Kaa Chonjo na "no tozos" Uchakachuaji wa 2025

Baada ya mafyatu wa upingaji kuanza kufyatuka, kufyatua, na kukinukisha, Chambo cha Maulaji (CcM) tumeamua kuanza kuwafyatua wapika kura ya kula kwa ajili ya uchakachuzi ujao. Tokana na wingi wao tumeanza kufyatua wakulimaji. Kuwafyatua ili mwakani wawe wamesahau kero zetu, tumeamua kuondoa tozos kuanzia talafa, wiraya, hata nkoa. Juzi mlimisikia waziwazi Husheni Bwashee akifyatuka mjengoni kuwa mambo sasa mmatana kwa wapigwaji wafyatuliwao na ngwamba wakizalisha ili tufyatue njuluku kupitia tozos.
        Wasiojua tozos, it is simple. Tozos meaning tabuz on ze organisms and servants. Naona yule anadhani nimechapia asijue mie ni profesa emeritus mwenye shahada ya juu ya uchumi na utozaji tozo duniani niliyoipata toka kwenye chuo kikuu cha CcM Kivushani. We koma!
            Uzuri wa mafyatu, huwa hawahoji kwanini tuone mwanga sasa kama kweli tumeuona na si kamba za kuwafyatua tufyatue kura za kula mwakani. Je hizi njuluku zilizokuwa zikifyatulilwa kila mwaka kwa miaka nenda rudi zitarejeshwa? Ni kiasi gani? waliozifyatua nao watafyatuliwa lau wakanyeeee debe? Je hiyo njuluku iliyokuwa ikipigwa toka kwa walimaji ilifyatuliwa au ilifanyiwa nini? Je watapata hakikisho gani kuwa baada ya uchakachuzi tozos hazitarejea kama kawa? Je wanaweza kuwachukulia hatua za kuwafyatua hawa waliowafyatua na kufyatua njuluku zao? Je wahusika wakuu walikuwa wapi?
            Tuna bahati sana. Mafyatu wangeuliza hata nusu au robo ya maswali hayo hapo juu, mbona wangetufyatua. Tunashukuru. Hawaulizi kwanini hatukufuta tozos zote hadi ya kimataifa. Walitaka tule nini? Ngoja nizoze kichinichini mafyatu wasininyake nikawafyatua wakafyatuka na kutufyatua maswali ya kifyatu ambayo hata maprofedheha wetu chamani hawana uwezo kujibu mbali na kugomea kura. Anyway, kwa sababu sisi ngazi ya kimataifa lazima tufyatue, tumewatoa kafara hawa wadogowadogo hapo juu ili kuwafyatua mafyatu tufyatue kura za kula.
        Mbali na kuondosha tozos ambazo tutazitoza kwa njia nyingine, tutaanzisha fuko la kulinda mafyatu wote kuanzia Januari ili Oktoba watupe kura tuwale baadaye kwa kurejesha upigaji kama kawa. Wapika gongo tutawaacha kwanza ili wapike kure tutajuana baadaye. Tutahakikisha hata anayetaka kwenda kununua gongo au lijisigara kubwa tunampiga tafu ili alainike atupe kura ya kula baadaye tumfyatue asiwe na la kufanya. Tutaangiza hata ndata wasiwanyake vibaka ili wasiwaudhi wakatunyima kura ya kula na kufyatua njuluku zao tukaendelea kunenepa na kuwa wanene.
Tangu sasa, tutaongea lugha za kusubsidize. Siyo kwa sababu tunataka kufanya hivyo bali kuvutia kura ya kula. Twenty twenty-six, kila kitu kitarejea kama kawa. Tutatoza na kutoza hadi kutozana. Chawa watarejeshewa mirija wanyonye. Kwa tulivyo na usongo wa kuendelea kufyatua ulaji, hata kama mawe yangekuwa yanapika kura ya kula tungeyapenda na kuyasikiliza ili yatuwezeshe kupiga juluku ya fatu vote na pata kula raha sisi vote janja ya kaya.
            Baada ya ‘ku-subsidize,’ tutaanza hata kulialia mjengoni. Tutaondoa hata kikokotoo ili tukokotoe na kukomba kura halafu tukirejeshe baada ya kupata kura. Tuna mkakati wa kuhakikisha kila mwishiwa wetu njengoni analia, kugaragara, hata kutaka kujinyotoa au kunyotoa fyatu wanene wenzake roho kwa sababu ya kuwalove kuwadefend mafyatu. Huu sio wakati wa kuwatoza tozos au kuwaponda mafyatu kama tulivyozoea. Ili kufanikisha hili, hata chawa atakamuliwa damu lau mafyatu wasahau waachie. Huu ni wakati wa kuwaonyesha mapenzi mafyatu hadi wayafaidi na kulewaga. Kwenye CcM tuna mkakati wa kuhakikisha wale ambao hawaonyeshi usongo na sanaa kwa mafyatu hatutawapa tiketi ya kugombea ulaji mwakani.
            Baada ya kuwalewesha mafyatu kwa ganzi na mapenzi fake ili waachie vitu, tutaanza hata kutoa mbolea bure ili mafyatu watoe kura kwa wingi. Tutawajaza mbolea ili waweze kuzalisha kura nyingi. Huwezi kutegemea kuzalisha sana bila kutumia mbolea. Hii tunayopanga kutoa si mbolea ya mimea tu bali ya kura za kula. Juzi mazeri kaamuru bei ya gasi ishuswe japo haikushushwa. Yote nini? Sisi wanene huwa hatuli vyakula kwanza. Tunakula kura ya kula kwanza. Huku ndiko kunaitwa kufyatua kisayansi kwa kupiga ganzi kila kitu. Hukumuona yule mwishiwa aliyetoa shangingi lake kwa bibi mmoja eti kuendea nyaraka na namna anavyotatua matatizo ya udongo papo kwa papo. Ngoja apite uishiwa  uone atakavyoadimika kama nkojo wa kuku. Kwa sasa, waliwa na walaji wote wanafaidi usawa hadi zikishatoka kura za kula.
Usiseme tunawahonga kama wale. Hapana, tunawahongoa kama siyo kuwaongeza shime watupe kura ya kula tuwale kama chata twawala. Are you there? Kaa Chonjo Saa Mbaya!

