Kabuga Should Be Tried in Rwanda

I don’t know if Rwanda’s formerly asked to try its longtime fugitive, Felician Kabuga who’s recently been arrested in the outskirts of Paris. The mentioning of the name Kabuga evokes anger, abhorrence, trauma and vengeance so seriously to speak. What a reeking criminal whose deeds destroyed many lives directly or indirectly! Likewise, Kabuga once shook the world for his balmy, brutality and inhumanness. It’ll take many years for us to comprehend the type of monstrous this person is. For, his dingiest deeds will always typify brutality and anility. While many criminals of Kabuga’s magnitude and nature faced their deaths violently the same way they or their agents and gung-hos violently did to many innocent people, some dirty netherworld kept Kabuga buoyant in his criminality for reasons only known to itself. And it seems. It’s sad. Kabuga won’t meet his end with the same violence thanks to the instruments charged with delivering justice to him either internationally or Rwanda to have no death penalty that he legally deserves.

Such a netherworld, indeed, didn’t only offend Rwanda and all human rights lovers but also traumatized it as a country and a people. What now brings a sigh of relief is the fact that, at last, the big eyes and long hands of justice have caught up with Kabuga at the manner and time nobody would expect. For, this hardnosed ogre evaded justice for over two decade which meant unfathomable tortures and trauma for Rwanda. It’s time now to cast this bad apple back out of France to Rwanda so that he can face justice.

Kabuga idiotically and unfeelingly tried to evade justice for a long time to end up buttonholed at the time nobody would expect. Moreover, Kabuga aka Mr. Machete, killed many more innocent people; and evaded justice for a long time. It’s too bad: such a predator spent many years of evanescence in comfort while those his victims, for the entire time he’s been at large, suffered inexplicable sufferings and trauma.

As we ponder on what to do with Kabuga, his children and friends or whoever that enabled him in any way to rent an apartment in Paris or anywhere, travel or evade justice must be added to the charge sheet as appurtenances after the fact to offences. I implore the powers that be that’ll deal with him to see to it that he discloses his coconspirators in order to help the authorities to deliver justice to them as well. I strongly beseech the international community to allow Rwanda to legally try Kabuga. That’s because the sacrilegious and heinous crime against humanity Kabuga charged with was committed in and against Rwanda.

 If Kabuga isn’t tried in Rwanda, justice won’t be deservedly served. Being tried in Rwanda’s very important so that the victims cannot only see justice being served but also come to the closure after evidencing the monster[s] who ruined their lives being rewarded. Rwandans deserve and have the right to hear Kabuga’s story so that they can corroborate it with what they know.

Furthermore, Kabuga needs to be given an opportunity to apologise to millions of his victims whose loved ones he robbed. Arguably, Gaaca, Rwandan traditional justice system that’s proved to be effective and reconciliatory, stands as a very competent court to try Kabuga provided that, as noted above, Rwanda doesn’t have death sentence. As was the case of Nuremburg trials whereby Nazi criminals were tried in the country where the crime was committed, Kabuga too must not be tried anywhere except in Rwanda. While Nuremberg trials didn’t have precedent, Rwandan Genocide, just as any holocaust, has one on the Nuremberg trials. Essentially, the trial of Kabuga must be based on the rationale of where the crime was committed or secundum justttiam, ubi grande peaculum factum est.

First of all, as noted above, the crime Kabuga’s charged with was committed in and against Rwanda, which’s a locus in quo. Thus, Rwanda thereof qualifies to try this desperado.

Secondly, much, if not the entire evidence’s still in Rwanda. Thank Lord that Rwanda preserved this evidence.

Thirdly, trying Kabuga in Rwanda will avert financial and logistic bedlam of transporting witnesses to and from the location other than Rwanda where Kabuga’s going to be tried.

Forth, seeing’s believing. Kabuga’s victims deserve the rights to witness his trial so that they can have the opportunity to hear what he’s to say if he decides to after the court grants it; shall it deem it fit.

Fifth, Rwanda’s what it takes to try Kabuga just like any other criminals implicated in this sacrilegious act that left the world shocked about how a human could do what Kabuga and his co did to other humans.

Sixthly, allowing and enabling Rwanda to try Kabuga won’t only do justice to his victims and their families but also honour a grief-stricken nation that’s a lot to learn from this criminal, especially the means and motifs by which Kabuga committed this indescribable crime. Ergo, learning Kabuga’s criminality won’t only console his victims but also enable the world to know his netherworld in order to be able to thwart the likes whenever and wherever there are the signs of recidivism. As well, it’ll help academics to study the whole thing in order to find solutions on how to predict and prevent it.

Apart from bringing the closure, learning Kabuga’s netherworld, networks and sources of means will add up to the literature of how to deal with such lunacy. This is very important for reconciliation in conflict resolution. For, knowing what we don’t know on how Kabuga committed the crime[s] and evaded justice will send a strong signal to those who still think they can replicate what Kabuga heartlessly did.  His story may not only disclose the link[s] he’d but also help to identify his accomplices who have never been brought to justice whether they’re Rwandans or not.

Lastly, allowing Rwanda to try Kabuga will act as the noblest act of socially redressing it for the  total disappointment the international community intentionally or otherwise displayed during the commission of the crime whereby Rwanda was abandoned at the hour of its need up until the RPF came to save it from its predators who forlornly happened to be brainwashed Rwandans.

