Magufulification: Concept That Will Define Africa's Future and the Man Who Makes Things Happen

Magufulification: Concept That Will Define Africa's Future and the Man Who Makes Things Happen

Thursday, 30 December 2021

Kwanini wahubiri wengi wa kisasa wamejigeuza wanasiasa?


Wakati maovu kama vile wizi wa mali za umma, uzembe, ujambazi, upofu, upogo, uzinzi, utapeli, uongo,  uroho, roho mbaya, utoaji mimba, ubabaishaji na mengine kama na haya vikiongezea, wahubiri wengi–––hasa wa kujipachika–––wamegeuka wanasiasa kiasi cha kutelekeza uhubiri na neno la Bwana. Baada ya kuongezeka kwa matumizi ya mitandao na uhuru usio na mipaka, ukiachia mbali kutafuta umaarufu wa haraka hata kwa njia za hovyo, tunashuhudia utitiri wa clip mitandaoni zinazorushwa na wahubiri wanaojifanya wajuzi wa kila kitu. Je inakuwaje neno la Mungu linatelekezwa na siasa inachukua kani? Kuna sababu nyingi mojawapo zikiwa:
Mosi, baada ya wenzao wa kujipachika kupenya kwenye vyama na kupata vyeo vya kisiasa hasa ubunge, wengi sasa wanatumia majukwaa yao ya kidini hata kwa kujipachika kutafuta namna ya kuingia kwenye siasa ili wapige fedha tokana na wanasiasa kulipwa vizuri na bila kulazimishwa kuwa wasomi. Rejea akina Getrude Rwakatare, na sasa, Josephat Gwajima kutumia umaarufu kwa kidini kukwaa ubunge. Mfano, Gwajima aliwahi kusema kuwa hawezi kugombea cheo cha kisiasa hata kama ni urais kwa sababu ni kazi dhaifu kuliko kazi ya Bwana. Punde, aliramba matapishi yake tena akapitishwa kugombea kwa mizengwe. Sasa amenogewa kiasi cha kuanza kutaka kuukata mkono unaomlisha. Je ni wangapi wanaomkumbusha Gwajima maneno yake? Je ni wangapi waliyakumbuka wakati wakimpitisha kinyume na matakwa ya wale anaodai kuwawakilisha? Je Gwajima anasemaj? Je mamlaka zina fanya au kusemaje? Wewe msomaji unafanya au kusemaje? Uzuri wa mitandao, inatunza kumbukumbu–––na inauma huku na kule––––hasa kama tataidurusu kwa makini na kuimaizi ili kuwakaanga vidhabi hawa kwa mafuta yao.
Pili, wengi wamegundua udhaifu wa kimfumo, kisheria na kiutawala ambao uruhusu watu wasio na sifa kujipachika vyeo vikubwa kama vile unabii, uaskofu na vingine vingi na kujipatia mali na umaarufu ima kwa kuwanyonya waumini wajinga na waliokata tamaa au kutumia asasi za dini kufanya biashara kama kuingiza magari bila kulipa sheria. Nadhani hii ndiyo siri ya wengi walioingia bila kuwa na baiskeli wala nyumba kutokea kuwa matajiri wa kutupwa tokana na kuvuna wasikopanda huku mamlala zikiangalia tu. Unashangaa namna mtu wa kujipachika anapata wapi jeuri, kwa mfano, kusema eti ikulu imekaliwa na mwana au binti wa shetani! Kweli? Tunaelekea au kuelekezwa wapi?  Kwani lazima tuwategemee vidhabi hawa wasio na dini wala utu zaidi ya fedha na utajiri?
Tatu, mfumo wetu wa kifisadi umetoa mwanya kwa watu kutajirika na kuishi kitajiri bila kulazimika kueleza walipo na walivyochuma utajiri wao. Kwa nchi nyingi za kiafrika, ni rahisi kulala maskini na kuamka tajiri mamlaka zisiulize miujiza uliyofanya kufika hapo. Hii inanikumbusha visa vya kukamatwa matapeli wa kinigeria ambao wengi wao ni wachungaji wakiwa na shehena za madawa ya kulevya. Je ni wangapi hawajakamatwa, kustukiwa wala kufichuliwa iwapo mifumo yetu ni ya hovyo na kipofu? 
Nne, ukosefu wa maadili kijamii. Watu wetu wengi wanaabudia na kushobokea vitu kiasi cha kuibiwa wakijiona wasilalamike wala kushuku. Tumejigeuza jamii ya kuabudia utajiri na vitu bila kujipa nafasi ya kuhoji namna vinvyopatikana. Je ina maana mamlaka hazijui kuwa kuna michezo michafu inafanyika kiasi cha kuvutia matapeli wengi kujivika vyeo vitukufu ili kuwaibia vipofu? Nani hajui kuwa Yesu aliwahi kuliona hili akaonya “jihadharini na manabii wa uongo wanaowajia wakiwa wamevaa ngozi ya kondoo, kumbe ndani ni mbwa mwitu wakali” (Matayo 7: 15). Mtume Petro anaukubaliana na Yesu akisema “manabii hawa wa uongo wanachotaka ni pesa zenu tu. Hivyo watawatumia ninyi kwa kuwaambia mambo yasiyo ya kweli” (2 Petro 2: 3) na “na watatokea manabii wengi wa uongo ambao watawapotosha watu” (Matayo 24:11). Je hatunao mingoni mwetu manabii hawa wa uongo na wapenda fedha? Wanamfuata na kumhubiri nani iwapo Yesu alikuwa maskini akikiri wazi kuwa “ Mbweha wana mashimo yao, na ndege wa angani wana viota vyao, lakini mimi Mwana wa Adamu sina mahali pa kulaza kichwa changu.” (Matayo 8: 20). Je hawa wahubiri, maaskofu, mitume, manabii, wachungaji (ambao sie huwaita wachunaji) bado wanamhubiri Yesu huyu huyu maskini ambaye alishindwa hata kuwa na sarafu mfukoni hadi akakopa kwa samaki?
Tano, wanatumia ujinga wao wa kutojua madhara ya kile wanachofanya kupumbazwa na tamaa na uovu kiasi cha kuendelea kujipa motisha wa kuendelea kufanya “ubatili mtupu; mambo yote ni ubatili” (Mhubiri 12:8) wasijue watatokea watu wenye mawazo makubwa na wakweli kuwafichua kama tunavyojaribu kufanya hapa ili waathirika na wahanga ambao ni jamii na hata mamlaka kuwachukulia hatua kabla hatujaangamia pamoja.
Mwisho, sasa nini kifanyike? Nadhani jibu ni rahisi. Tuwabane na kuwanyima pumzi kwa kuwataka wathibitishe madai yao. Tuzidurusu, kuzitafsiri kisheria na kisomi dhana za kufunuliwa ili kuepuka matapeli wachache kuzitumia kuendelea kutuibia na kuhatarisha hata usalama wa jamii na taifa kama inavyoanza kujitokeza. Kila anayeibuka anajifanya mtaalamu wa kuwajua wanawake, miujiza, maisha na uzima wa milele wakati hana hoja wala lengo lolote zaidi ya njaa, tamaa na ujinga wake. Wanatumia roho mtakatifu wakati wamejaa roho mtakakitu na roho mtaka chafu. Tieni akilini. Wale wanaoshangaa ni kwanini wahubiri wengi wamegeuka wahubiri wa siasa badala ya neno, wamepata jawabu mujarabu hapa. Nawatakieni Heri ya Mwaka Mpya.
Chanzo: Raia Mwema kesho.

SAYING GOODBYE TO THE YEAR 2021 : SOME PERSONAL MEMORIES OF THE OUTGOING YEAR.