            Mwishiwa Bwashee Bashee alisema kuwa hata kuku wataacha kutozwatozwa tozo. Hivyo, wanaofyatua wanapaswa kupunguza kuwatoza tozos kwa kuwaibia mayai yao. Hata wachungaji tunashauri wapunguze kuwatoza tozo ng’ombe hadi tumalize uchakachuaji tuwakamue hata damu. Pia, wachunaji wapunguze kutoza sadaka na zaka. Wafugao chawa, lazima muwambie waache kutoza tozo za damu. Hapa lazima chawa na machawa wakonde kidogo lau tusiwastue wale wanaowafyatua kwa kuwakondesha, kuwaambukiza maradhi kiasi cha kustuka na kubania kura ya kula.

Chanzo: Mwananchi J'tano.

Wanandoa watofautishe kupendana na kutaka.

Kila mtu hupenda mwingine. Vivyo hivyo, anaweza kumtaka au kutakiwa na mwingine. Hakuna asiyejua kupenda ingawa si wote wanaopenda ifaavyo na inavyotakiwa. Mujhimu ni kujua kupenda na kupenda ni vitu viwili tofauti. Mfano, unaweza kumpenda mtu kiasi cha kujisikia vibaya usipomuona. Pia, unaweza kumtaka mtu ukadhani unampenda. Hata hivyo, kupenda kwa namna hii kunaweza kuwa kwa muda au kusikothaminika ikilinganishwa na kupenda mtu kwa kutegemea naye akupende na wote muelewe mnachofanya na kuwa tayari kukigharimia hata kwa maumivu japo lengo kuu ni amani, furaha, na starehe kati ya mengi. Watu wengi huchukulia kutaka kuwa ni kupenda kwa vile wanachotarajia ni mapenzi yawe na kuwa pamoja au kujihusisha katika ngono.
        Kupenda kunalengwa katika ndoa ni kule ambako kuna makusudi maalum ambapo wahusika hujua wanachofanya kwa malengo fulani mengi yakiwa ni yale yanayotarajiwa au kuzoeleka kijamii. Kupenda ni kujitoa muhanga (risk) kwa ajili ya umpendaye. Mfano, wawili wanapopendana na kuamua kufunga ndoa, kwanza, wanatarajia kuishi na kuwa pamoja si kwa muda mfupi bali wa kudumu. Pili, kuanzisha familia ambayo uhusisha kutengeneza na kuzaa watoto. Tatu, hulenga katika kuunganisha familia za pande mbili. Katika upendo huu, wahusika hukubaliana kupendana kama walivyo kwa faida sawa ya wote wawili. Hii ni tofauti na kumtaka mtu ukadhani unampenda. Wengi wanaowataka wawatakao, wakishawapata huwachoka haraka kwa vile walikuwa wakiwataka na siyo kuwapenda.
        Katika kupenda na kutaka, kutokana na mfumo dume uliotawala duniani, mwanamke anapaswa kuwa makini sana. Hii ni kwa sababu, asipotofautisha kupendwa na kutakwa, ataishia kujihusisha katika ngono jambo ambalo linaweza kusababisha mimba, magonjwa ya zinaa, hata kupoteza sifa hasa uhusiano huu unapojulikana. Wanaume huwa hawapati mimba. Hivyo, katika uhusiano uhusishao kutaka, na si kupenda, mwanamke anakabiliwa na hatari kubwa ya kuharibikiwa ikilinganishwa na mwanaume.
        Kwenye ndoa tunaongelea kupendana na siyo kutakana kunakoweza kutafsiriwa vibaya kama kupenda. Nguzo ya ndoa ni jinsia mbili tofauti kupendana kwelikweli na kwa matendo. Katika kupenda, wawili hujitoa kwa wenzao bila kikwazo wala masharti wakishafunga ndoa. Lugha itumikayo ni kufunga ndoa ikimaanisha, kupoteza haki na uhuru wa kuwapenda wengine. Japo siku hizi wanadamu wameoza kufikia kuongeza aina haramu ya ndoa baina ya watu wa jinsia moja, bado ukweli unabaki palepale kwa maana yake halisi kuwa ndoa ni baina ya mwanamke na mwanaume.
        Kitu kingine muhimu kuhusiana ndoa ni ukweli kuwa huleta ulinganifu, uchangamfu, upendo, na usawa kama inazingatiwa na kufuatwa inavyopaswa. Hata hivyo, tukiri. Ndoa inapofeli, wahusika hukosa hayo hapo juu na wengi huishia kwenye majuto hata kujiondoa au kuondoa uhai wa wenzao japo si wote. Hii ndiyo siri ya kukithiri kwa mauaji na migogoro hatarishi baina ya wanandoa hata watoto, mfano inapotokea mmoja wa wanandoa akaamua kukatisha uhusiano na maisha yake, ya mwenzake, hata ya watoto. Hii, mara nyingi, hutokana na kutaka kulipiza kisasi baada ya wahusika kukataa au kushindwa kukubali ukweli kuwa mahusiano yao sasa ni hatarishi na hauwezi kuendelea. Hata hivyo, upendo ukiwa wa kweli na kufanikisha lengo la ndoa, ni kinyume. Wahusika wataridhika, watafurahi, watafanikiwa, wataongeza upendo, na hata kuishi maisha marefu ikilinganishwa na walioharibikiwa au kushinda katika ndoa.
Usawa
Usishangae kukuta mzee wa miaka 50 na kijana wa miaka 30, wakiishi kwa usawa na kuaminiana na kupendana tofauti hata baina ya wahusika na wazazi wao au wawili wanaolingana kiumri. Hata hivyo, mara nyingi, ni wanaume ambao umri wao huwa hauleti maswali wanapooa wanawake vijana kuliko wao. Inapotokea mwanamke mzee akaolewa na mwanaume kijana, kunaibuka maswali. Hii ni kutokana na mazoea ya mfumo dume ambao unampendelea mwanaume na kumnyonya mwanamke. Pia, katika mfumo dume, kuna baadhi ya jamii huwageuza wanawake wanasesere wa wanaume kumilki, kuchezea, na kutenza watakavyo. Hapa ndipo ilipojikita dhana ya objectification au thingification of females ambapo wanawake hugeuzwa vitu sawa na vitu vingine. Huu ni ujinga na ukatili wa kijinsia ambao jamii inapaswa kuuepuka na kuupiga vita.
        Binadamu wote ni sawa japo wana majukumu na uwezo tofauti tokana na maumbile yao. Mfano, mwanamme hawezi kubeba mimba wala kunyonyesha wala kuzaa. Kadhalika, mwanamke hawezi kutungisha mimba. Hivyo, udhalilishaji na unyonyaji wa kijinsia ni matokeo ya ujinga hata ukatili. Ni matokeo ya madaraka yasiyo ya haki, kwa kimombo unfair power dynamics. Kwetu sisi, tokana na uzoefu wetu, ndoa ni uwanja wa kutendeana haki kwa usawa.
Usipomtendea mwenzako haki, usitegemee akutendee haki hapa kuna kanuni ya ujibizano (rule of reciprocity). Katika ndoa sawa na maisha mengine, ni nipe nikupe, ninyime nikunyime, nipende nikupende, nichukie nikuchukie, n.k. Huwezi kumpiga mwenzako ukategemea afurahie mateso na maumivu haya. 