In a nutshell, Kabuga needs to pay and be rewarded for his deeds. This is the nature of justice and the law altogether. Actually, I can say. He who lives by the sword, dies by the sword though Kabuga is very lucky. For, Rwanda doesn’t have capital punishment that he fittingly deserves. In fact, there are many lessons from Kabuga’s arrest among which’s that no innocent blood can be shed in vain. As well, justice and truth may be delayed but not killed. He who daydreams that he/she can get away with murder must think twice. We need to support Rwanda to see to it that Kabuga and the likes are tried in Rwanda as the act of honouring the victims and the country. As noted above, by so doing, the victims and the nation might come to the closure of the hardest period of their lives ready to open a new page. And Kabuga needs to see with his eyes the country he destroyed and how it’s been rebuilt and developed.

Source: African Executive Magazine today.

USAWA AU USAHA. UKIFANYA NAFANYA ILA NIKIFANYA USISHANGAE NAFANYA HUNA LA KUFANYA KWA VILE NINA LA KUFANYA

REVISITING THE SOWETO QUARTET

MY APPOINTMENT AS CHAIRMAN, KIBWETA CHA MWALIMU NYERERE.

We  closed  our  discussions  last week  at  the  point  when   I  was  beginning  to present  the  events  of  the  year 2015.

At  the  beginning  of  April,  2015;  the   Mwalimu  Nyerere  Memorial  Academy  at  Kivukoni,  decided  to establish  a  new   “Leadership,  Ethics  and  Governance  Training  Programme”,  which  they  aptly  named  “Kibweta  cha  Mwalimu  Nyerere”.  It  was  established   as  separate  Academic  Unit,  with  its  own  Chairman;  and  I  was  granted  the  honour  of  being  appointed by  that  Academy  as   its  first,  or  inaugural  Chairman.  Another  totally  unexpected  gift,  which  I  highly  appreciated.                     

This  new  leadership  Training  programme  was  officially  inaugurated  by  President  Kikwete  on  13^th  April,  2015,  which  was  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  birth date.  That  event  also  became  the  occasion  for  my  investiture  as  Chairman  of  the  Kibweta  cha  Mwalimu  Nyerere.  The  Kiswahili  word  “Kibweta” means   “ a   small  box, normally  used  to  preserve  very  valuable  items,  such  as  pieces  of  jewellery”.  Thus,  the  application  of  the  term  “Kibweta”  to  this  new  Unit,  was  presumably  intended  to  convey  the  same  meaning,  namely  that  this  Unit  was  going  to  be  the  academic  repository  of  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  nuggets  of  wisdom. 

 MY   ACTIVITIES  IN  RETIREMENT (2015-2020).            

With  Presidient  Magufuli  of  the  fifth phase  Government.                                                            Because  of  the  fact  that  I  had  already  retired  from  active  Public  Service  when  President  Magufuli  took  office  in  November 2015;   I  have  had  minimal   involvement  in  matters  related  to  his  governance  as  President  of  the United  Republic.  However.   But,   as  I  stated  in  the  Introduction  section  of  this  book,  the   book’s  primary  purpose  is  to  preserve  our  country’s  political  history.   President  John  Magufuli’s   innovative  style  of  governance  has  made  such  a   positive  impact  on  Tanzanian  Society,   and  also  because  I  have  been  a  close  eye-witness  of  these  innovations;   that  I  felt   it is  essential  for  some  of  his  innovations  to be  put  on  record in  these  memoirs.

The  2015  Presidential  election.

The  2015  presidential  election  was  unusually  taxing  for  Chama  cha  Mapinduzi,  for  a  variety  of  reasons.  Firstly,  there  emerged  a  very  exciting  internal  competition within  CCM;  when  a  little   more  than  forty  serious,  (i.e,  not  frivolous)  candidates  submitted  their  applications  for  consideration,  including  Edward  Lowassa,  former  Prime  Minister,  who  had  invested  heavily,  in  terms  of  energy  and  resources,  in  this  Presidential  project. 

The  Ruling  party  was  therefore  faced  with  the  obviously  difficult  task  of selecting  the  one  among  them  who,  according  to  the  old  Madisonian  view: -                   “ possesses  the  most  wisdom  to  discern,  and  the  most  virtue  to  pursue,  the  common  good”  for  our  dear  country. 

But  nevertheless,  CCM  was,  as always,  equal  to  the  task,  and  selected  John  Pombe  Joseph  Magufuli  as  its  flag-bearer  candidate.   Edward  Lowasa,  who  was  fully  confident  that  his  heavy   investment  of  resources   would  produce  the  desired  results  of  securing  the  CCM  nomination;   was  utterly  disappointed    by  this  turn  of  events;  and  immediately  resorted  to  what I  subsequently  described   in  French  as  ”nomadisme  politique”,  meaning              “ nomadic  politics”;  as  that  appeared  to  me  to  be  the  most  appropriate,  and  befitting,  description  of  what  took  place. 

Edward  Lowassa  defected  from  CCM  to  CHADEMA; where  he  was  promised  nomination  as  their  candidate  for  the  Presidency.   He  subsequently  participated  in  that  Presidential  election  as  the  CHADEMA  sponsored  candidate,  but  lost  to  John  Magufuli,  the  CCM  candidate.  Thereafter,  he    “returned  home”  to  CCM,  thus  qualifying  for  the  description  of  being  a  ‘domestic  political  tourist’.

