On Monday last week, the Registrar of
Political Parties gave 14-days legal notice to ACT Wazalendo, requiring that
Opposition Political Party “to explain why it should not be struck off the
register of political parties” for
having committed certain specified criminal offences, including that of
allowing its followers to burn another political party’s flag. Such criminal acts, being perpetrated by members
of a respectable political party are, to say the least, wholly disturbing and
worrisome.
Whither
our political parties? That is the big
question. In
my article of last week in this column, I encouraged political analysts to
pay particular attention to the emerging
‘unusual’ political situation, which was
created by Seif Shariff Hamad’s action of ‘nomadic politics”, and urged
them to take a new look at the direction wherein our political parties appear
to be moving which, seemingly, is manifestly away from the designated purposes
of political parties; which is, basically, “to acquire state power through
participating in, and winning, a general election; in an open process whereby political parties are
free to compete by presenting their
different policies and programmes to the electorate, and each party trying to persuade the voters, through
organized campaign meetings, to vote for their particular policies and
programme options”.
And for a start in the direction of that
discussion, in order to set the ball rolling, I further opined that: “in my humble opinion, there is a strong
cultural impediment which prevents our political parties from abiding by the ‘rules
of the game’ i.e. those that govern political parties’ behaviour”. This
cultural impediment is “the lack of the requisite multi-party political
culture” which is what accounts for the negative behavioral ‘diversions’ of some
of our political party leaders that we are witnessing from time to time, such
as the exercise of ‘nomadic’ and/or ‘tourism’
politics; plus the criminality
that appears to be creeping in.
I also pointed out that the theory
and practice of ‘party politics’ is not, in fact, part of our traditional governance cultures,
which were based on monarchical rule by traditional Chiefs, with no
participation whatsoever by political parties. In today’s article, I wish to
underscore and elaborate that point regarding the lack of the requisite
multi-party political culture, and therefore the urgent for us need to
cultivate that culture. I do
fervently hope, that this discussion will be taken up in earnest by our
professional political analysts. I believe it is good for the political
education of our younger generation of politicians.
On my part, it has indeed been my firm
contention, which I first expressed in my book titled “Reflections on the First Decade of Multi-party Politics in Tanzania” (Nyambari
Nyangwine Publishers, Da es Salaam); that the “lack of a multi-party culture”
in our societies, is what is at the core of the problems we are witnessing,
relating to the operation of the multi-party system, simply because it is an
‘imposed’ political culture, which is
not deeply ingrained in our own traditional cultures. That is what partly
explains why, when TANU was created as a political party way back in 1954, it
quickly became a nationalist movement, to which almost all the people belonged.
Thus, right from the beginning, making the country a de facto ‘One-Party state’; even before it became a de jure One-Party state in 1965. There
was therefore no opportunity for the people to get a proper exposure to the
culture of multi-party politics, since the country continued to operate under the
One-party system for 30 long years.
The
multi-party political culture.
I
stated in my book referred to above, that “multi-party democracy is,
essentially, a product of a culture which is deeply rooted in the Western
countries of Europe and North America”; and said further that in many of the
countries where this Western-based culture does not exist, there have, in every
case, been problems in operating the multi-party political system in compliance
with the specified ‘rules of the game’; and cited the following examples to
provide credible evidence in support of
that contention. (These were published
in different issues of a journal cited as “The
PARLIAMENTARIAN” which is published
by the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association):- Commenting in October 2000 on
the Caribbean democracy situation, the Prime Minister of Grenada, Hon Keith
Mitchell (MP), lamented as follows: “The Caribbean
people have long had a reputation for passionate partisan debate in the
adversarial form of Parliamentary democracy inherited from Westminster. But
they also enjoyed the reputation of playing by the rules: the winners of the
arguments took office, and the losers continued the debate from the Opposition
Benches inside Parliament, and prepared for the next election. But today, passionate political debates are
being continued in an alarming number of cases, not in Parliament, but in the
streets. And they are being pressed not by debate, but by demonstration. Our acceptance of the Parliamentary system is
being seriously eroded”.
In
our own case, we have seen how the
Opposition parties have often resorted to demonstrations and demands for
public rallies in order to press their ‘arguments’; instead of continuing the partisan
debates from the Opposition benches inside Parliament; according to the
established ‘rules of the game’
There are several other examples in
different parts of the Commonwealth, which help to illustrate the existence of
what I have described as the ‘lack of the requisite multi-party political
culture’; such as the following:- The report in respect of Papua and New Guinea
states thus: “Party politics in Papua New Guinea have generally been based on
personalities, rather than policies. In this “big man” style of politics, votes
are more likely to be won by family or clan affiliations, than through well-developed
party policies”.