As we  say  goodbye  to  the  year  2021;  presumably   everyone, in  his own  way,  will   be  running  down  his “memory  lane”,  in a  quiet  contemplation  of   all  the  events  that  occurred  to  him  over  the  whole  of  that  year.   Today’s   article  presents  my  own  memories  of  the  year  that  is  ending  tomorrow, in  which   I  have  chosen  to   focus   entirely   on    the  religious  events  that  occurred  during  this  year.;  as  they  relate  to  Ukerewe, my  cozy  retirement  home. There were  a  few  such  events  that  were  celebrated  in   a  big  way  and  attended  by   many  members  of  the  public.                        
        The  relatively   smaller events,  included  the  consecration  of  two   candidates  who  qualified  for  priesthood,  who  therefore  became   priests;  and  that  of   another  priest  who  celebrated  his    twenty-five  years   jubilee  of  priesthood. All   of these  events    were  celebrated  with  appropriate  ‘pomp  and  ceremony’  in  the  tradition  of  the  catholic  Church   worldwide.
My  firm  plans  for  the  end-of- the   year  celebrations,  2021.
For  a  good   number   of  years   now, I  have  been   marking the  end  of  each  calendar  year     with  a religious   celebration   of   Holy  Mass,  held at  my  Ukerewe  residence. And   I  have  decided  that   the  end  of  this  year  will  be  celebrated  in  precisely   the  same  way;   that  is  to  say,  with  a  special   High  Mass,  whose  lead  celebrant  will  be   the  Bishop  of  our  own   Buda/Ukerewe  Diocese,   His  Grace, Mhashamu    Baba  Askofu Simon Masondole;    after  which,   being   the  host  of  that  event, and  as  is  normal  on  all  such  occasions; I  will   be  expected  to  deliver  a short  welcoming  speech   to   our  distinguished guests;    in  which  I  will  be  focusing   mainly  on  thanking  the  Almighty  God  for  having  granted  my  family    the   precious   gift  of  life,  and   good  health,  throughout   the  whole  of  the  year  that  is  coming  to  its  end.                                              
        But  in  addition, I have  also  arranged  that   for  this   special  year, these   religious   celebrations  will    take   place  not  at  my  residence,   as  has  been  the  practice   in  the  past;   but   at  our  community   Nansio Parish  Church;  and   also  that   the  concluding  item  will  be   a   grand  display  of   fireworks,  that    will   surely  brighten  the  night  skies   of   the  entire    area   surrounding the   Church ,  and    far  beyond.                         
        And as  already   stated  above,  the   main  purpose  of  these  religious  celebrations  is  to  provide  an  opportunity  to  the  participants  thereof,   to  thank  the  almighty  God,   for  all  that  he  has  done  for  each  of    us   individually,   but  also  as  a  community,  or  as  a   nation. 
My   personal   memories   of   the   outgoing    year   2021.              
My  main focus in  this  article  will  be  on  the  historic  religious  event   which  occurred  around    the  middle  of  this  year,  precisely on  4th  July,  2021;  which  was   the  consecration of  His Grace, Bishop  Simon Chibuga   Masondole,    as  the new  Bishop  of  our  Catholic  Diocese  of  Bunda/Ukerewe; who  thus  became the  second  Bishop of our new Diocese,  succeeding Bishop Renatus  Leonad  Nkwande, who  had  been  elevated  to  the  higher   position  of  Archbishop,  and  posted  to   the  Arch diocese  of  Mwanza.   
        I  took  the  earliest   opportunity to invite the new Bishop to my  family  home  for  an  evening dinner  party with my family,  and  he kindly  responded  in  the affirmative.  A  date  was  agreed  upon,  and  the  dinner event  took place  as  planned. As he  was a direct  product  of  the   Catholic  Church’s  evangelizing efforts of  the  Catholic  Church in  Ukerewe; that  occasion  gave  me  the  opportunity  to  review the rich  history  of  this  Church  in  Ukerewe,  plus the beneficial outcomes  of  that  history. And  that  is,  indeed, what I did  in  my  welcoming speech to my assembled guests  in which  I addressed the  Bishop and talked mainly about the need for him (being  himself a  native  of  Ukerewe  District), to  urge or encourage his large contingent of well-educated, Ukerewe-born, local priests, to agree to undertake some serious research on some  of the  most important  records  of the  catholic Church in  Ukerewe, which  actually cover  the  period of a   whole century  and a quarter (One  hundred  and  twenty-five long years)  as of  last  year,  2020. Revisiting the  rich  history  of  the  Catholic Church  in Ukerewe.
        The  first-ever Catholic  Parish was established  at  Kagunguli  Village in December  1895; and was  officially inaugurated  on  Christmas  Day of that  year. From  that  time  onwards,  the  catholic  church  spread  rapidly  to  other many areas,  including  areas  in  what  is  now  Mara   Region.     
        But  in  respect  of  Ukerewe, the  Church  has  succeeded  in  producing a  very  large  number  of   Catholic priests  who  are natives  of Ukerewe,  who  have  been  ordained during  the whole  of  this  period;.  But this  large  number also includes   three Bishops:  the  late  Bishop  Fortunatus Lukanima,  who  was  Bishop  of Arusha; Bishop  Flavian  Kasala, (the  current    Bishop   Geita);  and Bishop  Simon Masondole,  the current  Bishop  of  Bunda/Ukerewe; all  of  this  evidence  provides a clear   proof of  that  rich  Church history. However, among  that  large  number  of  priests, is  the  unique icon, and  most  extraordinary “priest  of  miracles”, called   Padre  Celestine  Kipanda ‘Kasisi’  (1888-1953).                          The  extraordinary  story  of    Padre  Kasisi
Reliable  records,  which  are  in  the  possession  of  Padre Anderea  Msonge  (currently  Vicar  General  of Bunda   Diocese),  include  some   interesting minute  details  of  the   extraordinary  life  of  this  Padre,  Celestine  Kipanda;   and  the   real miracles, which  he  performed   during   the  period  of  his  priestly services in Ukerewe.  
        There  are  several   examples    of  such  miracles  which  are  reported   therein. The  English  Dictionary  defines the word “miracle”,  as “ an  act,  or  event,  that  does  not  follow  the  law of  nature,  and  is  believed  to  be caused  by  God  
        One  of  Padre  Kasisi’s recorded “miracles”,    is in relation to his miraculous responses to  the  silly,  ‘colour discrimination’ attempts, which   were being made  against  him by the  racist white Missionaries stationed at Kagunguli  Parish ,where  Padre  Kasisi had  also  been   posted in 1945.   
    For  example,   it   is  reported  that  on one  occasion,  these  racist white  priest rudely    prevented Padre Kasisi from sharing a meal  with  them at  the  same  table. He obeyed, and went out without  argument. But  when the racists opened the food  dishes, what  they saw  was  not  food at  all,  but  only a collection  of rotten  insects. They  summoned  the  cooks and severely admonished  them for that “insult” but  the surprised cooks  could not  see any rotten insects in those  dishes, what  they saw was only clean  food. So,  they advised  the  priests  to  call  back  Padre  Kasisi  to also witness  what  they  were  claiming to  see, which  they  agreed  to  do.  And  when  Padre  Kasisi  returned, he posed this  question to them   “If you  are indeed  people who believe in  God,  why don’t  you  want  to  eat  with  me  at  the  same  table? They  then agreed that he  should  sit  and  eat  together with  them.  And the   miracle  then   happened.  The   problem of  rotten  insects  suddenly  disappeared !        
        However,   the   acts  of  racial  segregation  continued; for,  it  is reported  that  on another  occasion, when  it  was   Padre  Kasisi’s  turn  to  say  the  usual prayer  before meals; one  of  the  white  Missionary quickly  got  up  and   angrily  waved  his  right  hand  towards  Padre  Kasisi,   attempting  to  prevent him  from saying  that   prayer.  Padre  Kasisi is  reported  to  have just  gazed  in  total  disbelief  at  this  white  Priest,   and  quietly  muttered  a  few  inaudible words   which,  presumably, produced the  miracle  that   suddenly emerged; which was  that  the evil   white  man’s right  hand became  suddenly    paralyzed,   and  could  not  be  lowered   again   until the  other  white  priests   apparently   got  the  message,  and   begged   Padre  Kasisi   to  forgive   his  victim. Padre  Kasisi   responded  positively, and  the victim’s   paralysis then   disappeared.  
        It  is further  reported  that  on  yet  another  occasion  in  1952,  when  Padre  Kasisi  had  been  transferred  to    establish  a  new  Parish  at  Itira;  another  miracle  happened.  A  group  of  young  men  and  women   at   Itira  Parish  had successfully  completed  the required  course   to  qualify  them  receive  the  Sacrament  of  Confirmation  (Kipaimara);  and  had  arranged  for   the  missionary Bishop Blomjous, who  was  due  to  visit  Ukerewe, to  include   Itira   for  that  purpose.   
        But  the  incorrigible   racist  priests  at  Kagunguli had   conspired  to frustrate  him,  by  hatching a plan to  prevent  the  Bishop  from  going  to Itira. When   that  conformation  reached  him  Padre  Kasisi felt  obliged to  travel all  the  way  to  Kagunguli, in order to  plead  with  the  Bishop  himself,  and  try  to  persuade  him  to  travel  to  Itira.  
        But,  apparently,  the  Bishop  had  already  been  convinced  by  the  racist  priests; hence,   his  pleading  also  failed to convince  the Missionary Bishop. The  frustrated Padre  Kasisi,  thus  returned  to  Itira, and  did whatever he  did,  that  again  produced  a real  miracle; which was  that    when  the  Bishop  had  completed   the  business  that had  brought  him  to Kagunguli  and  was  ready to  return to  Mwanza; his  car  engine just  refused  to start,  and  he  was  therefore stranded    for  two  whole  days, even  though  the  mechanics  could  not  see  any  defects  in  the  Bishop’s  car.  
        It  then  became  obvious  that   this  was   an  unusual  situation;  and  the  Bishop  was  advised  to  communicate  with  Padre  Kasisi ,  to express  his willingness  to  travel to  Itira  for  the planned  Confirmation. The  Bishop accepted this  advice  and  sent  a  trusted  envoy, Padre  Stephano Maijo  (Matui),  to  deliver to  Padre Kasisi his willingness  to  travel  to  Itira  for  the  said   Confirmation.
         After  this  agreement  had  been  reached,  and  when   the  Bishop  was  ready  to start  his  journey  to  Itira ,  his  car engine presented  no  problems whatsoever! The  list  of reported  miracles, which  were performed  by  Padre   Kasisi  is much  longer.                               
        Apart  from   his  problems  with  the  racist  white  missionary  priests described  above; it  is  reported  that he  also performed a  number  of  other  miracles among  the  general community   of  believers; one  of which  is  when  he  cured  a  sick  child who was  suffering  from  some  strange  disease, which  was  not  responding  to hospital  treatment. When  the  mother  reported  this  matter  to  Padre  Kasisi and  sought  his assistance; Padre  Kasisi  simply instructed   her  to  go  and  buy  a  piece  of ordinary  soap, and  bring  it  to  him. He   blessed this  soap, and  said  some  prayers. Thereafter, he  instructed  the  mother  to  go  and   bathe  her  child  using  that  soap.  
        After  only  a few  days,  the  mother reported  back to  say that  her child  had been completely    cured  of  that   strange  disease. My  basic   intention in narrating Padre  Kasisi’s story,  was  to  emphasize to  the  Bishop,  the need for  further  research  and  publication  by  the  Church, of  such  valuable  information.  For,  if  such  information  had  been  made  available  to  those  who  process  recommendations  for  the   Church’s Award  of  the  sainthood  status;  perhaps the late Padre  Kasisi would have easily   qualified  for that    Award.
The   unpleasant   memories   of  2021.
        However,  I  cannot  close  this  presentation  without  mentioning  the  unpleasant    event,   when   both  of  us,  my  wife  Anna and I,  were  taken  ill  during  the month  of  March,  2021,  and  had  to undergo intensive  medical treatment, separately at  Regency  Medical  Center  in  Dar es  Salaam,  and  Muhimbili  National  Hospital  Dar  es Salaam, respectively.  This prevented  me  from  working  on  my  computer laptop  to  produce  the  weekly  articles  for  publication  in  this  column,  for  three  long weeks. piomsekwa@gmail.com/0754767576.