Magufuli’s  Presidency  has  been   an  “ an  eye-rolling  event”.

“If  there  is  any  contemporary  eye-rolling  event,  with  big  effects  and  big  lessons  to  offer  globally,  and  which  has politically and  powerfully  defined  Tanzania  with  good  tidings;  is,  evidentially,  the  election  of  Dr.  John  Pombe  Magufuli  as  the  President  of  the  United  Republic  of  Tanzania  in  2015”.

The  above  is  a  quotation  from  a  new  book  that  has  just  been  published  by  GDY  Publications  Company  Ltd,  Dare es Salaam;   which  was  co-authored  by  myself  and my  friend   Nkwazi  N. Mhango,  a Canada  based  Tanzanian,  titled  “Magufulification:  New  concept  that  will  define  Africa’s  future”.

This  bold   assertion  is  confirmed  by  many  other  sources.  For  example, just  one  month  after  he  had  assumed  office  as  President,  on  the  occasion  of  the  54^th  independence  celebrations  on  9^th  December, 2025;  the  local  English  language  newspapers  were  awash  with  positive  international  comments  regarding  President  Magufuli’s  performance.  The DAILY  NEWS carried  the  following  front  page  headline:  “Magufuli’s   style  wins  hearts  in  Africa”;  and  went  on  as  follows:  President  John  Magufuli  has  become  a  continental  icon  with  just  a  month  in  office,  and  without  even  crossing  the  country’s  borders”.  The Paper  then  reproduced  captions  of  leading  newspapers  in  South  Africa,  Ghana,  Nigeria,  and  Zimbabwe;  all  of  them  showering  praises  on  President  John  Magufuli’s  exemplary  performance.    You  could  call  it  “Magufuli-philia”.

And  on  the  occasion  of  the  commemoration  of  the  2018  African  Human  Rights  Day,  a  Forum  meeting of  Human  Rights  NGOs  which  assembled  in  Banjul,  with  a  total  of  18  Tanzanian  Human  Rights  Civil  Society  Organizations  represented,  “called  on other  African  Heads  of  State  to  take  a  leaf  from  President  Magufuli’s  fight  against  corruption”.  This  was  a  manifest  proof  of  the  international  approval  accorded  to  President  Magufuli  for  his  exemplary  performance  in  that  particular  area.

My  involvement in the   2015  Presidential  election.

The  CCM  Constitution  establishes,  at  the  national  level,    a  ‘Council  of  Elders’,   consisting  of  all  the  retired  CCM  national  Chairmen (retired  CCM Presidents),  and   all  their   Vice-Chairmen.   At  the  time  of  writing,  retired  Chairman  Ali  Hassan  Mwanyi  is  the   Chairman;  and   myself,  retired  Vice-Chairman,   the   Secretary.

It  is  a  wholly  Advisory  Council,  which  therefore  convenes  only  when  there  is  a  grave  matter,  in  respect  of  which  the  incumbent  Chairman  feels  he  needs  to  be  advised  by  this  Council.

The  2015  Presidential  election  was  one  such  grave  matter.  Thus,  the  Chairman,  President   Jakaya  Kikwete,  felt  he  needed the  advice  of  the  Elders’   Council;   which   was  therefore  convened  for  that  purpose.   After  a  private   session with  President  Kikwete  at  State  house,   Dar es Salaam,  the  Elders’  Council  was  invited  to  attend  the  crucial  candidate  selection  meeting  of  the  National  Executive  Committee   in  Dodoma;   at  which  John  Pombe   Magufuli  was  among  the  three  candidates  selected,  by  secret  vote,  to  be  presented  to  the  CCM  national  Congress.

 President  Magufuli’s  election.

The  CCM  national  Congress   selected  Dr.  John  Pombe  Joseph  Magufuli  to  be  the  CCM  flag  bearer.   And  he  won  the  2015  Presidential  election,  having  obtained  58.46%,  over  his  closest  challenger,  former  Prime  Minister  Edward  Lowassa,  who  garnered  39.97%  of  the  total  valid  votes.                                     

President  Magufuli’s  performance  was  manifestly   low   compared  to  his  predecessors;  which  is  illustrative  of  how  Chama  cha  Mapinduzi  faced  an  uphill  task  in  this  particular  election.  It  also  speaks  volumes,  to  how  CCM  made  a  very  wise  choice  and  decision,  that  enabled  it  to  retain  power  amidst  such  fierce  competition.

President  Magufuli’s  inauguration  of the  new  Parliament.

There  are  two  major  constitutional  functions  that  must  be  performed  by  the  President  of  the  United republic  of  Tanzania.  One  is  the  official  opening  of  the  newly  elected  parliament;  and  the  other  is  the  dissolution  of  that  Parliament,  at  the  end  of its  statutory  five-year  period.    On  20^th  November,  2015;  President  Magufuli  entered  Parliament,  in  appropriate  manner  and  style,  to  officially  inaugurate   the  newly  elected  11^th    Parliament.