And the report on Haiti states
as follows: “Party politics and party discipline are practically unknown in
Haiti. Political parties in that country are often small bands of people, led
by egomaniacs, and held together by patronage. While inside Parliament, party
affiliation does not always guarantee agreement. The Government cannot get its
programmes through Parliament, simply because the House often fails to reach a quorum
and acts capriciously when it does, even though the majority of seats are held
by the ruling party”.
There
is also the report on Lesotho, which states as follows: “Ever since the
independence of Lesotho, political activity in the country has been partisan in
form, and exclusionary in character. Society has been Balkanized into new
groupings, which call themselves political parties, dedicated to vying for, and
excluding one another from, control of State power. Political parties in Lesotho are the
antithesis of nation building. This is the origin of the mutual disdain and
repugnance that members of different political parties feel for each other, and
this attitude has produced a basis for political instability that has become a
permanent feature of politics in the country”.
Another reported example is that of
Kenya, where it is reported as follows: “The re-introduction of political
pluralism was one of the greatest developments in Kenya since independence. But
it now appears that political parties have turned into a liability, not only
stifling democracy, but also impeding the transformation of Kenya into a modern
society. Virtually all political parties have sacrificed healthy political
competition and internal democracy at the altar of individual aggrandizement”.
Emphasizing
individual players, instead of party policies.
A
careful analysis of these statements reveals the true nature of the problem
under discussion, which is ‘the diversionary tendency to rely on individual
actors, instead of putting due emphasis on party policies and programmes’. This
actually is what meant by statements like “politics in Papua and New Guinea
have been based on personalities rather than well-developed party policies” (big
man politics); OR
(in Lesotho) “the disdain and repugnance that members of the different
political parties feel for each other”. OR (in Haiti) “Political parties in that
country are often small bands of people led by egomaniacs, and held together by
patronage”. OR (in Kenya) “virtually all political parties have sacrificed
healthy political competition and democracy at the altar of personal
aggrandizement”.
The
by-products of politics based on personalities.
This
undesirable diversion to ‘personalities’ instead of ‘policies’ within political
parties, has given rise to two other problems. These are: (i) the lack of
democracy within the political parties themselves, and (ii): the emergence
of the ‘Savimbi theory of elections’.
The lack of internal democracy within
the political parties themselves can also fairly be attributed to the factor of
‘big man politics’. In or own case, as a
result of experience gained from the first two multi-party general elections of
1995 and 2000; the National Electoral Commission submitted the following
recommendation to the Union Government: “Most of the problems regarding the
nomination of candidates, are due to the lack of democracy within the political
parties. Therefore, the Commission recommends that the Political Parties Act,
1992, be amended, to ensure the existence of democracy within the political
parties”.
The
‘Savimbi theory of elections’ is attributed to one Jonas Savimbi of Angola who,
after losing in his country’s Presidential election (which had been
carefully prepared and managed under the
close supervision of the international community), refused to recognize the
results of that election, claiming that he had been cheated, and immediately declared
that he was ‘going back to the bush’ to fight a guerrilla war against the
democratically elected President who had defeated him. That
is when some innovative political scientists called the said declaration, “the
Savimbi theory of elections”, which they described as follows: “If you
participate in an election, you MUST win. If you don’t win, you have been
cheated. So, you must refuse to accept the results thereof, and start fighting
the winning party”. This, of course, is
the surest way of creating chaos, or even violence, since the winning party
will most likely respond by using state power to fight back, with serious
negative consequences leading to breaches of the peace, and unnecessary harm to
innocent citizens. Many
of our readers will easily remember that these by-products have also affected
our own political system, whereby the losers in Presidential elections refused
to accept the results, loudly claiming that they ‘had been cheated’.
The issue of criminality But the
issue of the emerging criminality in the conduct of political activities is an
absolute negation of ‘civilized’ politics, and has been rightly condemned by
the majority in our community. The threat by the Registrar of Political
Parties to deregister ACT Wazalendo, appears to be part of this general condemnation.
piomsekwa@gmail.com / 0754767576.
Source: The Daily News today and for the Courtesy of Cde Msekwa himself.
Source: The Daily News today and for the Courtesy of Cde Msekwa himself.
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