Chanzo: Mwananchi leo.

HOW PRESIDENT MAGUFULI ‘DECOLONIZED’ TANZANIA’s MINING ECONOMY.

The main focus of today’s presentation will be on the late President John Pombe Magufuli’s efforts in ‘decolonizing’ Tanzania’s mining economy. I was motivated to write piece after reading an article titled “Tanzania’s mining renaissance: Prospects and lessons” by  Samwel Ndandala, which was published by THE CITIZEN on Thursday, 9th May, 2024;  plus his learned quotation from William Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar, which says  that “There is a tide in the affairs of men which, taken at a flood leads on to fortune. Omitted, all the voyage of their lives is bound in shallows and in misery”. I was enthused by this quotation, mainly because the same Shakespeare’s Play ‘Julius Caesar’ also has some other equally instructive sayings; which we will refer to a little later below.                         
        I was additionally moved by Ndandala’s reasons for asserting that “Tanzania’s mining sector is on such a high tide”, namely: (i) that ‘the reforms that were introduced in the last five years have paved the way for trust-building between the government and the private sector’; (ii) that ‘the framework agreements crafted, and now widely used in the mining sector fostered clarity for prospective investors; and (iii) that ‘the government seems to be serious about investment in the mining sector’.                                     
         I fully agree with Ndandala’s observations, and I will take this opportunity to elaborate further upon this matter in an attempt to demonstrate precisely how the late President Magufuli decolonized the mining sector economy, by citing the actual pieces of legislation which were enacted by Parliament, on his personal initiative. May his soul rest in eternal peace.  
        From about the middle of the month of march, the mass and social media have extensively dwelt on the three years of President Samia’s distinguished leadership. But since these are the same three years that we have lived without Magufuli at the helm of our nation’s leadership, it is only fair and appropriate, that we should remember to include him and his sterling contributions in such discussions; which this presentation will endeavour to do. 

         But before embarking on discussing that important subject, I wish first to comment on Tundu Lissu’s statement (which has recently been circulating in the social media), that relates to what he claims to be President Nyerere’s illegal  assumption of powers, when he issued the constitutional Presidential decrees in early 1964; namely (i) The Transitional Provisions Decree, 1964 (published on 1/5/1964); (ii) The Interim Constitution Decree (published on 1/5/1964); and (iii) The Transitional Provision (no 2) Decree, 1964 (published on 15/6/1964). Tundu Lissu argues very forcefully, that President Nyerere  had no authority to issue these Decrees.                                    
        I consider such claims to be a serious “misrepresentation of facts” It indeed is true, that this information is given in my book titled “The Transition to Multipartysm in Tanzania” (Dar es Salaam University Press, 1995). But I was writing for an audience, which was knowledgeable about the proceedings leading to the formation of the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar, in April 1964; including knowledge of the “Articles of Union”, which is the basic document that actually created this Union, after it was duly ratified by the Legislatures of Tanganyika, and of Zanzibar.   
        This is the constitutional instrument, which gave President Nyerere the power and the authority to make such Decrees, to be used only during the “interim period” (which is similarly defined therein). Thus, anyone who has had no access to this document will, obviously, not be able to  know its contents.