In   his   maiden  speech,  President  Magufuli  vowed  to  confront  the  evils  of  mega  corruption,  by  promising  to  establish  a   special  Division  of  the  High  Court,  which  would  deal  exclusively  with  graft  cases.   He  also  promised  to  fight the  wide  spread  embezzlement  of  public  funds;  and  to  improve  the  management  of   the  country’s  natural  resources.  He  promised  to    overhaul  the  mining  sector;  to  end  bureaucracy  in  Government  offices;   and   to  introduce  strict  discipline  in  the  public  service;  to  increase  Government  revenue  collections;  and  to  improve  the  infrastructures  relating  to  the  country’s  Social  and  Economic  services. 

To  some  people,  it  all  sounded  like  a  ‘shot  in  the  dark’,  as  they    appeared  to  be    promises  that  cannot  be  implemented.   But  President  Magufuli  meant  business,  and,  indeed,  has   ‘walked  his  talk’,  as  evidenced  by   his  other  speech  dissolving   the  11^th  Parliament  on  16^th  June,  2020;  wherein,  amid  thunderous  applause  and  cheers  from  the  MPS,   he  succinctly  presented  the  huge  success  story  of  his  unprecedented  performance  in  implementing  all  these  promises.    The  distinguished  gathering  of  invited  guests,   included  all  the  former (retired)  Presidents  of  the  United  Republic.   

His  subsequent  performance  as  President.

President  Magufuli  has  certainly  changed  Tanzania  for  the  better.  However,     even  more  important  is  the  fact  that  he  has  been  able  to  do  so  in  an  incredibly  short  period  of time.   The  following  is  a  short  list   of  some  of   President  Magufuli’s  outstanding  achievements  during  his  first  term  in  office:-

 He   successfully  embarked  on  a  bold,  new  style  of  managing  the  country’s  natural  resources,  and  in  particular,  the  mineral  resources.

 He    introduced  new   austerity,  frugality  and  other  measures,  aimed  at  ensuring  that  public  funds  are  saved,   and  used   for  the   benefit  the  majority  of  the  country’s  citizens,  particularly  the  residents of  the  vast  rural  areas  of Tanzania.

His  success  in  his  brave  fight  against  mega  grafts,  that  were  like  an  albatross  around the  country’s  neck;  and  other  vices  such  as  poaching,  drug  trafficking,  money  laundering,   and  embezzlement.   This  does  not  mean  that  his  predecessors  did  nothing  in  fighting  these  vices,   they  surely  did.   But  President  Magufuli  took  the  fighting  to  a  much  higher  level  of  seriousness  and  determination.

His  success  in  making   a  very  bold  assault  on  ghost  workers  in  the  Public  Service,  as  well  as   on  ghost University  students;  a  loophole  that  was  used  by  crooks  to  steal  Government  money,   by  secretly  pocketing  the  salaries  of  ghost  workers,  and  loans  to  ghost University  students.

 His  success  in  vastly  increasing  the  country’s  tax  revenues;  which  have  enabled  him  to   revive  some  of  the  mega  economic  projects  that  had  become  defunct;   like  the  shift  of  the  Government  capital  to  Dodoma;   the  Stigler’s  gorge  electricity  generation  project;  the  reviving  of  the  national  Airline  (ATCL);    plus  introducing  new  projects   like  the Standard  Gauge Railway  project (SGR),  and  the  construction  of  new  large  passenger  and  cargo  ships  and  ferries,  to  ply  on  the  country’s  major  Lakes  of  Victoria,  Nyasa,  and  Tanganyika;  the  construction  of  numerous  District  hospitals ;  roads  and  bridges;  and  other  infrastructures.

His  success  in  reintroducing  discipline  and  ethics  in  the  country’s  Public  Service.

This  may  be  correctly  referred  to  as  the  “Magufuli  effect”,  or  “Magufuliquake” /  “Magufulification”. 

President  Magufuli  assumes  the  CCM  Chairmanship.­

In  July,  2016;  CCM  Chairman  Jakaya  Kikwete  voluntarily  resigned  from  that  position,  in  order  to  clear  the  way  for  President  magufuli  to  replace  him;  a  procedure  that   was  smoothly  accomplished.                                                    

 And  within  only  six  months  after  his  assumption  of  that  office,  Chairman  Magufuli  had  already  demonstrated  his  unique  leadership  style,  when  he  introduced  some  unprecedented,  “tsunami-type”  organizational  changes  in  the  Ruling  party;  whose  main  thrust  was  to  reduce  the  numbers  of  the  members  of  the  party’s  decision-making  organs  at  all  levels  of  the  Party  structure;  and,  in  particular,  the  National  Executive  Committee (NEC),  whose  membership  was  drastically  reduced  from a  high 388  members,  and  brought  down  to  a low  163  members.   And  this   was  quickly  followed  by  other  crucial   changes  in  the  party’s  leadership  personnel,   during  the  party’s   2017  general  elections.

(To  be  continued  next  week)

ppiomsekwa@gmail.com  /0754767576.

Source: Daily News & Cde Msekwa himself.

Lesson from COVID-19: EAC decolonise borders or perish

Considering how some East Africa Community member states have been reacting after being hit by COVID-19 pandemic, there are some issues they need to expediently and seriously consider and iron out shall the EAC aspire to be actualised and realised instead of fighting over the pie in the sky like going solo etc. Though COVID-19’s a health matter, it’s unearthed some hardships and colonial vestiges vis-a-vis practical unification of the region and Africa. The situation did a bad turn when some countries closed the borders to avoid COVID-19 infectivity from their neighbours. This speaks to the lack of a united strategy towards fighting the contagion.