Tuesday, 28 December 2021

Rais Samia si Wingu lipitalo

Japo mtifuano na mvivutano tunayoanza kuushuhudia ndani ya Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) vinaweza kuchukuliwa kama mambo ya kawaida kisiasa. Hata hivyo, siyo hivyo. Kuna namna. Kuna sababu nyingi hasa wakati huu ambapo chama kimo mikononi mwa mtu ambaye anaonekana kuwa ima mgeni chamani japo si mgeni au hatokani na majina makubwa au ‘wenye chama’ ambaye si mwingine ni Mheshimiwa Rais Samia Suluhu Hassan. Je kwanini tunaamini hivi? Yafuatayo yanaweza kutoa majibu:
    Mosi, CCM ilipompitisha Hayati John Magufuli ambaye hakuwa mtu wa ndani ya chama kwa hofu ya kupigwa kumbo baada ya kukumbwa na kashfa kibao na kuona alichofanya, ‘wenye chama’ wana kila sababu ya kuwa na hofu na yeyote asiyetokana na wale waliowategemea au kuwaandaa. Hakuna ubishi. Magufuli alikibadili chama na kuingiza watu ‘wageni’ ambao hawakutegemewa japo nao wameondoka baada ya kuja awamu ya sita kitu ambacho ni cha kawaida. Wanaoshuku warejee zama za ‘magamba’ ambayo CCM ilijaribu kuyavua yakagoma hadi alipojitokeza Magafuli akaiokoa kutokana na uchapakazi na usafi wake. Hivyo, baada ya kuwa na Magufuli, wapo waliojiandaa kufanya kila wawezalo japo kumridhisha lau wamrithi–––kama siyo mkono wa Mungu kuingia. Kwa kundi hili, kuja kwa Samia ilikuwa kama wingu lipitalo ambalo–––inavyoonekana limefika mwake. Kwani, wengi watashangaa kama Samia hatagombea 2025.
    Pili, japo makundi ya kimaslahi yameishagundua kuwa kumbe Samia siyo wingu lipitalo–––ana kila sifa ya kuendelea–––hayawezi kutundika buti bila kujaribu hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa siasa, saa nyingine, ni mchezo nyemelezi. Hivyo, kujaribu siyo sawa na kutojaribu japo wanatwanga maji.
Tatu, ili kufanikisha kujaribu, lazima makundi husika yajenge lau mtafaruko jambo ambalo linaweza kumkwamisha wasiyemtaka au ambaye ni kikwazo kwao kufikia malengo yao hata kama ni kwa kukihujumu wasijue hakuna anayeweza kufurukuta nje ya CCM. Samaki gani aweza’ishi nje ya maji?
        Tatu, kuna wale ninaoweza kuwaita wamagufuli–––walioingizwa kwenye nyadhifa za juu chamani  na Magufuli na siyo sifa wala mchango wala uketereketwa wa chama. Hawa, kimsingi, baada ya kifo cha Magufuli, ulaji wao ima umekufa au kupungua kama siyo kupunguzwa. Hawa wanajulikana. Tena, wengi hawaamini wala kukubali yanayotokea. Wanajitahidi kukosoa hata mema ilmradi ima wajiridhishe au watoe uchungu wao. Mfano, mmoja juzi alisikika akihoji mambo ambayo, alipokuwa kwenye ulaji hakuyahoji. Wengine wamejitokeza kuwa wakosoaji wakati yale wanayokosoa ndiyo walioyaasisi. Hapa ndipo Samia anawapiga bao la kisigino.  Huwezi ukampenda Magufuli ukamchukia Samia ikizingatiwa kuwa ndiyo chanzo cha awamu ya sita.
    Nne, hadhi/maslahi na ushufaa wa Urais na uenyekiti wa CCM si kidogo wala mchezo. Ukishika CCM na urais umeishika nchi pande zote. Na Samia analijua hili fika hata kabla hajawa Rais. Maana, haikuwa kazi rahisi kuhimili mikiki ya Magufuli, kiongozi aliyeonyesha umwamba wa ajabu ukiachia mbali spidi na ukali. Hata mwanzilishi wa taifa na chama, Hayati Baba wa Taifa, Julius Nyerere, hakuachia nyenzo hizi kwa pamoja kwa kujua namna zilivyo na ushawishi ukiachia kumhakikishia usalama aliyezishika. 
    Tano, wapo wahafidhina wasioamini mwanamke anaweza kumudu madaraka makubwa hivi wasijue alipokuwa Makamu wa Rais, alionyesha busara, uvumilivu na kuona mbali kuliko wanaume wengi. Hivyo, kwao, mwanamke kuwa kwenye nafasi kama hizo ni jambo linalowapa taabu.                         Tushawasikia wengine wakilalamika eti kwanini Mheshimiwa anasema mimi ni Rais mwanamke. Walitaka aseme nini iwapo ujinsia ni nyenzo ambayo wengi wametumia kuwahujumu wanawake? Kwa wanaofahamu kilichotokea nchini Uingereza chama cha Conservative kilipompitisha Iron lady Margret Thatcher au Ujerumani alipotwaa ukanda mutti au mama, Angela Merkel, watakubaliana nami kuwa Samia si wingu la kupita wala mpasha kiti joto. Anaweza kuwa chemi chemi ya uongozi isiyokauka hata atakampomaliza muda wake. Laiti tungeweza kumuuliza mumewe anayemjua kuliko yeyote; Samia ni mtu wa aina gani, wengi wetu tungepata elimu ya bure na kuondoa ndoto za kumhujumu, kumuona kama wingu lipitalo. Waulize waliofanya kazi na kusoma naye; watakwambia ile namba nyingine inapokuja kwenye busara, uvumilivu na mikakati. 
        Hata Daniel arap Moi, aliyetawala Kenya kwa muda mrefu kuliko wote, alionekana hivyo pale bosi wake alipofariki na akaapishwa Rais. Waliomuona kama wingu lipitalo waliishia kuula wa chuya huku wakijilaumu. Inapokuja kwa Mheshimiwa Samia, kufikia kuwa mwanamke wa kwanza kuwa Makamu na Rais si mchezo jamani. Anayebisha, mtafakari unavyomuona, kumsikia hata kumtathimini. Pia, kwa wanaomjua Magufuli aliyemuamini watakwambia siyo huyu mnayaweza kumrahisisha kwa aibu na hasara yenu. Sisi ni nani kumtilia shaka hadi tumkatae na kumhujumu na ili iweje wakati ameishaonyesha njia?
        Mwisho, lazima wana CCM wakiri na kukubali kuwa wanamhitaji Samia kuliko anavyowahitaji kama watajikumbusha ni kwanini wazee wa CCM walimpitisha Magufuli ambaye alikuwa hajulikani. Sababu ni rahisi; mkicheza makidamakida, mtajikuta kwenye upinzani kirahisi. Nenda mkajifunze Zambia, Malawi hata Kenya. Kimsingi, CCM inamhitaji Samia kuliko anavyoihitaji hasa ikizingatiwa hawajawahi kukamia madaraka. Wanaoona kama Samia hawafai wanapaswa kufanya utafiti japo kidogo kuhusiana na makuzi na malezi yake mbali na ithibati yake kazini pote alikopitia. Ukitaka kujua ukarimu, ukatili, ushenzi au ustaarabu wa mtu, mpe fedha au madaraka. Nadhani wengi wanajua nimaanishacho. 
Chanzo: Raia Mwema kesho.

