Mr. Tundu Lissu (former
Member of Parliament for Singida Mashariki constituency) recently lost his seat
in Parliament, according to Speaker Job Ndugai, as a result of the MP’s breach of
the provisions of article 71 (1) (c) and (g) of the Constitution of the United
Republic of Tanzania, 1977. However, there have been certain misconceived
reactions which have been publicly expressed in the social media platforms; with
most of the commentators blaming the Speaker ‘for having taken that action’,
which they consider to be unfair to Mr. Lissu. Expressing
one’s opinion is, of course, quite in order because, under article 18 (a) of
our country’s Constitution, “kila mtu anao uhuru wa kuwa na maoni, na kueleza
fikra zake”. Thus, under the
protection of that same constitutional provision, I am
also taking this opportunity to express my own opinions regarding that
matter, and that is the
theme of today’s article, in which I will advance the view that opinions
which
tend to blame Speaker Ndugai
for Tundu Lissu’s removal
from Parliament are, in fact, totally misconceived and misdirected, as they
appear to be based on a serious lack of proper knowledge, and understanding, of the relevant provisions of our Constitution.
What the Constitution
says.
The relevant provisions
of the Union Constitution, 1977, read in Kiswahili as follows: - “71 (1)
Mbunge atakoma kuwa Mbunge na
ataacha kiti chake katika Bunge, litokeapo
lolote katika mambo yafuatayo –
(c) Ikiwa Mbunge atakosa kuhudhuria vikao vya Mikutano
mitatu mfululizo (ya Bunge), bila ruhusa ya Spika.
(g)
Kwa Mbunge ambaye anatakiwa kutoa
taarifa rasmi ya mali kwa mujibu wa masharti ya Ibara ya 70, ikiwa atashinwa kutoa
tamko hilo rasmi katika muda uliowekwa mahsusi
kwa ajili hiyo kwa mujibu wa
sheria iliyotungwa na Bunge”.
It is
important to note the mandatory nature of the provision in article 71 (1);
namely that “Mbunge atakoma kuwa Mbunge, na ataacha kiti chake katika Bunge, litokeapo
lolote katika mambo hayo”.
An English translation of
that provision would read as follows: “A Member of Parliament shall cease to be such member, and shall vacate his seat
in Parliament, upon the occurrence of any of the following events” This clearly means that Mr. Tundu Lissu’s
removal from Parliament was NOT determined by Speaker
Ndugai. It was determined solely
by the Constitution. And that is what makes
any such and opinions (purporting to blame the Speaker for Mr. Tundu’s loss of
his Parliamentary seat) totally misconceived, and therefore stand to be
corrected. Consequently, that underscores
the need for upgrading public awareness regarding the provisions of the country’s
Constitution.
For example,
even some Members of Parliament who, before assuming office, are required to take a solemn oath
“to uphold and to defend the Constitution” have, in the instant case, also
displayed this lack of Constitutional awareness and understanding, when they claimed that the Speaker “had committed
a procedural error, when he announced his judgment (of removing Mr. Tundu Lissu from Membership of Parliament) without first giving him the opportunity to be heard by the Ethics Committee of the House”. Thus,
because they have taken the oath “to
uphold and to defend the Constitution” , they surely ought to know (unless
they were merely reciting
those words parrot-fashion, which is unbelievable), that the Speaker
was merely announcing the occurrence of an event which
had been precipitated by operation of the Constitution’s relevant
provisions.
It may therefore be helpful
and opportune to point out, for the
benefit of the current generation of Tanzanians, that such Constitutionally precipitated
events have, in fact, occurred more than once before in the history of our Parliament.
There
was, for example, the removal of Speaker Amir Yusufali Abdulkarim Karimjee
from
the Speakership of the House on 9th December 1962; the day on which
the Tanganyika Republican Constitution came into force.
That
Constitution had made provisions which disqualified non-citizens of the new
Republic of Tanganyika from becoming Members of or holding leadership positions
in Parliament.
Amir Karimjee, who had been Speaker of the House
both before and immediately after independence, was a British citizen, and had
opted not to apply for Tanganyika’s citizenship. Hence, he was automatically (i.e. by operation of law), removed from that position
effective from that day.
An announcement to that effect was accordingly
made in the House at its first sitting after the occurrence of that event, and
the House just proceeded to elect Chief Adam Sapi Mkwawa
as the new Speaker.
That same Constitutional
provision also affected one Mr. Austin Kapere
Edward Shaba, who was Member of Parliament for Mtwara at the material time. Immediately it
became known that he was not a citizen of Tanganyika (because both his parents,
were born in neighbouring Mozambique), he therefore automatically lost his
Membership of Parliament, again solely by operation of the country’s
Constitution.
And, in more recent times (at the time
when I was the Speaker of the House), a similar
event occurred when the Civic United Front (CUF) decided to
boycott Parliament after the 1995 first
multi-party general elections, and prohibited all its elected Members from
attending the Meetings of the House.
When they had missed a total of three consecutive meetings, they
automatically lost their seats in Parliament. All I had to do as Speaker, was just to make an announcement
to that effect in the House, and by-elections were consequently held to
fill the vacant positions.
The need for upgrading public
awareness
of the Constitution.