Organically, before the criminal Berlin Conference 1884, all contemporary African countries were united entities. The EAC we see today the situation was the same. People along what’s today Namanga border, inter alia, used to operate freely without any disturbances, mistrusts and infringements on their natural freedom of movement and cooperation. They didn’t know that they’re the citizens of different countries. They’re just Africans in their big country known as Africa.  However, they’d their organic nationalities which the West branded tribes. That’s why the Masai on both sides of the border, for example, still regard themselves as the citizen of one country known as Masailand; not to mention, the Swahili on Horohoro––Lunga Lunga or the Kurya and Luhya on Busia, Isibania Borders respectively.

            Nonetheless, soon after Africa’s divided and partitioned into fake, feeble and fickle states, there were born the modern weak and ever-dependent countries as colonial tools intended to divide, exploit and weaken Africans perpetually. These faux nation states were tied to the Peace Treaty of Westphalia (1648) as if they’re European. By extension, they’re, and they still are. Fortunately, in the 60s, African countries became independent however covertly controlled and divided up until now. Ever since, these states have done nothing but furthering, internalising and reinforcing coloniality by maintaining colonial divisions under the Peace of Westphalia which ushered in modern-time colonial sovereignty. 

However, some efforts were made to reunite Africa as championed by the likes of Julius Nyerere (Tanzania) Ahmed Sekou Touré (Guinea), Kwame Nkrumah (Ghana) and many more whose dreams were felled due to myopia and negativity individuality, not to mention narrow interests that resulted into pointless wrangles for the perilous division of Africa. To make matters worse, those who succeeded these founders became even more myopic and sitting ducks that dark forces have always used to hamper, sabotage and suffocate the unification of Africa. In a simple parlance, contemporary African leaders failed to reunify Africa for the fears of losing their morsels they exploit by being in the statehouses behaving exactly like those they booted out.

            Despite malady and malice regarding reunifying Africa, the East Africa’s not left out of the efforts to reunite Africa as a whole or regionally. It embarked on the unification of the region giving birth to the East African Community (EAC I 1967-1977), which’s later felled by idiosyncratic and myopic reasons.  The same also affected the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and later the African Unity (AU). Thanks to colonial lees, the intended unity of Africa remained illusory and ceremonial even under the AU.

Practically, the move that EAC took was an antithetic and a challenge to the rest of Africa that refused to be reunited.  However, there were other unions of federations such as Senegal-Gambia or Senegambia (1982-1989) and the Economic Commission of West African States (ECOWAS-1975 to present) among notable ones.  The long story short, I’ll address a few reasons why the EAC and Africa must shake off their colonial after-effects; and thereby embark on true reunification of the region as follows:

            First, reunification means, at best, returning back to its organic formula which gave the region and Africa the bang for buck and edge of living without necessarily depending on handouts from rich countries as it currently is after being colonized in the 18^th Century; thereby ushering in dependency, exploitation and imperialism that saw Africa become the backwater of the world to exploit as pleased. The sage’s it that your donor is your owner.

            Secondly, practical reunification of region will create many economic, political and social opportunities such as interdependence, interconnectedness peaceability, power, prosperity and above all, trade and unity as the barbs for strength. We inevitably and out of necessity need each other even if we don’t like or love each other.

            Thirdly, the reunification of the region will enable it and Africa in general to assert its power globally not to mention increasing security and good use of endowed humongous resources.  Reunited EAC and Africa won’t have the many do-nothing and despotic presidents that are responsible for exploiting Africa as black colonizers or the agents of colonialism sustained by the armies.

            Fourth, oft-border squabbles will never bother neighbours as it currently is. Refer to how COVID-19 responses in the EAC threatened to set them against each other. Instead, the united Africa will straightforwardly and swiftly allow people and African countries in the one mega-country known as Africa or the EAC to do business among themselves compared to how they do it with non-African countries. Thanks to coloniality and neo-coloniality, many African countries are at home with doing business with foreigners as they shy away from their sister countries.  Again, Swahili sage’s it that you can choose a friend[s] but not a neighbor[s]. This means that our interconnectedness is organic and inevitable; whether we like it or not.

            Fifth, the reunification of the region, and later, Africa will increase production as a spur by which to grow economically due to the fact that, instead of importing goods from afar, Africa will have an internal supply of some goods it imports from abroad. So, too, it’ll cut the costs of running business and production not to mention environmental degradation from the machinery used to transport goods so as to enhance good prices for the products produced and traded within Africa. Similarly, by having one united country, there won’t be any many presidents, armies, immigration offices and the likes.

Sixth, a united Africa or the EAC will produce what it needs first and thereby satisfactorily feed its people. I wonder, for example, to find that some countries are importing onions from the EU. According to the Agri trade (2011), in January and February 2011, Senegal, Côte d’Ivoire and Mauritania ‘purchased more Dutch onions than 2010 while in 2009, 42% of Dutch onion exports to West Africa went to Senegal, 22% to Côte d’Ivoire and 13% to Mauritania. I hope such dependency ever since increased. This is shameful and surreal for Africa in general. Why importing food stuffs on top of industrial product as if Africa is a barren continent?