Friday, 24 December 2021

I salute wives/women as we end the year, especially if yours is a sigilamkhuba or offender (xhosa)


 

Waliotaka kuingiza sumu za kinyuklia nchini wasakwe na kukamatwa mara moja

Mheshimiwa Rais, nakuamkua kwa jina la Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania.
Leo nakuletea kashfa ya meli ya MV Seago Piraeus Voy iliyokamatwa nchini Kenya ikielekea Tanzania ikiwa na bidhaa zenye sumu za kinyuklia ingawa declaration yake ilisema kuwa ilikuwa imebeba makufuli. Mkurugenzi wa Mamlaka husika nchini Kenya, Robert Njue alikaririwa akisema “hakuna shaka hii ni kuonyesha kuwa kuna utupaji wa vitu hatarishi Afrika Mashariki.”
Mheshimiwa Rais, hili ni jukumu lako kama kiongozi wa nchi mbali na kuwa mwananchi. Wakati tukitafakari nini kifanyike kushughulikia kadhia hii, tujiulize maswali muhimu, yaani: je amieishacheza huu mchezo hatari na mchafu mara ngapi na kusababisha madhara kiasi gani kwa watu wetu? Je ni kwanini? Je wanapata nini hadi wahatarishe maisha ya taifa? Hapa lazima kuna namna. Hii ni biashara haramu tena yenye fedha na ushawishi mkubwa. Je hawa waliotaka kuingiza balaa hili wana mtandao mkubwa kiasi gani nje na ndani ya nchi? Haiwezekani mtu au kikundi wakajiamini kuingiza bidhaa hatari kama hizi bila kuwa na watu wao kwenye maeneo zinakongilia iwe bandarini au mipakani. Kuna haja ya kuchunguza zaidi.
    Mhshimiwa Rais, nashauri tuige mfumo wa Magharibi ambao huwahudumia wananchi kwanza kabla ya wengine. Mfumo huu ni wa kibaguzi wazi wazi. Upo pale kuwahudumia wazungu na si waafrika wala wengine hata kama ni wananchi. Rejea waafrika waliopelekwa utumwani Marekani na kusaidia kujenga taifa lile lakini mfumo ukawatoa nje. 
    Mheshimiwa Rais, ukiachia mbali mfumo wa kimagharibi, hata mifumo ya kiarabu, kichina na kihindi huwahudumia wananchi na si wageni hata kama wameishi kule kwa miaka mingi. Rejea namna waswahili waitwao Jarawa walioko India walivyoachwa kwenye ujima kiasi cha kutumika kama kivutio cha watalii wa ndani na nje na hakuna anayepiga kelele kuhusiana na haki za binadamu. Niseme wazi. Wanavyotenzwa waswahili huko India ingekuwa ni wahindi wanatenzwa hivi Afrika, dunia nzima ingewaka moto. Rejea namna Idi Amin alivyowafukuza tokana na ubaguzi. Dunia nzima ilimlaani kwa vile waliotendwa ni wateule. Je leo, ambapo Ulaya inawafungia mipaka waswahili, wanaokufa majini wakikimbia umaskini iliousababisha nani anahoji? Ajabu na ubovu wa waswahili, tukiguswa, dunia nzima inanyamaza, lakini wakiguswa wengine, nasi tunapiga kelele. Ujinga mtupu na kujibagua wenyewe. Tunadanganywa na udini na ujinga mwingine kuwapigania watesi wetu. Huwa naliona hili kwenye sakata la Palestina. Waswahili wengi huingia hata mitaani kuandamana. Ajabu, waafrika wanaponyima haki zao kama vile kuuzwa utumwani huko Maghreb na Ghuba, hakuna waarabu wala wahindi wanaoandamana lau kuonyesha mshikamano!
    Mhsehimiwa Rais, mfano mwingine ni kutoka Ghuba ambapo wafanyakazi wengi wa kiafrika wamedhalilisha, wamedhulumiwa hata wengine kuuawa na mabingwa wa haki za binadamu wako kimya. Mifano ni mingi. Ulipoibuka ugonjwa wa Ukovi-19 huku China, waswahili walibaguliwa nchini humo hata India ukiachia mbali wachina kubaguliwa kwenye nchi za magharibi kuwa ndio chanzo cha janga hili.
    Mheshimiwa Rais, mie si mbaguzi ila vile vile siyo limbukeni kwa vitu vya ugenini. Kimsingi, mifumo yote ya dunia ni ya kibaguzi dhidi ya mtu mweusi. Hata hawa wenzetu tulio nao wanaojiona kuwa weupe hawatuthamini zaidi ya kutuona mabunga kwa kuwakumbatia wakati wao wanatubagua. Sitaki niseme mengi. Ukienda kwenye mitaa ya Feri na Kariakoo, utauona huu ukweli. Imefikia mahali hata waafrika tunabaguana. Mtutsi anajiona bora kuliko Mhutu, Msomali kuliko Mbantu, Mpemba kuliko Mzanzibari. Kwani hayapo? Imefikia mahali Mhaya anambagua Mnyambo, Mchaga anambagua Mpare, Mkurya anambagua Mkerebe na kadhalika. Wengi wa watu hawa wana tabia ya kuoana wao kwa wao wakiwatenga wale wasio kuwa watu wao. Kwani hayapo haya? Je tufanye nini?
    Mheshimiwa Rais, naomba niunganishe mifumo ya kibaguzi na mada ya kutaka kuingiza sumu za kinyuklia nchini. Nisema wazi. Ukichunguza huyu [hawa] aliyetaka kuziingiza, utakuta anajionyesha kama Mtanzania wa kweli wakati siyo. Hata hivyo, ukichunguza zaidi, utakuta ni kati ya wale wasiowathamini wenzao mbali na kule zilikotoka. Taarifa zinasema sumu hizi zilitokea India. Ina maana India walishindwa kuzitambua na kuchukua hatua? Wangekamata za nini wakati zilikuwa zikitoka kwao kwenda Afrika? Hakuna ugomvi. India, chini ya mfumo wake wa caste, ni taifa baguzi karibu sawa na makaburu wa Afrika Kusini zama za ubaguzi wa rangi. Hivyo, hapa tunapata somo kuwa kila bidhaa zitokazo nje lazima tuzipekue kwa makini kweli kweli vinginevyo tutageuzwa dampo la sumu duniani na kujiangamiza.
    Mheshimiwa Rais, mbali na bidhaa za sumu, siku hizi, nchi za magharibi zimetugeuza dampo kwa bidhaa za kielektroniki na sumu. Tunaletewa mafriji mitumba, kompyuta na zana nyingine kwa nia ya kuzibwaga kwenye dampo ili baadaye tuathirike. Mwaka 2019, kulikuwa na kashfa ya Kanada kutupa uchafu wa plastiki huko Malaysia na Ufilipino. Hawa wenzetu hawatujali wala kutuona kama binadamu sawa na wao. Ndiyo maana wanatubagua, kutunyonya, walitutawala hata kutupeleka utumwani. Hivyo, leo sitaki niseme mengi. 
    Mheshimiwa Rais, nakuomba uingilie kati kwenye kashfa hii ili wote waliohusika wajulikane. Hata India ijulishwe namna tulivyokasirika kuhusiana na jinai hii ya kibaguzi na kimataifa. Niruhusu nirudie kwa hesima na taadhima. Hili ni lako. Iokoe Tanzania toka kwenye ubaguzi, jinai na uchafu huu. 
Chanzo: Raia Mwema kesho.