         Hence, for their benefits, I should say that the Articles of Union made provision for many other constitution-related matters for the governance of the new country during the “interim period”, which that document defined as “a period of one year including the following:-

 (a) It made provision for the apex leadership of the Union, by naming Mwalimu Julius Nyerere as the Union President, and Sheikh Abeid Aman Karume as the Fist Vice President (thus removing the necessity for holding elections to fill these leadership positions).        
(b) It established the initial list of eleven matters, what were to be regarded as “Union Matters” 

 (c) It established the ‘Interim constitution’ for the new Union, by specifying that what was the constitution of Tanganyika was to become the  ‘interim Union constitution’, suitably amended to include provisions for Zanzibar’s representatives to be appointed to the Union Executive, and the Union Legislature; plus establishing the ‘two-government structure’ of the Union. We are now ready to go back to today’s topic.
Reflections on the late President Magufuli
As already stated above, the same Shakespeare’s Julius Caesar quoted above by Ndandala has some other equally  instructive sayings, such as this one: “The evil that men do, lives after them. The good is often interred with their bones”, which is said by Mark Anthony. It is my intention to highlight, in this presentation, the late President Magufuli’s “good” governance deeds, and actions, particularly his bold action of ‘decolonizing’ Tanzania’s mining economy, which is discussed later below. 
        Many of our regular readers will probably remember, that I have consistently been presenting in this column, my personal comments of appreciation of the late President Magufuli’s commendable performance, during the period when he was in office; about our departed President’s supreme efforts in raising the standard of living and general wellbeing of the people of Tanzania. It may be remembered that I made the first such presentation immediately after President Magufuli’s completion of one hundred days in office; in which I identified some of the special leadership qualities which he had displayed during that short period.  
        For example, he had promised to “eliminate all wasteful public expenditures”. He had already implemented this promise within the said one hundred days, when, among other things,  he prohibited the purchase of ‘had drinks’ for consumption at government sponsored social events, such as the social evening party that had been organized for Members of Parliament to celebrate the official opening of the 11th Parliament by the President, and ordered the saved money to be spent on purchasing hospital maternity beds for Muhimbili National Hospital. 
        He also diverted the funds which been set aside for the pompous military parade that is normally held at the National stadium to celebrate the anniversary of country’s Independence Day on 9th December, 2015; and ordered the money so saved to be spent on expanding part of the heavily congested Bagamoyo Road in Kinondoni District, Da es Salaam. 
        These actions prompted The Daily News issue of 9th December, 2015, to write a front page news item, which read thus, in part: “President Magufuli has become a continental icon with just a month in office, without even crossing the country’s borders”; and reproduced captions taken from the leading newspapers of South Africa, Ghana, Nigeria and Zimbabwe, all of which showered lots of praise on President Magufuli’s exemplary performance, already  within those hundred days.   
         I continued making similar presentations at the end of each of his subsequent years in office, right up to the end of his first five-year term. My presentation at the end of his first year, focused on another leadership quality he had demonstrated during that year through his actions and personal behavior, which had shown that he was truly “walking the talk of the Bible” as is stated in St Mark’s Gospel, namely that: “Mwajua ya kuwa wale wanaohesabiwa kuwa Wakuu wa Mataifa, huwatumikia watu wao kwa nguvu, na  huwatumikisha. Lakini haitakuwa hivyo kwenu, kwani yule atakayekuwa mkubwa kwenu, atakuwa mtumishi wenu”. I penned similar presentations at the end of each of the subsequent years of his first term in office. 

        This reminds me of our ‘stranded’ new book titled ‘Magufulication’; which tells the Magufuli story in much greater details.  

Our stranded  Magulification’ book
This new book has been unexplainably stranded at the Publishers, ‘GDY Publications Company Ltd’ of Dar es Salaam; in which we attempted to conceptualize President John Pombe Magufuli the man, and what we described as the “Magufulification” concept.             

        In early 2019, comrade Nkwazi Mhango and I, agreed to jointly write a book as co-authors, to which we decided to give the title “MAGUFULIFICATION”, which we presented as “a new concept that will define Africa’s future”. We managed to complete our project, and submitted it to the publishers, ‘GDY Publications Company Limited’ of Da es Salaam.                      
        Unfortunately, however, that book has never seen the light of day. Some of the pieces that appear in this presentation, are narrated in much greater detail, in that book, which we (the authors) still hope, will one day be published; when the Almighty God will grant our Publishers the ‘wisdom’ to fulfill their part of the contract.  
        In the various chapters of that book, we closely looked at President Magufuli’s performance over those five years of his first term, trying to see in him what some other observers seem to have failed, or to have gotten it wrong. What we saw was a man with a big heart, big ideas, and big dreams; with a clear mission-cum-vision; and insurmountable patriotism. We described him as “a breath of fresh air in the life of Tanzania, and Africa in general, who ushered in a new way of doing things through new-style  constructive thinking and acting’.  
        We saw in him, a leader who wanted to clean his country of bureaucracy, corruption, and laziness; and install a sense of accountability, hard work, and self-reliance. Under his mantra, “Hapa kazi tu”, we saw a leader who was energetically struggling to free his country from unnecessary dependency, while it sits on immense natural resources, especially minerals. 
 Decolonizing Tanzania’s mining sector
This refers to President Magufuli’s effective elimination of the exploitation which was being carried out by some of the foreign mining companies working in Tanzania; when he introduced two new, and truly revolutionary pieces of legislation and reforms; which are cited as: 

(i) The Natural Wealth and Resources (Review and Renegotiation of Unconscionable Terms) Act, 2017; 

 (ii) The Natural Wealth and Resources (Permanent Sovereignty) Act, 2017.  
        The first Act granted new powers to the National Assembly to review any mining contract, or Agreement, which appears to jeopardize, or is likely to jeopardize, the interests of the people of the United Republic; and the second Act makes provision for the recognition of the country’s permanent sovereignty over its natural wealth and resources, by declaring that the ownership and control over the country’s natural wealth and resources shall be exercised by or through the Government, on behalf of the people of the United Republic, by providing that “it shall be unlawful and wrongful to make any arrangement or Agreement for the extraction, exploitation, or acquisition and use of the country’s natural wealth and resources, except where the interests of the people of the United republic are fully secured, and after has been approved by the National Assembly”. 