            In a nutshell, the major question Africa needs to ask and rightly answer’s: why’s Africa become a food importer while it used to feed itself before colonialism’s introduced to Africa? There are those who dubiously say that the population of Africa’s grown exponentially due to improved health services colonialism started. This is utterly duplicitous, fallacious and fictious.  One may query why Africa’s able to produce healthy persons who’re taken to the Americas as slaves if at all it didn’t have a very sound health system before colonial. Africa needs to reunite and stem caterwauling like a baby while it’s what it takes as it used to be. Shutting borders at each other for fear of COVID-19 may make sense. Yet, in the long run, it shows how divided we’re. United we stand, divided we fall the sage has it. COVID-19 needs to unite but not divide us as it currently seems to be the case.

Source: African Executive Magazine

ALICHOFANYA MAGUFULI KWA HUYU MAMA, AFRIKA TUNGEPATA MAGUFULI HATA KUMI TU TUNGEJIKOMBOA

Japo rais Magufuli ni binadamu, ukweli ni kwamba ana busara kuliko unavyoweza kufikiri. Anafanya kila jambo si kwa ajili ya sifa wala kujifurahisha bali kufanya wengine lau wapate tabasamu usoni. Alichomfanyia huyu mama hakitasahaulika kwa mnyonge yeyote. Magufuli anaweza kuwa na mapungufu kama binadamu yoyote, ila kwa hili amejijengea ubora baina ya binadamu hasa wanaolewa madaraka. 

MY SUBSEQUENT ENGAGEMENTS IN THE PUBLIC SERVICE.

President  Kikwete was,  obviously,  genuinely  displeased  by  being  associated  with  the  said underground  pact  (which  prevented  my  re-election  to  the  Speakership), without  his  express  consent;  because  he  quickly  took  remedial measures to  relieve  me  of  the  inevitable  pain resulting  from  being  victim  of  a  deliberately organized  plot,  or indeed   coup.  He  started  by   appointing  me  to  the  Chairmanship  of  the  Ngorongoro  Conservation  Area Authority (NCAA);  which  had  just  become  vacant  upon  the  death  by  accident of  its  former  Chairman.   This  appointment  exposed  me  to  a  vast  new  world  of  conservation  and  tourism;  which  I  greatly  appreciated. But  he  was  apparently  also  waiting  for  the  next  CCM  general  elections,  which  were  due  to be  held  in  2007;  to  sponsor  my  election  to  the  post  of  CCM  Vice-Chairman  for  Mainland  Tanzania,  to  replace  veteran  politician  John  Samuel  Malecela.   In  the  meantime,  Parliament  itself  kindly  organized  a  glittering  “send-off”  dinner  party  for  me,  which  was  attended  by  all  the  Ministers  as  well  as  the  Opposition  Shadow  Ministers,  at  which  it  was  announced  that  the  former  National  Assembly  Chamber  would  be  re-named  “Msekwa  Hall”,  in  my  honour  and  lasting  memory.  I  was,  indeed,  very  highly  elated.  That  was  the  9^th  Parliament,  under  the  leadership  of  Speaker  Samuel  Sitta.  However,  this  Institutional  kindness  appears  to  have  continued,  for,  much  more  recently, the  11^th  Parliament,  under  the  leadership  of  Speaker  Job  Ndugai, Parliament  again  presented  to  me  the  very  valuable  gift  of  the  original  Speaker’s  Robe,  which  I  was  wearing  during  my  time  in  the  Speaker’s  Chair.        However, the  incipient  personal  power  struggle  between  the  Prime  Minister  and  the  Speaker referred  to  earlier,  had  not  been  settled  at  all  by  the  underground  pact.  Because   trouble  quickly  started  brewing  in  the  National  Assembly  among  CCM  backbench  MPs;   which  had  been   caused  by  a  serious  scandal,  allegedly  involving  the  Prime   Minister,  Edward  Lowassa,  which  is  described  below. 

The  ‘Richmond  scandal’  National  Assembly  debate.

A  very  heated  ‘Richmond  debate’,  took  place  in  the  National  Assembly in  February  2008,  which  led  to the  emergence  of  two  antagonistic  groups  among  the  CCM  members  of  Parliament.  The  debate  centered on  the  Report  of  a  special  Parliamentary  Committee,  which  had  been  formed   by  the  Speaker,  to probe  and  investigate  an  allegation  of  a  grand  corruption  (Ufisadi  in  Kiswahili)  by   the  Prime  Minister  Edward  Lowassa,   who  was  accused  of having  applied  undue  pressure  and  personal  influence, in  facilitating  the  awarding  of  a  lucrative  Government  contract  for  the  supply  of electricity generators to  a company  called    “Richmond”. 

The  outcome  of  this  debate  was  totally  unexpected,  for  it  led  to  the  resignation  of  Prime  Minister  Edward  Lowassa,  and  two  other  Ministers.  Thereafter,  the  group  which  had  caused  the  downfall  of  the  Prime  Minister  jovially  identified  itself  as  the  “anti-ufisadi  crusaders” ,  and  declared  themselves  as  the  fighting  force  against  grand  corruption  in  the  country.  The  Prime  Minister  and  his  supporters  in  the  Richmond  saga   were  presumed  to  be  the  corrupt gang (Mafisadi)  whom  the  ‘crusaders’  were  fighting  against.  It  was  an  ugly  political  situation.   This  Ufisadi  issue  had  torn  the  CCM  MPs  down  the  middle!                                     