Wednesday, 22 December 2021

Kuendelea, tufumue mifumo yetu ya kikoloni na kitapeli

Huwa siachi kujiuliza maswali ambayo si wengi huuliza au kujiuliza. Inakuwaje baadhi ya huduma au kazi kuzifanya au kuzitoa, lazima kusomea wakati nyingine hapaswi kusomea? Je huu si ubaguzi wa kimaarifa na uchochoro wa ubabaishaji, utapeli hata wizi? Kama daktari hawezi kutoa huduma au mwanasheria bila kusomea au dereva au rubani kuendesha chombo bila kusomeea, inakuwaje wengine wanatoa huduma tena kwa maelfu bila kusomea?
            Leo nitaongelea janga linalokabili Afrika tokana na mifumo ya kikoloni/kitapeli tuliyorithi toka kwa wakoloni–––waliyoacha makusudi ili tujicheleweshe kimaendeleo na kuangamizana. Leo nitaongelea nyanja za dini na siasa ambazo ni watoto wa baba na mama mmoja.  Kabla ya kuzama zaidi, inabidi nieleze kuwa dini ilizaa siasa na siasa ikaipindua dini. Ushahidi? Ukisoma, kwa mfano historia ya dini mbili kuu za kikoloni, Ukristo na Uislam, utagundua kuwa zilianza kama himaya za kidini na kisiasa. Himaya ya Roma iliyoanzisha Ukristo wa Kirumi kabla ya kumegeka na kuzaa madhehebu tuliyo nayo leo nayo yakizaa mengine ilikuwa dini dola. Kiongozi wake mkuu Papa, alikuwa kiongozi wa kidini na kisiasa. Ndiyo maana mapapa wengi walivaa kama wafalme na kubeba vyeo vyenye namba kama wafalme. Kuepuka migongano, viongozi wa kanisa walianzisha kitu kilichoitwa oikonomia au uchumi ambapo mapadre walisimamia oikonomia au uchumi kwa niaba ya ufalme. Mfano, katika karne ya 13, mfalme Philip IV wa Ufaransa alimtoza kodi Papa BoniphaceVIII ili kupambana na mfalme Edward I wa Uingereza ambaye pia alilitoza kanisa kodi tofauti na makubaliano kuwa viongozi wa kidini wasilipe kodi. Kadhalika, Uislam ulikuwa dini dola huku Mtume Muhammad akiwa kiongozi wa dola la kwanza la kiislam chini ya dhana ya al-khilafa au ukhalifa ambao ulizua ugomvi baada ya kifo cha Muhammad na kuzaa Usunni na Ushia.
            Kwa vile tumeishagusia chimbuko la dini na siasa, ngoja tuliunganishe na ukoloni hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa, katika Afrika, licha ya kusaidia kueneza ukoloni, dini ni zao la kikoloni au kwa kiingereza the product of cultural imperialism yaani ukoloni wa kimila ambapo mila koloni huwa juu ya mila tawaliwa. Ndiyo maana waswahili wanatumia majina ya kizungu na kiarabu ukiachia mbali kuamini na kuapia miungu ya kikoloni wakitelekeza, kukidharau na kukitukana kila kitu chao. Hata wakati ukoloni ukiingia Afrika, dini na utawala wa kikoloni vilikuwa kwenye kitanda kimoja cha kunajisi waafrika kama ambavyo imeendelea hadi leo ambapo serikali za baada ya uhuru (postcolonial governments) ushirika huu. Ndiyo maana, kwa mfano, taasisi za dini hazilipi kodi wakati hakuna aliyeziomba zifanye zinachofanya zaidi ya maslahi binafsi sawa na wafanyabiashara wengine. Hii ndiyo maana mataifa mengi ya kijamaa yalizipiga marufuku, si kwa sababu ya kodi tu bali hata ile hali ya kuharibu watu wakaacha kuamini katika kufanya kazi na badala yake wakaamini katika maombi, miujiza na utapeli mwingine. Je kwanini serikali huruhusu kadhia hii huku zikiwatoza kodi maskini? Jibu ni kwamba huwatumia watu wa dini kuwapoza au kuwaathiri kiakili kwa makubaliano ya kulindana. Hapa ndipo ukoloni na utapeli ulipoibuka na kuendelea kuengwaengwa kwa maafa ya walio wengi hata taifa.
            Tukirejea kwenye kusomea taaluma, ndiyo maana serikali zetu zimeruhusu watu wasio na elimu wala ujuzi wowote wa dini kujipachika vyeo mbali mbali vya kidini kama uchungaji, uaskofu, utume, ushehe hata uhubiri mihadhara. Kama haitoshi, sasa wameongeza na udaktari feki na uwezo wa kufanya miujiza ambayo si chochote bali kuwaskinisha wafuasi wao wengi katika uhusiano wa matapeli na mbumbumbu. Ukiondoa viongozi wa madhehebu yanayojulikana, mengi yamejaa matapeli wanaotafuta riziki kwa kisingizio cha roho mtakatifu wakati wana roho mtakakitu. Tumekubali kuwa jamii ya hovyo kweli kweli. Sie tunaoishi kwenye nchi za magharibi huwa tunashangaa namna kusivyo na utitiri wa madhehebu wala makanisa na miskiti. Sana sana, asasi hizi zinazidi kupunguzwa tokana na nchi hizi kukumbatia kila aina ya ushenzi chini ya kisingizio cha haki za binadamu.
            Je ni kwanini ukoloni na utapeli huu uliojificha nyuma ya ulimwengu wa kiroho umeendelea kushamiri hata baada ya Afrika kujikomboa kutokana ukoloni kisiasa lakini si kiuchumi na kijamii? Jibu ni rahisi kuwa tulirithi mifumo ya kikoloni na kitapeli ili tuendelee kujichelewesha na kucheleweshana.  Kwa mfano, ifike mahali asasi za kidini zilipishwe kodi kama biashara nyingine huku wanaoziendesha wakilazimishwa kwenda shule ili wapate maarifa vinginevyo tutatengeneza vurugu huko tuendako. Hata hivyo, tumshukuru Hayati Kambarage Nyerere na Pombe Magufuli ambao–––hata kama walitumia mbinu na mifumo tofauti kuzipoza–––walijitahidi kuzibana asasi hizi ima kwa kuzinyima mamlaka au kwa kuziweka karibu nao. Waingereza wanasema weka marafiki zako karibu na maadui zako karibu sana. Hii ndiyo aliyotumia Magufuli.
            Ili kuondoa unyonyaji, utapeli na ukwepaji kodi, tuanze kutoza kodi madhehebu ya kidini huku tukiwalazimisha wanaotaka kuendesha biashara hii ya kiroho wasomee. Pia, mamlaka zianze kuzuia imani za kivivu na kishenzi kama vile kuamini katika kudra na miujiza badala ya kuchapa kazi. Hata hili balaa la PhD mabomu, nyingi zinatolewa na taasisi ambazo zimeshikamana na makanisa huku viongozi wengi wa makanisa wakijipatia shahada hizo kwa njia za mkato japo si wote. Kimsingi, ili tuendelee, lazima tufumue mifumo yetu ya kikoloni na kitapeli.
Chanzo: Raia Mwema leo.

Sunday, 19 December 2021

Ndoa za vibabu/bibi na vijana wa kiafrika ukoloni na utumwa mpya


Kisa cha bibi wa kizungu na kijana wa kiafrika nilichoshuhudia uwanja wa ndege mmoja–––sitautaja–––wakibusiana kimenisukuma kuandika haya. Kuna ukoloni na utumwa kimapenzi vimezuka ambapo waafrika ndiyo wahanga–––tokana na maingiliano ya kimtandao––– hata maisha. Mabalaa haya yamejikita kwenye mapenzi ya bandia ambapo mmoja wa ‘wapendanao’ humtumia mwenzake kulingana na hadhi yake kijamii mbali na rangi yake. Si suala jipya tena kuona vibabu/bibi vya kizungu vikifunga ndoa na wavulana/wasichana wa kiafrika mtawalia. Bila kupoteza muda–––hapa kuna tamaa, ujinga na umaskini–––kama vyanzo vya ukoloni na utumwa huu wa kimapenzi.
Katika mila za kiafrika, mwanaume hutegemewa kuoa mtu ima wa umri wake au anayemzidi umri japo si kwa mbali sana. Hivyo, inapotokea mwanaume, tena kijana, akaoa mwanamke mwenye umri au zaidi ya mama yake, jamii iliyomzunguka hustuka, kuhuzunika na kushangaa, kuchukuia hata kulaani. Inapotokea binti akaolewa na kibabu, hali huwa hivyo. Kwani, kwa waafrika, hakuna kitu muhimu katika ndoa kama tegemeo la kuzaa watoto ambao, mara nyingi, ndilo malipo kwa jamii na wazazi. Ndoa bila mtoto, kwa muafrika, ni janga. Sasa tujiulize. Inakuwaje kitu hiki muhimu kwa maisha ya jamii ya kiafrika kinawekwa kando na wahusika? Je ni zaidi ya hili? Inakuwaje kijana wa kiafrika wa kike au kiume kukubali kufunga ndoa na zee lisiloweza kumzalia au kumzalisha watoto–––likimzalisha–––humuachia ujane? Je hapa tatizo ni tamaa, ujinga au umaskini ukiachia mbali ibada za rangi ambapo mtu mweupe, hasa mzungu, anaonekana mali hata kama si mali kitu?
Katika mahusiano haya, waafrika hutumiwa na wazungu. Kwani, sijawahi kuona mzee wa kiafrika akioa msichana wa kizungu au bibi wa kiafrika akiolewa na kijana wa kizungu. Kwanini? Hapa kuna tatizo; si rahisi kupata majibu sahihi bila kudurusu. Kwa akili ya kawaida na mazoea, hili si jambo la kawaida, hasa kwa waswahili. Kimsingi, katika ndoa hizi, mwenye mamlaka ni mweupe na asiye na madaraka ni mswahili. Hivyo, ni rahisi kusema kuwa mswahili anaolewa katika mahusiano haya.
Kiafrika, mwanaume humuoa mwanamke na mwanamke huolewa na mwanaume. Ila katika uhusiano tunaojadili hapa, mwanamke na mwanaume wa kiafrika huolewa na mzungu na mzungu humuoa muafrika bila kujali kama ni mwanaume au mwanamke. Mbali na ukoloni hu una utumwa wa mapenzi, jambo ambalo limezoeleka ni kuona vibabu matajiri vya kiafrika vikioa mabinti wabichi wanaofuata ulaji kwao.  Kadhalika, hata katika ukoloni na utumwa huu wa mapenzi, mswahili huwa na mategemeo kuwa akiolewa na mzungu ataukata kwa kuweza kwenda majuu au kutumiwa madola.  Hapa thamani ya maisha ya binadamu, ambayo kawaida, thamani yake ni kubwa kuliko chochote, huishia kuwekwa kwenye vitu vya hovyo tokana na ima ujinga au umaskini kama masalia ya ukoloni wa kimila ambapo mtu mweupe ni mkombozi wa mtu mweusi–––hata kama dhana hii ni hovyo na ushahidi wa utumwa wa kiakili, kimaadili na kimila.
Hebu tuwe wakweli wapendwa wasomaji. Hivi kuna mapenzi kati ya kizee cha miaka–––tuseme miaka 60,70 au zaidi kuoa kijana wa miaka 30,35 hata 40 au msichana kigoli kuolewa na babu yake? Hapa tunapata dhana ya ubaguzi wa kujitakia ambapo muathirika hujiona dhaifu mbele ya mkoloni wake bila kujali jinsia. Hapa kuna maswali. Je kuolewa na mzungu ni kuukata au kupatikana mbali ya kudhihirisha ujinga, umaskini na tamaa ya wahusika? Nimeishi na wazungu kitambo si haba. Kama kuna kitu wanacho si kingine bali umimi. Mila iitwayo kwa kiingereza individualistic humtengeneza mtu kujiona kama huru na asiyejali wengine isipokuwa yeye. Hapa ndipo chanzo cha kwanza cha balaa hili kilipo mbali na ukoloni ambapo waafrika wameaminishwa na wakaamini–––iwe ni kwa kupitia dini au siasa–––kuwa wazungu ni wakombozi wakati ni waangamizaji. Utamuona Yesu mweupe wakati hakuwa mzungu. Mitume wote siyo waafrika. Maandiko matakatifu yote ni ya kigeni na lugha zinazotumika kuyaeneza. Huu ndiyo mzizi wa kila kitu. Mfano, wazungu wameweza kuzizuia nchi za kiafrika kuwapa fidia na mafao wakulima wao wakati wao wakifanya hivyo kwa wakulima na watu wao. Sababu? Waligundua, kutengeneza, kutangaza na kueneza ‘weupe’ kuwa ukombozi na wengine wenye dhambi. Unashawishikaji kuwa kila mtu anazaliwa na dhambi wakati mtoto mdogo ni malaika; usihoji kama hakuna tatizo hapa?
Ukoloni na utumwa kwa waafrika ulianza tulipohujumiwa na kurubuniwa kuacha mila zetu na tukakumbatia mila hatari za kigeni ziitwazo dini na ustaarabu japo si chochote wala lolote bali maafa kwetu. Mzazi unajisikiaje kijana wako wa kike/kiume anapoolewa na bi kizee kuliko hata baba au mama yake kwa kisingizio cha ‘mapenzi hayana macho.’ Mapenzi yana macho. Ndiyo maana, hayaishi bila kuwa na uhuru na utashi wa kuchagua, ambao katika balaa hili jipya haupo. Binadamu anapotumia njaa, tamaa, ujinga na umaskini kama nyenzo za kufikiri, anaweza kufanya jambo ambalo hata mnyama hawezi kufanya.
Tumalize kwa kuwashauri vijana wa kiafrika kuacha kuuza utu wao eti kwa tamaa na ujinga wa kwenda majuu. Wakishafikishwa ‘majuu’, huumizwa na kuwa watumwa zaidi wakaishia kujuta kama mmoja niliyekutana naye kwenye mji jirani aliyenyofolewa Arusha na kuishia kwenye utumwa. Kimsingi, haya si mapenzi bali ujinga, ukoloni na utumwa wa kujitakia. Akili inapoingia tumboni na kuukimbia ubongo, matokeo yake ni maafa ambayo sasa yanalinyemelea bara letu. Serikali zetu zinapaswa kuingilia kati kuhakikisha vijana wetu wana elimu safi ili kuepuka kutumiwa kwa kujiingiza kwenye utumwa tuliojadili hapa. Nini mawazo yenu vijana kabla hamjaangamia mkijiona kwa tamaa, ujinga na upogo?
Chanzo: Raia Mwema kesho.