        These bold legislative measures, have resulted in greatly increased government revenue collections;  a factor, which has enabled his worthy successor, President Samia Suluhu Hasan, to proclaim her captivating  slogan of “kazi iendelee”; based on which, she has not only continued to successfully implement all the mega-infrastructure projects which were commenced by President Magufuli; but has also added her own numerous new projects, which are actively being implemented in all the socio-economic sectors of the country’s economy.  
piomsekwa@gmail.com/0754767576.
Source: Daily News Yesterday.                                                   

OUR NEW BABY IS OUT AS I WAIT FOR TWO MORE SOON

 

Mafyatu Wanataka Muungano si Mgongano

Juzi Tunda Lishe alilikoroga. Si alihoji mantiki ya Zenj kuua Tanganyika hata kutaka wadanganyika wawe na pasipoti kuingia Zenj. Baada ya kukinukisha, si kiliuma. Machawa na mazwazwa wajikombao wapate shibe si walilidhalilisha hata Bungo! 

        Alianza aliyetaka eti wadanganyika waingie Zenj kwa pasi ilhali wazenj waingie na kuishi bara kibwerere na watakavyo. Tunda alihoji mantiki ya wazenj kumilki ardhi Danganyika ilhali wadanganyika wasimilki ardhi, na uraia pacha japo hakuuita hivyo (wazenj wana uzenj lakini wadanganyika hawana udanganyika). Bila aibu, tunaambwa Tanzia hairuhusu uraia pacha. Iweje wazenj wana vitambulisho vya uraia tena wao na si wetu tunaodai unatokana na muungano huu mgongano? Nani anamtawala nani hapa?
            Lishe alipomwaga upupu, walizuka mazwazwa wanaojifanya kum’penda’ na kumtetea mama asiwakatishe kuramba asali kama alivyowahi kudai Mgoshi Makambaa. Walibwabwaja na kubwata wakitaka Tunda, CHAKUDEMA watengwe, wakaripiwe, hata kulaaniwa. Je kuna mantiki gani kuwachukia wanaosema ukweli? Najua sensitivity (unyeti) ya ninachoandika. Nitafyatua kama ifuatavyo kiuchache kifyatu:
            Mosi, kinachoitwa muungano si muungano bali mgongano hata mnyonyano tukizingatia ubaguzi katika kuuendesha. Iweje Zenj ambayo ni ndogo kuliko mikoa yote bara iwe na rahis badala ya mkuu wa nkoa, sirkal, na taasisi zake huru halafu tuzugane kuwa tumeungana? Muungano wa kweli ni kama ndoa. Wawili wauingiao lazima wawe na haki na stahiki sawa bila kunyonyana, kugongana, kutobozana, kutishana, na kuchukiana.  Hivi ni kosa kusema kuwa muungano wetu mgongano uliua Danganyika japo ulishindwa kuizika?
            Pili, mafyatu tunapaswa kufyatuka. Tuhoji tujue ukweli ili haki itendeke. Haiwezekani tujione tuko sawa ilhali wenzetu wana uraia pacha nasi tunao mmoja tu. Mbali uraia na urahis, tukiwa wakweli, unaweza kulinganisha uzalishaji kiuchumi na uchangiaji wa pande mbili za mgongano? 

        Zenj ina ukubwa wa eneo wa kilometa za mraba 2,462. Danganyika ina kilometa za mraba 944,841. Kwa hesabu za ngumbaru, Zenj inaingia kwa Danganyika mara 383.769694314. Hii maana yake nini? Kama tutatenda haki ikatendeka, kila fedha inayomilkiwa na Tanzia, Zenj ikipewa shilingi  moja, Danganyika ipewe 384. Kama ingekuwa kampuni, Zenj ikiwa na hisa moja, Danganyika inakuwa nazo 384. Haya ni mahesabu rahisi yaliyowapiga chenga walioasisi hiki kiini cha mgongano. Na huu ni ukweli hata kama mchungu.
            Tatu, tukubaliane kutokubaliana tuweze kukubaliana kwa busara kuwa muungano si muungano bali mgongano au chanzo cha migongano isiyoisha hadi tunaanza kutaka mafyatu wa bara wabebeshwe pasi za kusafiri kwenda Zenj. 

        Tukifanya hivyo, wadanganyika watakuwa na tofauti gani na wakenya, waganda, na wengine? Tofauti, hawa wengine hawatumii njuluku zao kuwagharimia na kuwastarehesha wengine wakati wao wakiumia kwa kujiumiza tokana na huu mgongano.                 Kwa wasiojua mantiki yake, wajue, tuliunganishwa na wamarekani kuepuka Zenj kuwa Kyuba ya Afrika. Liliandika Jarida la the New York Time (Machi 28, 1964, uk 18) “like Cuba, Zanzibar now turns steadily eastward for inspiration. Washington prays that President Karume, a stubborn if not impressively intelligent man, will emulate such nonaligned leaders as Tanganyika's Nyerere. But Karume is almost surely Zanzibar's Kerensky. 

        Tafsiri, Kama Kyuba, sasa Zanzibar, kwa kujiamini, imeelekea mashariki kwa ajili msukumo, Washington inasali au kuomba kuwa rais Karume, mtu msumbufu na mwenye akili ataigiza viongozi wasiofungamana wa Tanganyika ya Nyerere. Hata hivyo, Karume ana uhakika wa Zanzibar ya Kerensky.” 