The  matter  was  serious  enough  to  merit  the  intervention  of  the  CCM  National  Executive  Committee ;  which  was  asked  to  discuss  the  matter  at  its  next  ordinary  meeting  held  in  Dodoma  in  2009.                                         

Most  of  the  NEC  members  who  expressed  their  views  at  that  meeting,  put  the  blame  squarely  on  Speaker  Sitta,  whom  they  accused  of  having  facilitated  the  fracas  in  the  House,  in  pursuance  of  his  own  personal  ambitions  and  personal  hatred  against  the  Prime  Minister.  They  actually  called  for  his  immediate  dismissal  from   membership  of  the  Ruling  party,  in  order  to  throw  him  out  of  Parliament,  But  it  was  not  only  him  who  came  under  fire,   the  CCM  members  of  Parliament  were  also  collectively  censured,  for  their  failure  to  make  use  of  their  Parliamentary  caucus  to  resolve  these  personal  differences  among  themselves. 

However,  Party  Chairman  Jakaya  Kikwete,  who  chaired  that  meeting,  was  not  convinced  that  punishing  Speaker  Samuel  Sitta  in  the  way  suggested,  would  be  a  viable  solution  to  the  political  challenges  that  had  emerged  in  Parliament,  with  this  serious  infighting  between  the  two  antagonistic  groups.  
He  therefore  skillfully  persuaded  the  meeting  to  agree  to  appoint  a  team  of  three  respected  CCM  elders,  who  were  also  members  of  NEC,  under  the  Chairmanship  of  retired  President  Ali  Hassan  Mwinyi,  who  were  given  the  task  of  reconciling  the  ‘warring’  factions  in  Parliament. The  other  two  members  of  the  team  were  CCM  Vice-Chairman  Pius  Msekwa,  and  Abdul  Kinana,  former  Speaker  of  the  East  African  Legislative  Assembly.                 

This  Elders’  Team  dutifully  did  what  they  were  tasked  to  do.  It  is  however  not clear  whether  the  desired  reconciliation  was  achieved.  But  at least,  there  was  satisfactory temporary  truce,  until  the  time  when this  9^th  Parliament  was  dissolved  at  the  end  of  its  term  in  2010.    But  still,  presumably  in  the  continued  search  for  a  viable  solution  to  the  pending  problem  in  Parliament,   the  CCM  Central  Committee  effectively  barred  Speaker  Sitta  from  seeking  re-election  to  the  Speakership,  when that  Committee  nominated  a  ‘ women  only’  team   of  candidates,  to  compete  in  that  election  on  the  CCM  ticket.

President  Kikwete   re-brands  Butiama  Village.

In  ordinary  English  language  usage,  the  word  “rebrand”  has a  commercial  meaning,  whose  dictionary  definition  is  given  as  “ to  change  the  image  of  a  company,  or  Organizaion;  or  one  of  its  products  or  services,  for  a  specific  purpose”.              
 In  2009,  President  Jakaya  Kikwete  wisely  decided  ‘to  give  a  new  image’  to  Butiama  Village; for  the  sole  purpose  of  identifying  it  as  a ‘special  place’,  being  the  birthplace  of  Mwallimu  Julius  Kambarage  Nyerere,  the  Father  of  our  nation.  In  his  capacity  as  CCM  national  Chairman,  he  directed  that  the  October  ordinary  meeting  of  the  CCM  National  Executive  Committee  be  held  in  Butiama  Village,  (that  October  being  the  10^th anniversary   of  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  death  in  October, 1999).  President  Kikwete  had  decided  to  uplift    the  village  of  Butiama  from  an  ordinary  village  in  rural  Tanzania,  to  a  higher  status  in  the  country’s  Administrative  structure . He  therefore  did  two  things  at  that  NEC  meeting:  First,  he  sponsored  a  resolution,  which  was   adopted  by  NEC,  calling  upon  Tanzanians  “kumuenzi  marehemu  Nyerere  kwa  vitendo”  And  secondly,  in  part-fulfillment  of  that  resolution.  He  announced  his  decision  to  upgrade    Butiama  Village  to  the  higher  “District  status”,  with  immediate  effect.  But  in  order  to  make  it viable  administratively,  the  boundaries  of  this  new  District  were  extended  to   include    number  of  neighbouring  villages,  but  the  District  headquarters  would  be  located  in  Butiama  village  itself.                     
This  is  how  Butiama  District  came  into  existence,  the  grand  intention  being  to  give  greater  recognition  to  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  birthplace.  Subsequently,  The  National  Electoral  Commission  declared  Butiama  District  to  be  a  Parliamentary  constituency. 

THE 2010 GENERAL LECTIONS.                                                                                         
Another  ‘end  of  an  era’.

The  2010  general  elections  are  what  brought  to  a  closure,  President  Jakaya  Kikwete’s  first  term  of  office  as  President.   But  that  was  also  the  time  of  my  final  retirement  from  full-time  Public  Service  engagements  and commitments.  We  will  deal  first  with  the  general  elections  results.