Judging presidential candidates

    By Makau Mutua

Professor at SUNY Buffalo Law School and Chair of the KHRC.
What you need to know:
Your job isn’t to accept line, hook, and sinker – like a pit latrine – everything that comes out of a politician’s mouth.Scrutinise the family background, education, personal and social relationships with partners, spouses, children, and close friends.
        Let me state the bottom line upfront. Presidential candidates – in any country – aren’t saints. If you are looking for angels, go to heaven, or visit the grounds of the church, mosque, the African spirit world, or the temple. Here on Earth, politicians are living, breathing, fallible human beings.
        Remember the admonition in the Holy Book in Romans 3:23 – “[f]or all have sinned and fallen short of the glory of God.” So, dismiss those who say “God is with us” as though they are holy. Those who wear their piety on their sleeves and tongues are likely closer to the devil. Let’s not judge Bible-clutching politicians by their empty rhetoric. Here, I offer you a marking scheme for presidential hopefuls. 
        Let me frame your critical thinking. Only fools, or those without a choice, answer the call of nature in public. Most of us “do our business” behind the door of a bathroom, or restroom. That’s to say, no one wants you to see their dirty laundry. It’s the reason politicians lie, embellish, and exaggerate – they want you to think they are infallible.
Thus, your job isn’t to accept line, hook, and sinker – like a pit latrine – everything that comes out of a politician’s mouth. Don’t believe your lying ears. “Know” the candidates. Knowledge is everything. Do your own research. Talk to people who’ve studied the candidates. Then compare and contrast the candidates. Don’t believe twitter or Facebook blather. 
Candidate’s moral structure
Here’s the marking scheme by which to judge the candidates so you can separate the wheat from the chaff. 
        First, get your facts straight about the personal histories of candidates. This is an indispensable block of your knowledge base. Personal history is a clear window into how the person has been forged, and what makes them tick. Scrutinise the family background, education, personal and social relationships with partners, spouses, children, and close friends. What company does the candidate keep? Does he oppress family members? Do those close to him fear, or respect, him? Is he humble when not in front of cameras? Is money his currency of the realm? Is he real, or fake?
        Second, understand the candidate’s moral structure. How and why did the candidate enter politics? What motivated them to choose politics over other professional pursuits? Often, politicians say they entered the political arena to serve the people. For most of them, that’s a bunch of hooey. That line is as old as the oldest profession. The real clues about why a person joined politics is often hiding in plain sight. The most telling one is the size of their estate. What did the person own before they joined politics, and what do they possess today? If a chap is riding in his own helicopter, or a fleet of them, when a decade ago he rode matatus, then there’s your answer. 
Candidate’s political history
Did the candidate join politics at the behest of a godfather? Who was that Svengali? Was the political father a corrupt thieving dictator, or thug? Remember, as in the Mafiosi, the first thing the mafia don, or crime boss, does is take your hand and “dip it in blood”. That’s the bond which binds you to the “organisation”. You must do something to prove yourself – usually committing a cold-blooded murder, or pulling off a heist. It’s called the school of hard knocks. The more bloodlust you exhibit, the higher you go. That’s why in Kenya, criminal thieves of public funds aren’t usually held to account because the web of elite thieves and the official protection rackets are too interwoven.
        Third, what’s the candidate’s political history? What values and ideological hue have driven the candidate? This is easily gleaned from the causes that the candidate has championed. Does the candidate have a history of sacrifice, or fighting for causes nobler than lining his own pockets? In the case of Kenya, where was the candidate at the height of the Moi-Kanu dictatorship and kleptocracy? Did they oppose Kanu’s brutalities, impunity, and runaway thefts of public funds and resources? Were they themselves involved in the plunder? Did the candidate ever participate in criminal activities, including harming others? Have they fought for democracy and human rights, or anything larger than their personal business and political power? Did they support the 2010 Constitution?
        Finally, what’s the candidate’s ideological history. The past is prologue. You are likely to do in the future what you did in the past. There’s a reason the campaign period is called the “silly season”. Anything goes. Candidates hope that you will forget their ideological history. They will make promises and deploy slogans that have nothing to do with their history or ideological make-up. They know all they need to do is say anything that will get them elected. That’s because many of them sell snake oil to a gullible hoi polloi. Remember those who voted for Jubilee in 2013 and 2017 are now crying the loudest. 
Makau Mutua is SUNY Distinguished Professor and Margaret W. Wong Professor at Buffalo Law School. He’s chair of KHRC. @makaumutua

Friday, 17 December 2021

Wiki hii nitaimaliza na Thumeka Lothe na Muujiza wake wa Ajabu


Ndugu zangu wanyasa, wangoni hata washona hapa mtapata shule. Kila la heri.
Nzulu yemfihlakalo!Nzulu yesimanga! (muujiza wa ajabu washangaza) Ezalise umhlaba, nesibhaka-bhaka (Umejaza ardhi na mbingu) Lenzulu yesimanga, ngoka Thix'unNyana (Ajabu hii ya mwanawe) Oweza ebantwini, Ngokubasindisa (Alokuja kuwakoa watu) Wabon'uluntu lonke, luwe esonweni (Kila mtu alizama dhambini) Imiphefumlo yonke, ihleli elishweni (kila roho imekumbwa na maafa) Wasikwa yimfesane, engummangaliso (Aliumizwa sana na kuonyesha kujali ajabu) Wathabathela kuye, lonk'ihlazo labo (Alibeba aibu zao) Hayi obo bunzulu boluthando lwaKho (Huwii kina cha upendo wako) Abakholwayo namhla, Abanakugwetywa (Hakuna hakumu kwa wamwaminio) Mawudunyiswe Nkosi, Kus' ephakadeni (Mtukuze bwana wako sasa na milele)