        Alexander Fyodorovich Kerensky (22 Aprili 1881 hadi 11 Juni 1970) alikuwa mwanasheria na mwanamapinduzi wa kirusi aliyeongoza serikali ya mpito ya Urusi kuanzia Julai hadi Novemba mwaka 1917 kabla ya kujiunga na serikali ya kimapinduzi ya Urusi. Kuna mfanano baina ya Karume na Kerensky.  Wote waliunganisha serikali zao kuepa kupinduliwa na waliowapindua. Serikali zao zilidumu kwa miezi minne, Kerensky kuanzia 21 Julai 1917 hadi 7 Novemba, 1917 na Karume miezi mitano kuanzia 12 Januari 1964 hadi Aprili 26,1964. Wote walipoteza urais, Karume akawa makamu wa rais na Kerensky waziri wa vita. Tofauti na Karume, Kerensky na alioungana nao waliunda taifa lenye muungano wa kweli wakati Karume aliunda mgongano aka muungano unaoendelea kuzua minong’ono toka pande zote.
            Nne, nini kifanyike? Kama kiongozi wao, mafyatu wameniambia kuwa wanachotaka ni muungano wa kweli kama ndoa wenye sirkal moja kama Urusi na siyo huu mgongano. Wanataka Zenj iwe mkoa tena ambao utakuwa ndiyo wa pili kwa udogo ikizingatiwa kuwa mkoa mdogo Danganyika ambao ni Dar Es Salaam yenye ukubwa wa kilometa za mraba 1, 393. Namba huwa hazidanganyi.
Leo sifyatui mengi. Muhimu nimetumia namba kuondoa mgongano na usanii wa kisiasa vilivyoleta ubaguzi wa kikatiba. Hivyo, wanaomzomea Tunda Lishe ndo wapaswao kuogopwa, kuzomewa, kukaripiwa, na kulaaniwa. Mafyatu wanataka muungano si mgongano. Hivi leo nimekunywa ngapi?

Chanzo: Mwananchi jana.

Commemorating International Workers; Day 2024

Last week on 1st May was ‘International Workers’ Day’; which, at national level, was celebrated in Arusha, at the Sheikh Amri Abedi Stadium, which was, reportedly, filled to capacity. Similar celebrations were held at the Regional and District Administrative levels, as is normally the case with all ‘Mei Mosi’ celebrations. But most of us followed the Arusha events by listening to the radio, or watching television, I personally listened to the speech by the Vice President, Dr. Phillip Mpango, who represented President Samia at these celebrations.

        He was responding to the requests presented earlier by the Trade Union Congress of Tanzania (TUCTA) leaders in their prepared statement, which were centered mostly on enhancing employment benefits, particularly salaries, and other conditions of service, for the workers.
In my case here in Ukerewe, we had our own religious celebrations. Our catholic Parish of Nansio had organized the usual, standard religious celebration of Holy Mass, in honour of ‘St, Joseph Mfanyakazi’. Nansio Parish is named after St. Joseph, and one of our Parish choirs is also named after this famous saint. We, therefore, had every good reason for celebrating this day as a Parish Christian community; which we joyfully did.
    More on our own Union anniversary celebrations

Just before international Workers’ Day, we celebrated the ‘golden Jubilee’ anniversary of the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar; when a great deal of general information was made available to the public about the benefits that have accrued to the people of the partner States; especially the benefits obtained during the three years of Dr. Samia Suluhu Hassan’s presidency.  

        As was the case in all the other Districts, Ukerewe District leaders also organized a special workshop session of invited stakeholders, to reflect on this matter in relation to our District. At this session, the District Commissioner, Christopher Ngubiagai, presented an extensive briefing on how our District has benefitted during the three years of the Union under the leadership of President Samia Suluhu Hassan.

        Ukerewe  being my own ‘home District’, I not only attended, but also actively participated in the proceedings of this session. I had been asked to give the keynote address, in which I gave a succinct account of the pivotal role that I played in the whole Bunge process that led to the enactment of the statute which ratified the historic Union Agreement.
        In his comments after my delivery, the District Commissioner conferred upon me the honorary title of “Mkunga wa Muungano”. The Kiswahili word “mkunga’ means ‘a person (usually a medical staff member), who assists a pregnant woman to deliver her baby safely. The birth of the Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar can be likened to birth ‘by caesarian section’; because it had to go through a parliamentary law making process in order to bring it into life; and I was the principal operator of that process. I guess this is what justifies the relevance to the word “mkunga”.                     

        What transpired at this workshop will be the special focus of today’s presentation. However before that, the essential preliminaries about Ukerewe.
Ukerewe District profile
Ukerewe District is a collection of some 38 Islands, mainly small ones, some of which are still uninhabited, scattered over a large area of Lake Victoria; with a total land mass area of only 640 square kilometers, and is subdivided into the following Administrative Units:-25 Wards (Kata); 76 Villages, and 514 Vitongoji.                 

        Available records show that the first ‘Native Administration’ over Ukerewe Main Island was first established in 1635, when Katobaha I  was installed as the  Chief  (Omukama) of Bukerebe.
He belonged to the Wasilanga clan of people who migrated from the Bukoba side of Lake Victoria.  However, his rule did not extend to Ukara Island, which had its own Omukama. 

        Our readers may be interested to know that this Ukara Island, which is part of Ukerewe District, is also the home of the famous “dancing stone”, which is better known by its tribal name of ‘Nyabagereka’. The Colonial Administration was subsequently established over these Islands in 1947, when Ukerewe became an Administrative District under Mwanza Province.
The Missionaries influence
        One cannot avoid referring to the huge impact of the influence created by the Missionaries of the Catholic Church in Ukerewe, particularly with regard to the education social sector. These Missionaries arrived in Ukerewe and established their settlement at Kagunguli Village, in 1895, which included a Primary School with four classes (Standard One to Standard Four).
        That school became the spring board for the intellectuals who subsequently became leading personalities in Tanzania’s society; including, so far, three Bishops of the catholic church, and  a very large number of catholic priests, who include Fr. Celestine Kasisi Kipanda, the first Tanzanian  to be ordained priest; and many other priests working outside Tanzania. They also included a large number of University professors, such as Professor William Makene, who graduated at Uganda’s Makerere  Medical School in 1959, even before the country’s achievement of independence.