The  2010  general elections  results were pretty  bad  for  Chama  cha  Mapinduzi,  in  the  sense  that they  showed  clearly  that  the  popularity  rating  of  the  Ruling  Party  in  the  eyes  of  the  general  public,  had  dropped  very  steeply.  People  were  generally  accusing  CCM  of the  offence  of  “ defending  and  harbouring   the  suspects  of  grand  corruption  within  its  ranks” (Mafisadi).                  
As  a  result,  the  Opposition  parties  gained  a  lot  of  ground,  at  the  expense  of  the  Ruling  party,  CCM.

The  Presidential  election  results  were  as  follows:-                                                   

 1.Jakaya  Kikwete  (CCM) = 62.83%  (down  from   80.28% of  2005).                 

2.  Dr.  Wilbrod  Slaa (CHADEMA)  =  27.05%  (up  from  5.88  of  2005)

3. Professor  Ibrahim  Lipumba  (CUF)  =  8.28%   (down  from  11.8%  of  2005).                          4. Peter  Mziray  Kuga (PPT-MAENDELEO)  =  1.15% (up  from 0.17  of  2005).

The  rest,  namely : NCCR-MAGEUZI;  TLP;  and  UPDP;  received 0,31%,  0.21%,  and  0.16%  respectively.

The  Parliamentary  elections:                                                                            

CCM  obtained  60.20% (down  from  over  70%  of  2005;  (when  CCM  candidates in  8  constituencies  had  been  elected  unopposed). 

MY  FINAL  RETIREMENT  FROM  ACTIVE  PUBLIC   SERVICE.

The  year  2012  was  CCM’s  general  election  year,  which  was  also  the  end  of  my  term  of  office  as  CCM  Vice-Chairman  fo  Tanzania  Mainland.

The  CCM  national  Chairman,   President  Jakaya  Kikwete,  was preparing  to  sponsor  me  for  re-election  to  the  post  of  CCM  Vice-Chairman  for  Mainland  Tanzania,  for  the  next  CCM  leadership  period  (2012 -2017).   However,  I  was  worried,  on  two  accounts.  The  first  is  that  in  2012,  I  had  reached  the  age  of  78  years.   Although  I  was  healthy,   strong,   and  robust  in  carrying  out  my  responsibilities;   I  was  apprehensive  of  what  my  health  condition  would  be  in  the  next  following  five  years.   Two,  but  even  if,    by  the  grace  of  God,  my  health  condition  presented  no  problem (as  indeed  it  turned  out  to  be  the  case,  as  I  am  still  ‘going  strong’);   I  was  still   fearful  of  being  rightly  accused  of  overstaying  in  office  (Uchu  wa  madaraka),  and  denying  a  chance to younger  people,  to  also  play  their  rightful  part  in  the  leadership  of  the  party. 

I  therefore  wrote  a  letter  to  Chairman  Jakaya  Kikwete,  explaining  these  circumstances,,  and  asking  to  be  allowed  to  retire  from  active  service  in  the  party.   Chairman  Kikwete  was  quite  understanding, and  in  his  kind  reply  letter,  as  well  as  granting  my  request  and  wishing  me  a  happy   retirement;  he also  asked  me  to  be  prepared  to  continue   serving   the nation  in  other appropriate  ways,  as  and  when  asked  to  do  so  by  the    relevant  authorities.   And  indeed  before  the  expiry  of  his  second  Presidential term,  at  the  beginning  of  May,  2015,  President  Kikwete  appointed  me  Chancellor  of  the  newly  established   Moshi  Cooperative    University (MoCU).

 The  events  of  the  year  2011.

CCM’s  relatively  poor  performance  in  the  2010  general  elections  became  a  kind  of  “wake-up call”  for  the  party;  because  it  led  to  a  serious internal  evaluation  exercise  being  undertaken  by  the  party  itself,  for the  purpose  of  ascertaining  the  causes  of  this  sharp  decline  in  its  popularity.   

The  evaluation  assignment  was  awarded  to  a  small,  but  dedicated  ‘think-tank’  group  of  CCM  cadres,  under  the  leadership  of  Wilson  Mkama (who  subsequently  was  appointed  CCM  Secretary-General).  This  group  did  a  splendid job  in  examining  all  the  relevant  factors,  and  eventually  produced  a  high  quality  Report,  which  gave  minute  details  regarding  what  it  perceived  to  be  CCM’s  strengths  and  weaknesses,  and,  in  particular,   pointing  out  the  factors  which  had  contributed  directly  to  the  relatively  poor  performance  in  the  2010  general  elections.   But Party  Chairman  Jakaya   Kikwete    noticed  that  the  language,  and  presentation,  of  this  elite  group’s  Report  was  needlessly  ‘academic’.   He  therefore  asked  me,  as  Vice-Chairman,  to  prepare a  simplified  Kiswahili  version of  it,  which  would  be  more  suitable  for  discussion by  CCM  NEC  members.   Which  I  happily  did.

The  said  Report  was  submitted to  a  regular  meeting  of  the  CCM  National  Executive  Committee  meeting  in  April,  2011, for  consideration  and  appropriate  decision-making  on  its  recommendations.  The  result  was  a  statement  showing  the massive  re-branding  of  the  party,  both  in  its  organizational  structure,  and  in  its  mode  of  operations;  which  was  pointedly  titled  “kujivua  gamba”.

(Will  be continued  next  week).

piomsekwa@gmail.com /0754767576.

Source: Daily News and Cde Msekwa.