Ushirikina wa ‘Washirika’ Wetu wa Magharibi na Mashariki

Neno mshirika lina nguvu na linavutia kulitumia. Hata hivyo, hugeuka shubiri unapogundua kuwa yule unayeamini na kudhani ni mshirika wako ni adui namba moja kihistoria na katika hali halisi. Leo hii tutagusia mambo mawili yenye kutegemeana. Tutaongelea kile kinachoitwa utaifa wa kinga (Vaccine nationalism) ukaburu wa kinga (Vaccine apartheid) na siasa za kinga (Vaccine politics).
Waliua viongozi wetu, Patrice Lumumba (DRC); Kwame Nkrumah (Ghana); Eduardo Modlane na Samora Machel (Msumbiji); Sylvanus Olympio (Togo), Dr Tafawa Balewa (Nigeria); na pia walipindua wengi sana tu. Waliua tawala, himaya na falme zetu na kuunda vipande vya nchi vya hovyo na ombaomba ili watunyonye kama wanavyofanya sasa nasi tukakubali. Walinyonga wafalme na watemi wetu huku wakiwakweza wao. Ziko wapi himaya za Ghana, Luba-Lunda, Bunyoro-Kitara, Karagwe, Mali, Meroe, Soghai, Kazembe-Maravi, Mwenemutapa na nyingine nyingi nasi tukakubali.
Waliua Dini na Mila zetu za utu na kutuletea mila zao za kinyama na kikoloni walizoziita dini wakati si chochote wala lolote bali mila kama zetu. Hebu jiulize tofauti ya kuabudu na kutambika, watakatifu na mizimu na mengine kama hayo. Hebu jiulize kinachoitwa amri kumi ambazo baadhi yake hata wanyama wetu kama mbwa na paka wanazijua tena bila kufundishwa. Mbwa akiiba nyama au paka maziwa anafanya nini? Jogoo akimkuta mwenzake juu ya jike lake anafanya nini? Waliua majina na utambuliko wetu na kutujaza ujinga uitwao ustaarabu. Leo ukimsikia mchina au mjapani hata kabla ya kumuona unamtambua kwa majina yake na utambuliko wake. Utasiki Hua Guo Wei au Masahiro Nakasone. Mzungu utamsikia Ian Smith na akina Mackenzie. Ukimsikia mwaarabu au mhindi utamtambua haraka kwani utasikia Mugheir al Baghad au Kanjibhai Chavda siyo yule habithi aliyetumiwa na wezi wetu akatoroka na utajiri wetu. Je akiitwa mwafrika utasikia nini zaidi ya Joseph, Simon, John, Mbaraka, Mohamed na majina mengine. Imefika waswahili wenzetu kama vile kule Sudan ya Kaskazini na Somalia wanajiita waarabu wakati ni wamakonde. Tumefikia kupewa majina hata ya mawe na mapaka. Hebu jiulize maana ya Livingstone au Abu Hurreira ni nini kama siyo jiwe lenye uhai na baba wa mapaka? Wengine wanaitwa Seif wakati kwa kibantu ni Jambia tu! Hivi Leon au Lion na Simba wana tofauti gani? 
Akutukanaye hakuchagulii tusi.  Walitutukana kuwa ni makafiri na wapagani nasi tutakubali kiasi cha sasa kutukanana sisi kwa sisi tujikona wajanja wakati majuha. Walitutoza ushuru uitwao sadaka, zaka na fungu la kumi kuendesha himaya zao nasi tukakubali. Leo tunakwenda kwenye makaburi yao kwa majina mbali mbali kuabudu wakati tunayo makaburi yetu. Tumepotezwa na tukapotea bila hata kujitambua. Huu ndiyo ushirikina wa washirika zetu.
Waliua mifumo na utamaduni na kutugeuza tegemezi ili tuwe wa hovyo–––kama tulivyo sasa tangia wakati ule–––ili waendelee kutunyonya na kutudhalilisha kama ambavyo wamekuwa wakifanya. Hebu jiulize. Baba au mama zima tena Rais wa nchi anakwenda kwa baba au mama mwenzake kujidhalilisha kuomba kana kwamba hana akili, mikono wala miguu tena bila kuona aibu. Je nchi zetu haziishi kwa makombo yaw abaya wake? Je, kama binadamu na jamii zenye akili tumejifunza nini? Je tuliwahi kujiuliza ilikuwaje Afrika, kwa mfano, iliishi bila kutegemea wafadhili kwa mamilioni ya miaka hadi ilipovamiwa na kuwekwa chini ya ukoloni?
Je hii inahusiana vipi na yaliyotangulia hapo juu? Uhusiano ni mkubwa tu. Bila kutuharibu kimila wasingeweza kutuharibu kiakili na kiroho. Ndiyo maana hatujitambui na tunaridhika na udhalilishwaji na unyonyaji huku nasi tukivikuza dhidi ya wenzetu. Leo tutaongelea Ukovi-19 na namna unavyotumia kutuumiza ili tujifunze japo hatutaki kufanya hivyo.  Nchi za magharibi na wenzao wa Asia wamejirundikia dozi kibao za kupambana na Ukovi-19 huku wengine wakitushauri watukopeshe kana kwamba sisi ndiyo tuliotengeneza balaa hili ambalo wamekuwa wakituhumiana kulianzisha. Walitengeneza Ukimwi, ushahidi wa kitaalamu upo wakatuambukiza, hatukulalamika wala kuwazodoa. Leo wanajilimbikizia kinga, ujuzi na kila kitu halafu wanaanza kutulaumu kuwa tunaogopa chanjo! Ziko wapi wakati wamezuia wao?  Nini, kwa mfano, mfano wa kuiruhusu India inakiri na kutegeneza chanjo au kutumia viwanda vyake lakini wakashindwa kufanya hivyo kwa Afrika? Siri iko wazi. Hata walipokuja kututawala hapa Afrika walituletea wahindi kununua mazao yetu kwa bei ya kuiba na kutajirika halafu tukaaaminishwa kuwa Waswahili hawajui biashara–––wakati ushahidi wa kihistoria upo kuwa kwenye himaya za Kiswahili za Pwani (Swahili City States) na himaya nilizotaja hapo juu–––tuliweza kufanya biashara hata kabla hawajaja. Kabla ya kumaliza ngoja nitoa mfano kwa taifakama Kanada ninakoishi lenye idadi ya raia ikiwemo akina sie wakazi wa kudumu milioni isiyofika 40. Ajabu ya maajabu, ulipoibuka Ukovi-19 ilinunua chanjo kwa mamilioni kwa ajili ya watu wake jambo ambalo ni haki yake. Hata hivyo, ukiangalia namna wakazi na wananchi wa hapa tunavyohimizwa kuchanjwa na kuongeza booster wakati wenzetu katika nchi maskini hawajapata hata chanjo ya kwanza, unashangaa.
Leo tutamaliza kwa maswali chokonozi na yenye kukera. Je Afrika na Waafrika tutajitambua na kujikubali lini ili tuwajibike kwa mambo yetu zikiwamo afya zetu? Je tutaweza bila kuachana na mila za watu ambazo tunajua fika kuwa ndicho chanzo cha mabalaa na udhalili wetu? Je hawa kweli wanaotudanganya kuwa ni washirika zetu wakati ni washirikina kuna haja ya kuendelea kuwaamini na kuwategemea? Je tumepata faida gani tokana na mifumo na utamaduni wao zaidi ya kuzalisha wapumbavu kibao wanaoamini kwenye kila ujinga ikiwamo miujiza?  Juzi juzi taifa letu lilipoambiwa kuna Ukovi-19 tuvae barakoa, tuliaminishwa kuwa Mungu alikuwa amelikinga na kuondoa Ukovi-19. Ujinga mtupu. Hali ikoje sasa? Tulishindwa hata kusimama na kusema hapa. Badala yake tulihatarisha maisha yetu na wapendwa wetu hadi ukweli ulipodhihirika tena kwa gharama kubwa tu. Tunawalalamikia wakoloni wetu wa jana kana kwamba walipokuja hawajatukuta na watu wenye afya na kuwafanya watumwa baada ya kujaribu wao wagonjwa na kushindwa! Tieni akilini. Naona leo sisemi mengi.
Chanzo: Raia Mwema kesho

Thursday, 16 December 2021

THE MUSIC OF THE WEEK COMES FROM THE SSQ and VIOLIN COVER BY THEIR APEPRS



 

60 YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE : THE CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENT AGENDA.