        We also have Beatrice Makoko, a pioneer female Marine engineer in this country; cabinet ministers; plus many other dignitaries in our country’s Public Service.
        Reaping the benefits of Dr. Samia’s presidency
“For the past three years, President Samia Suluhu Hassan  has released a total of 33,478,165,981.20/- to our District Council, for the implementation of various infrastructure projects in our District”, so declared the District Commissioner to the workshop participants; and went on to show how the money was allocated to the various sectors, namely Education, Health, Agriculture/Animal husbandry/ Fisheries,  Road construction, and general Administration.
        Thereafter the DC proceeded to narrate the details of these benefits, sector by sector; starting with    the Education sector which. he said, had received large amounts of funds (he disclosed the figures)  for the construction of classrooms; dormitories;  laboratories; plus the necessary school furniture and equipment.
        Ukerewe’s main economic activity is the ‘blue economy”, namely fishing in Lake Victoria. This sector has also received its fair share of the benefits, in terms of the amount of money received.  The story is the same with regard to the road infrastructure, which, because of the small size of our Island amounts to a total of only 660.33 kilometres, that are being serviced by TARURA and TANROADS; which have received enough funds for their maintenance.

        Then there is the good news regarding the availability electricity from the national grid, which was that the Island of Ukara will soon be supplied with grid electricity. All of this information augurs well for CCM’s success in the forthcoming Local Authority elections later this year; as well as the national elections next year.
    Regarding next year’s Presidential election
An important point to be noted regarding next year’s Presidential election, is that within CCM, it is designated as a “mid-term” election.  This means that the incumbent President Samia Suluhu Hassan, will be the ONLY person standing for that election.          This is in accordance with a long standing CCM convention, which provides that any CCM President is entitled to the constitutional two-term period in office; there is therefore no need for internal competition within CCM to take place at that mid-term stage. Thus, any aspiring CCM candidate for the Presidency, will have the opportunity to try his/her luck in 2030; when President Samia will have completed her second term, according to article 40 (4) of the Constitution of the United Republic.
        However, all the other elections that are scheduled to take place, namely the parliamentary election, the election to the City, Municipal and District Councils, and the lower level Local Authority elections (the Villages and Vitongoji elections) are all end-of term elections. Hence, it is expected that full  competition will take place in relation to those elections.

        The National Electoral Commission, (now re-designated as the Independent National Electoral Commission) has, traditionally before very general election,  been giving licenses to certain select groups, authorizing them to carry out what is known as “voter education”; which prepares the voters for the proper implementation of this important election exercise.
        I have considered it proper and appropriate, for me to join this “voter education” endeavor, by sharing my experiences of the negative aspects, which have marred the election process in the past; a repetition of which, I humbly suggest, should be avoided.
        The major negative aspects include: (a) ‘apathy among the electorate’; particularly at the lower-level Local Authority elections, which may not generate as much enthusiasm as will be the case in next year’s elections at the national level.  This lack of enthusiasm may lead to rather low voter turnout at the polling stations. Hence there is a need for greater mobilization of potential voters by their political parties, in order to overcome this ‘apathy’ among the electorate.
        But such ‘apathy’ is only one of the negative aspects which should be eliminated. There others, namely:  (b) candidates being “elected unopposed”; (c) the harmful effects of “election boycotts”; and (d) the problem created by the “no-show” political parties on election day.
        Candidates ‘being elected unopposed’ actually creates an ingenious “paradox”. The dictionary definition of the word ‘paradox’ is given as “a situation that has opposite features, and therefore seems strange”. In this case, the paradox arises because, on one hand, it is provided for in the elections law; as well as saving a lot of time and money that would have been spent on carrying out the election process. But on the other hand, it has the negative effect of disenfranchising the electorate of that constituency, thus creating a serious “democracy deficit” in that constituency.
It is therefore an immense relief, that the reforms that were recently introduced by President Samia Suluhu Hassan, have done away with the possibility of any candidate being “elected unopposed”
        ‘Boycotting elections” is not only a ‘democratic deficit’, it is also a violation of the Political Parties Act (no. 5 of 1992), which provides the following definition of a political party: “Political party” means‘any organized group of people, for the purpose of participating in elections, by putting up, or supporting candidates for such elections’. Participating in elections is therefore the raison d’etre (the reason for existence) of any political party.
        This means that any group of people which is formed not for the purpose of participating in elections, does not qualify to be called a ‘political party’.
        It is appreciated, of course, that election boycotts by aggrieved political parties, are generally regarded as essential protest ‘weapons’ in the fight against genuine injustice (where such injustice has occurred). But that notwithstanding, it should also be realized that such boycotts have their ‘down side’ effects even on the boycotting parties themselves, who end up being ‘left out in the cold’; with no chance at all  of influencing the decisions which will be made in the relevant Legislative institutions, the Parliament, or the Local Government Authority Councils, as the case may be.
        Finally, there is the peculiar problem of the ‘no-show’ parties, especially by those political parties which have very small numbers of members, popularly known as “small parties”. Their ‘no-show’ action becomes a problem, simply because their participation is important for the general success of the electoral exercise; in which the numbers of voters who participate (voter turn-out) is normally taken into account in assessing the success of this exercise.  This practice of ‘no show’ on election day, should therefore be completely abandoned.

piomsekwa@gmail.com /  0754767576.

Source: Daily News today.