In my considered opinion,
the said misconceived views that are currently being expressed regarding Mr. Tundu
Lissu loss of his Parliamentary seat, are based on a serious lack of
understanding of the country’s Constitution; and appropriate steps should be
taken to remedy this deficiency. I actually
started arguing the case for enhancing public knowledge and
awareness regarding the contents of our Constitution soon after the re-introduction of multi-party politics in
our governance system; when the
Opposition political parties were
actively campaigning for the enactment of a new, multi-party Constitution
because, they so claimed, “the present
Constitution is unfair, because it is biased
in favour of the ruling party CCM”. In my book titled Reflections
on the First Decade of Multi-party Politics in Tanzania, 2006 (Nyambari Nyangine Publishers,
Dar es Salaam); I argued that “ the need for educating the
public is much greater now than ever before; for it is important and necessary for the
public to be made aware of the so-called ‘unfair’ provisions of the Constitution, so as to
enable them to contribute effectively to
the campaign for their removal from our Constitution”.
But
even Mwalimu Julius Nyerere himself, in his book titled Our
Leadership and the Destiny of Tanzani a (Zimbabwe Publishing House Pvt Ltd, Harare);
offers the following rare ‘nuggets of wisdom’:- "It
is of vital importance to the peace of this country, and to the possibility of
its harmonious development, that all the
provisions of the Union Constitution, as
it stands at any one time, should be fully respected
and honoured . . . Tyrannies and dictatorships do not have Constitutions,
or if they have them on paper, they are routinely disregarded and rendered
irrelevant in practice. But countries (like
Tanzania), which are endeavoring to build democratic and accountable governance
systems; have created Constitutions which
are appropriate to their particular conditions, histories, and culture. Their
Constitutions are the bulwark, or fortress, of their continued existence as a
democracy. Thus, if they are allowed to
be disregarded, the democratic foundation of the nation will have been placed at the mercy of charlatans and crooks;
and the country will have set foot upon a slippery path to dictatorship”.
It is quite clear and obvious, that adherence to the Constitution becomes possible only where its contents are fully understood, and appreciated, by the relevant public. And this again underscores the vital need for extensive public education to enhance such precious awareness.
It is quite clear and obvious, that adherence to the Constitution becomes possible only where its contents are fully understood, and appreciated, by the relevant public. And this again underscores the vital need for extensive public education to enhance such precious awareness.
A ray of hope
appeared in 2014.
A ray of hope in that
respect appeared in 2014, during
the Constitution- making process which was initiate by President Jakaya Kikwete,
of the Fourth phase Government; when a great deal of public discussion
took place among Tanzanians regarding the merits
and demerits of the proposed new
Constitution of the United Republic of Tanzania.
They
said
‘ray of hope’ emerged from the fact that this particular process, more than any other of its predecessors, drew
the attention and active
participation of a much larger
number of Tanzanian stake holders, who voiced
their demands for postponement of the referendum exercise,
in order to allow more time for the
people to get enlightened on the contents of the proposed new Constitution,
particularly on “what had been
unfairly left out by the Constituent Assembly”; so as to enable them to make informed
decisions during the referendum.
This was a significant new development
in peoples’ awareness regarding the importance of the country’s Constitution, since all the previous Constitution-making processes had
always attracted
comparatively little
public interest , despite the
commendable efforts which were always
made for obtaining the peoples’ views through the appointment of ‘Presidential Constitutional Review Commissions’ for that sole purpose.
The ‘Nyalali Commission’ ,which was appointed in 1991 by President Ali Hassan
Mwinyi of the Second phase Government, helpfully
disclosed in its Report that
although it held public meetings in each of the Regions and Districts of
Tanzania, they were able to collect only 32,279 submissions from Tanzania Mainland; and
only 3,679 from Zanzibar, making a total of a mere 36, 299 submissions from the whole United Republic. While the ‘Kisanga Commission’ that was
appointed in 1998 by President Benjamin Mkapa of the Third phase Government,
which also held public meetings in all the Regions and Districts of the country;
but received a total of only 600,000 submissions. And the more recent ‘Warioba Commission which
was appointed by President Jakaya Kikwete of the Fourth phase Government, received
a total of only 684, 303 submissions from the public.
These are, obviously, very small numbers compared with the total adult population of Tanzania citizens during the relevant time periods. This is indicative of the low- level of public interest in the Constitutional affairs of our nation which, I submit, needs to be enhanced.
These are, obviously, very small numbers compared with the total adult population of Tanzania citizens during the relevant time periods. This is indicative of the low- level of public interest in the Constitutional affairs of our nation which, I submit, needs to be enhanced.
The
principal purpose of this article was to show that some of the publicly expressed reactions to Mr. Tundu Lissu’s
removal from Parliament were, actually, totally misconceived and misdirected; and further that this was primarily due to a lack of proper knowledge
and understanding of the relevant provisions of the Constitution of
the United Republic; and even
very little interest, in the
affairs pertaining to the
country’s Constitution. There is, therefore, an urgent
need to enhancing this inadequate level of Constitutional understanding.
Plato, that famous 1st century
Greek philosopher is reported to have said: “No law, or Ordinance, is mightier than
understanding”.
piomsekwa@gmail.com/0754767576.
Source: Daily News and Cde Msekwa himself.
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