 Last   week, we all   joyfully celebrated  the  golden  jubilee  of  our  country’s   independence.   And  for  the greater  part  of  the   period  leading  to  these  celebrations;   the   mass  and the   social  media   appropriately   gave  us  the  opportunity  to   hear,   read  or  watch,  the  various  accounts  of  the  impressive  performance  of  the  various  social  and  economic  sectors  during   this  post-independence  period.   
        By the grace of God, I  had  the  very   good  fortune  of  being  in  the  top   leadership  positions,  (both  in  the  ruling  party   and  in  the  government)  during  the  whole  of  this  period,  and  mainly  operating  in    areas  which  are  either related  to,  or  closely  connected  with,  the  country’s   political  and  constitutional  development.  Actually, the   achievement of independence  was  itself  a  result  of  constitutional  developments  initiated and  implemented   by  the  colonial  Administration.               Hence,  I  believe  that   the  story  of  the  country’s   post-independence  constitutional  development  is also    worth  telling.    And that is  the  subject  matter  of  today’s  article.
The political system  that  was  inherited  at  the  time  of  Tanganyika’s  independence  on  9th  December,  1961  was  the  multi-party  system;  and  this  was  the  case  in  practically  all  other  countries  in  Africa  and  elsewhere,  which  gained  their  independence from  Britain    at  that  time.  
However,  despite   the  fact   that  Tanganyika  had  a   amulti-party  constitution,  the  country  was,  in  practice, a de  facto  ‘one  party’  state,  since   there  was  only  one  political  party,  TANU,  which  was  represented  in  Parliament,  as  a  result  of  TANU  having  won  all  the  parliamentary  seats  in  the  pre-independence general  election   of  1960;   a  factor  which  partly  influenced  Mwalimu  Nyerere  in  his  decision  to  initiate  the  fundamental  change  to  the   “one-party”  constitution,  which  was  enacted  in  1965.
Defining   the   Constitution.
I believe it  is  helpful,  in  discussing   this   matter  of  “constitutional  development” ,to  start  wth  a  definition  of   the  word    “constitution”.   A country’s  Cpstitution    is  normally   defined  as  the  “basic  or  fundamental  law  of  the  country,  which establishes   three  pillars  of  State  governance,  namely   the   Executive;  the  Legislative;  and  the    Judicial  Branches   of  Government;  it   describes  the  functions  of  each  of  those  institutions;  and  provides  for  the  distribution  of powers  among  them,  as  well  as  the  relations  between  them”. 
        It  is,  however,   important  to  note and  appreciate, that there  is  a  fundamental  difference  between  the  constitution  as  the  basic  law  of  the  country,  and  the  other  ordinary  laws  of  the  land,   which   establish  the  specific  principles and  methods   to  be  used  by  these  constitutional  basic  institutions  of  state  governance  in  the process  of   implementing  their  functions  and  responsibilities;  and  which   also,  generally  control  any  errant  behavior  amounting  to  a  breach  of  the  law,  by  the  individual  citizens  (and  other  residents)   of  the  relevant  State  
Thus, because  of  this  fundamental  difference,  it  is  vitally  important  to  also  note  and  appreciate,  that  there  are  very  many  areas   in  which  the  constitution  cannot  be  applied   in  order  to  rectify  the  kind  of   problems  which  have  often  been  mentioned  in the   demands  for  a  new  constitution;   such  as  that  for  a  new  constitution  which  will  establish   an   “independent”  electoral  commission.  Obviously in  the  false  belief   that  a  new  constitution  will  achieve  this  objective!                                   
        Such   expectations   are  palpably  false;  simply  because,  although  the  constitution  does  indeed  establish   an  Electoral    Commission;  but,  athough  the  constitution  of  the  United  Republic  of  Tanzania,  1977  duly   establishes  such  a  commission  in its    article 74 (7));   but  the  constitution  itself  cannot  possibly  make  provision  for  the  commission’s   genuine   “independence”;  as  this  will   depend  amost  ntirely    on  the  ethics  of  the  appointed  commissioners  themselves.   
The   Constitution   may, indeed,  be  clothed  in  the  desired  words,  by  providing  that  “there  shall  be  an  Independent  Electoral  Commission   which  shall  be  independent  in  the  performance  of  its  functions”  or  words  to  that  effect.   And   such   provision actually appears  in  article  74 (7)  of  the  current Constitution  of  the  United  Republic  of  Tanzania,  1977.    But,  in reality,  mainly  because  constitutions  are  operated  by  human  beings,   such  provisions  can  still  be  effectively   frustrated  by  ‘bad  leaders’  who   may   happen  to  be   in  charge  of  affairs  at  the  material  time; as has  indeed  happened  on  a  number  of    occasions   in   the  Zanzibar  general  elections,   when   the   Electoral  commission  Chairman  announced  questionable    decisions  which  immediately  created   huge   problems   of  political   conflict  and  general   insecurity.   This is  just  one  example which  shows  that  the  good  intentions  of  a   written  constitution  can  still   be  frustrated  by  unethical  leaders.
‘Constitution making’  versus  ‘constitutional  amendment’.
 It   is similarly and  equally  important, to  also  note  and  appreciate the differences  in  the   meanings of  these  concepts,  and    the  different  parliamentary  procedures  that  are  used  in  enacting  them.   
The   term “Constitution making”  means  the  enactment  of  a  completely  new  constitution;  whereas  “constitutional  amendment”  means  the   changing  only  of   only   some  of  the   provisions  of  the  existing constitution.   Under  normal   circumstances,  a  new  constitution  is  enacted  only  upon  the  occurrence  of  any  of  the  following  events:-                                                                                                     (a)  where  there  is  a  change  of  sovereignty,  such  as  upon  the  attainment  of  a  country’s  independence;  
          (b)  where  there  is  a  merger  of  sovereignty,  such  as  when  the  Republic  of  Tanganyika  united  with  the  Peoples’  Republic  of  Zanzibar  to  form  the  United  Republic  of  Tanzania;     (c)  where  the  previous  constitution was  abrogated  by  a  dictatorial  regime,  such  as  happened  in  Uganda   after  the  defeat  of  dictator  President   Iddi  Amin  Dada;                                                                    (d)  where  it  is  necessary  to  replace  a  totally  unacceptable  constitution  which  was  enacted  by  an  oppressive  regime,  such  as  that  of  South  Africa  during   the  obnoxious  apartheid  regime.
The established  parliamentary  procedures  provide  that  a ‘ new  constitution’  can  only   be   enacted   by  a  special   body    known  as  a  “Constituent  Assembly”;  and   it  does  not  need  the  Assent  of  the  Head  of  State  in  order  to  become  effective.   The ‘constitutional  amendments’  are  made  by  the  ordinary  Parliament;  which,  however,   must   follow  a  special  procedures. And it   has  been  standard  practice,  that   in  the absence  of  the  above  mentioned  circumstances,  amendments  have  been  introduced  to  the  existing  constitution  in  order  to  accommodate  the   new  political  developments  that  have  taken  place;  as  was  done  at  the  time  of  the  transition  from  the  one-party  political  system  to  multi-party  politics  in  1992.  This  is  the  procedure  which  has  been  followed  by  many  other  countries,  including    the  United  States  of  America,  and  the  Union  Republic  of  India;  both  of  which  have  retained   the  original   constitutions  which  were  enacted  at  the  time  of  their  independence:  (1787  in  the  case  of  USA;  and  1947  in  the  case  of  India);  to  which  they  have,  from  time  to  time,  introduced  amendments,  in  order  to  satisfy  the  needs  and  requirements  of the  relevant  periods.
The legal sanctity  of  the   constitution.
In this  context,   the   word  “sanctity”  does  not refer to   those  matters  that  are  connected  with  God,  or  considered  to   be  holy.  It   only mean “ something  which  is  regarded  with  great  respect”. 
        And this  is  what  explains  why   the  ‘legal  environment  of  sanctity’  has  been  created  around  this   document  designated as  “the  Constitution”,  in  order  to  attract  maximum  respectfrom  the  citizens  of  the  relevant  jurisdiction.   And  it  is  precisely  for  that reason,  the  constitution   is  strictly  limited  to  making  provision  for  the  establishment  of  the  “pillars  of  State  governance”  mentioned  above,  plus  a  select  few   other  government    institutions  which  are  closely  associated  with  the  objective  of  good  governance;  such  as:   the  Commission  for   Human  rights  and  good  governance;  the  Secretariat  for  the administration  of  leadership  code  of  ethics;  the  national  Army; and   the  Local  Authority  Institutions. These are  the inherent  characteristics  of  all  constitutions,  worldwide.
The driving  factors  for  constitutional  reform.
Constitutions are  made,  and   from  time to  time  amended,  in  response  to  certain  specified  major   political  events  or   occurrences.  Such   occurrences   are what  I  have  referred  to  as  the  ‘driving  factors’  for  constitutional  reform.   
        My   own personal   experience of  the  processes  of  ‘constitution  making’  and  ‘constitutional  amendment’  in  Tanzania,  shows  that  the  basic driving   factor  for  constitutional  reform,  has  always  been   the  political  ‘needs  and  requirements’  of  the  relevant   period.   For example, the  making  of  the  Tanganyika  Republican  Constitution  of  1962,  was  driven  solely  by  the  obvious  need    to  discard  the  “Dominion  constitutional  status”  which  was  bequeathed  to  us  by  the  departing  colonial  Administration, under  which  the  Queen  of  England  had continued  to  be   the  Head  of  State  of  independent  Tanganyika!   The Republican  constitution   effectively  removed   that  strange  anomaly  .
        The   subsequent constitutional   reforms   were  similarly  driven  by  the  ‘needs  and  requirements’  of  the  relevant  period.   The  enactment  of  the  “One-party”  State   Constitution  of  1965,   was  driven  primarily  by   the  strong    “wind  of  change”  which  blew  across  the  African  continent  at  that  material  time;  and  brought  about  the  adoption  of  the  ‘single-party”  political  system  by  almost  all  the  countries  of  Africa;  and  the  same   strong  “wind  of  change”  is  what  facilitated  the   return   by  all  these  countries,   to   the   multi-party  constitutional  political  system.            The enactment  of  the “interim  constitution  of  the  United  Republic  of  Tanganyika  and  Zanzibar”  of  1964;  was  driven  by  the  ‘needs  and  requirements’  of  that  material  time,  which   were  to  make  the  necessary    constitutional  provisions  for  the  newly  created   state.  And the making  of   the   current  constitution  of  Tanzania  of  1977,  was  driven  by  the  ‘needs  and  requirements’  of  that  period,  which  were  to  create  a  ‘permanent’  constitution  for  the  country,  which  would  replace  the  “interim  Constitution”  of  1964.   
Constitutional   amendments   are   similarly  driven  by the  same  factors.
 Fourteen   amendments  have   so  far  been  made  to  the   Constitution  of  the  United  Republic  of  Tanzania,  1977;  and  they  have  all  been  driven  by  the  same  factor;   namely,  “the  needs  and  requirements   of  the  relevant  period”.  Such   amendments  were  also   made   mostly   in  response  to  the  ‘needs  and  requirements’  of  the  relevant  period.      For  example,   in  1984,  Parliament  made a   number    of   major,  significant  amendments  to  the  Constitution  in  response  to  the   directives  which  had been  issued  by  the  National  Executive  Committee  of  the  ruling  party (CCM};  which  was  constitutionally  mandated  to  make  such    decisions  relating  to  the  political  needs  and  requirements  of  the  moment,  under  the  doctrine  of  “Party  supremacy”  which  was  in  operation  at  that  material   time. 
Thepersistent  demands   for    ‘a   new  constitution’.
Indeed,  right from  the  time  of  the  reintroduction  of  multi-party  politics,  and  especially  following  the  first  multi-party  general  election  of  1995;  demands  for  the  enactment  of  a  new  constitution  of  the United  republic  have  been  persistently   made  by  the  opposition  parties,,  supported  by  other   interested   stakeholders.  Thus, In  response  to  these  demands  President  Kikwete,   during  his  second  term  in  office, commendably  instituted  the  constitution  making  process  which  culminated  in  the  enactment,  by  the  Constituent  Assembly,  of  the  (proposed)  “Constitution  of  the  United  Republic  of  Tanzania,  2014”;  which is   currently  only   waiting  to  be  approved  by  referendum.   
        Thus,   if,  and  when,   it  is   so  approved;  we  will,  at  long   last,  have  obtained   the  long   desired    new  constitution.   And,  considering  the  very  extensive  consultations  which  were  carried  out  by  the  Warioba  Commission  (which  had  been  tasked  to  obtain  the peoples’  views  and  opinions  thereon),  plus  the   vastly   inclusive  nature  of  the  Constituent  Assembly  which  adopted  it;  this  proposed  new  constitution  will,  hopefully,  satisfy  the  burning   desire  of  all  those  who  have  been  persistently   campaigning  for  its  enactment.   May  God  grant  us  that   special  peace.  Amen.
piomsekwa@gmail.com/0754767576.
Source: Daily News today.