Fyatu Awataja ‘Wanamtusi’ Rahis

Mpendwa Dada mkubwa,

 Pole kwa majukumu hata majungu. Naamini ulisoma waraka wangu kwako wa ripoti ya CAG. Naomba, kwa mara nyingine, tuwasiliane bila kufyatua wala kufyatuka. Juzi ‘mwanao wa pekee’––––kama kweli na siyo chawa, msakatonge, na msanii anayetaka kukuingiza mkenge––––alitutangazia kuwa ifikapo tarehe 15 Aprili, angetaja ‘wanaokutukana’ mitandaoni.                 Ajabu ya maajabu, hakutaja! Kama yeye ‘mwana wa pekee’ basi wewe Mungu. Wanaokuhadaa kwa kukugeuza Mungu wanakuchulia, kukulaani, na kukuwangia. Waogope ja ukoma. Watakuponza. Jiulize. Walioitwa Mungu wakakubali wako wapi? Wasemayo yatoka tumboni si rohoni.  Mie si chawa, kidhabu, mwoga wala mmbea, nataja.
        Kabla ya kutaja, naomba nielimishwe maana ya kutukana. Nashauri, aliyetoa madai abanwe atutajie majina ya hao watukanaji, mitandao wanayotumia, matusi gani, ili iweje, kwanini, na wachukuliwe hatua gani. Akishindwa, timua usiendekeze uoza. Je kweli unatukanwa au ukosefu ubunifu na uchawa wa kutafuta tonge? Nini majibu, mawazo, au ushauri wako?  Je huyu afanyaye haya hakutukani? Naomba, kwa heshima na taadhima, tufuatane. Nikujuze wanaokutukana.
Kwa vile ‘mwana pekee’ amegwaya kutaja ‘wanaokutukana’, Fyatu Mfyatuzi, bila   kificho, uchawa, unafiki woga wala kumung’unya maneno nawataja ifuatavyo kuwa ni wale:
        Mosi, wananaomkuhadaa kukuita mama yao wakati wanakusanifu na kutaka kukuzidi akili. Wakitoka hapo baada ya kukuita mama, wanakwenda kwa mama zao na kusema yule ni mama wa ulaji usichukie mama yangu. Wewe ni mama wa Abduli, aliyewahi kumtuma kufanya kazi za kiserikali kwa Yowe M7i sawa na kitegemezi chake kifanyavyo kwenye ufalme wa dingi wake, Wani, na wengine wawili ambao majina yamenipiga chenga. Hivyo, yeyote anayejiita mtoto wako wa pekee ima anawaua, kuwaficha watoto wako halali, au kutuaminisha kuwa ulizaa nje ya ndoa jambo ambalo ni matusi yasiyosameheka kwako na kwetu. Sikumbuki wewe kuasili mtoto hata pet wala kuwahi kuishi Kolomije. Pia, kama M7i, anatwambia kuwa unatawala kiukoo na kifamilia.
Pili, binadamu wanaojidhalilisha kwa kujiita au kukubali kuitwa machawa. Ukiwa na chawa hata kuwafuga, unaanisha wewe ni mchafu. Tunakujua wewe ni msafi tu. Hivyo, kataa chawa hata wakuabudie na kukusifia vipi. Lengo lao, kama huyu mwenzao, ni kukunyonya damu hata kukuambukiza magonjwa. Kama hukulijua hili, lijue.
Tatu, wapigaji njuluku za umma, wasanii, wasakatonge, na matapeli wa kisiasa wanaopayuka bila kufikiri wakiendeshwa kwa matumbo. Wanakutukana, kwa sababu wanataka kukudanganya, kukutumia, na kukudhalilisha kwa matendo yao machafu.
Nne, wanaokusifia hata ukiboronga mfano kutofanyia kazi ripoti ya CAG au kutotumbua zaidi ya kupenda kuteua na kutengua wenye madoa au ndugu zako na wanaotaka uwateue. Wewe siyo M7i kuteua vitegemezi vyako, wakwe, mashoga, hata wapambe machawa wasio na sifa yoyote bali kujipendekeza na uchawa. Huu ni uchafu ambao atakayeuita hivyo hatukani bali kusema ukweli mtupu. Kama ukweli ni kutukana, basi, hao wanakutukana.
Tano, wanaoficha au kuteua na kuwakingia kifua wahalifu hata wengine wenye tuhuma za kuua. Rejea wasiojulikana waliofyatua mafyatu kama akina Azori Gwanda na wengine zama zile za ubabe na utukutu uliotukuzwa hadi ukaitwa utukufu. Muulize rafiki yako Tunda Lishe. Atakwambia habithi aliyeongoza waliotaka kumdedisha.
Sita, wanaokuambia umbea na uongo kwenye mitandao kama vile TwT na mingine yenye majina makubwa tena mbele ya wanene wenzako kama yule kidhabu aliyekuahidi asitaje. Kama hakukutana au kukuhadaa ili kupata ujiko, nini kimemzuia kutaja? Je alisukumwa na uongo na umbea ili kuwatisha wenzake?
Saba, wanaokuchonganisha na wasaidizi wako kwa faidi fichi binafsi. Hawajui kuwa kaya ina vyombo vya upelelezi, usalama, na mifumo ya ndani ya kushughulikia madai ya kweli na si umbea? Hawajui kuwa kaya haiendeshiwa kwa umbea japo kuna dalili za kujipendekeza na uchawa kuhalalishwa kwa maangamizi ya kaya baadaye.
Mwisho, wale wanaojifanya wanakujali, kukupenda wakati ukweli ni kwamba wanakuchukia kukulamba kichogo, na kukuponda. Wanachopenda ni maslahi yao binafsi hata kwa kuwaangamiza wengine wasijue kuwa mafanikio ya wengine hayazuii yao. Ni roho mbaya tu, uzwazwa, na umbea vinavyosumbua. Ukitaka kujua, kujifunza, na kuzingatia nisemayo, jikumbushe. Kuna fyatu alisifiwa kama Chuma mwendazake akaingia mkenge? Angalia waliokuwa wakimsifia hadi kumuita Mungu wako wapi. Hawakumsifia, kumshukuru, na kumtukuza hadi wote wakakufuru wasijue walikuwa wanahadaana na kulaaniana. Si wapo kwako wanajikesha na kujipendekeza ili tonge liingie mdomoni. Hawa ni hatari na na hovyo. Wako tayari hata kulisaka tonge chooni au kwa kuwatilia wenzao sumu. Waepuke.
 Shukran sana kwa kunisoma na kunishabikia. Heri wanaokwambia ukweli maana wanakupenda kuliko wanaokudanganya kwani wanakuponda na kujifanya kukuzi akili. Waogope kama ukoma. Akina Yuda wako wengi na wengi unao kwenye ulaji wako. Kwenye msafara wa mamba na kenge wamo. Utawajua. Kumbe nimeshapata kanywaji!

Chanzo: Mwananchi J'tatu iliyopita.