at  that  time  was  the  SADC  Chairman),  announced  that  SADC   “had  accepted  Kiswahili  as  one  of  the  official   working  languages”.                                
        Many  keen  observers  were  not  surprised  by  that  announcement,   because  they   just   assumed  that   this  was  the  successful  outcome  of   his  personal  endeavours  to   “internationalize”  the  Kiswahili  language;  and  that  this  was  the  positive  result   of   his  success   in  persuading  his  colleagues  to  accept  Kiswahili.  And  this  assumption  was  buttressed  by   the  fact  that prior  to  the  said  Summit  meeting,  during  the  month  of  May,  2019;   President  Magufuli  had  made  official  State  visits  to  the  countries  of   South  Africa,  Namibia,  and  Zimbabwe,  in  that  order;  ostensibly  for  the  purpose  of  “strengthening  our  diplomatic  relations  with  the  relevant  countries”.                                                                                                      
        Tanzania’s  current  policy  on  ‘diplomatic  relations’  puts  the  greatest  emphasis  on  “economic  diplomacy”  (diplomasia  ya  uchumi).  Thus,  for  example, during  his  official  talks  his  host,  President  Cyril  Ramaphosa  of  South  Africa;  President  Magufuli   vigorously  embarked  upon   marketing  the  Kiswahili  language,   in  the  course  of  which  he   secured  an  excellent  ‘deal’   in  the  form  of  a  huge  market  for  the  supply  of  Kiswahili  teachers,  and  Kiswahili  books,  to  South  Africa  from  Tanzania.  It  is  thus  reasonable  to  assume  that  President  Magufuli  must  have  extended  his  Kiswahili   salesmanship  and  promotion  to  all  the  other  Heads  of  State  of  the  countries  which  he  visited  during  that  tour.   
         In  his speech  at  the  closing  of  the  SADC  39th  Summit  referred  to  above,    President  Magufuli   had  explained  further  that  “this  acceptance  of  Kiswahili  is  a  great  honour to  Tanzania’s  founding  father,  Mwalimu  Julius  Nyerere,  who  played  a  very  crucial  role  in  the  struggle  for  the  liberation  of  many  of  the  countries  in  Southern  Africa  by  facilitating  the  training  of  large  numbers  of  their  freedom  fighters  to  be  undertaken  here  in Tanzania,  in  the  course  of  which  they  learnt  Kiswahili  and  used  it  as  their  common  language  of  communication”.              
             It  is  one  of   President  Magufuli’s  attributes  that  he  never  stops  complementing  Mwalimu  Nyerere,  whenever  and  wherever  the  opportunity  arises  for  doing  so.  But  it  is,  indeed,  most   gratifying  to  note,  that  these  grand    efforts   by  our  Heads  of  State  to  promote  Kiswahili,    are  being  actively  shared  by  many  other  Tanzanian   individuals  and  Institutions;  which  thus  fully  guarantees  their  sustainability.                                                                       
            For  example,  the   publication,  in  recent  times,  of  many  Kiswahili  books  by  Tanzanian  authors,   is  sufficient  testimony  to  this  assertion.    And  the  compilation  and  publication  of  an  English/Kiswahili  Dictionary  by  the  University  of  Dar es Salaam;  plus  the   commendable  work  in  this   respect  which  is  being  undertaken  by   that  University’s  Kiswahili  Department.
piomsekwa@gmail.com/0754767576.
Source: Daily News and Cde Dr Msekwa himself.