Serikali ikitaka kunasa wahalifu ifanye yafuatayo:

                 Hivi karibuni kaya yetu ilikumbwa na matukio ya kihayawani na ya kutisha ambayo sipendi kurudia kwa sababu za kitaalamu. Hata hivyo, leo nataka nije na mkakati wa kupambana na wahalifu waliotamalaki kayani hasa hawa wa kada ya chini. Nikiwa zangu Kinondoni si nikakutana na mkubwa wa wilaya bwana Ali Heppy akiwaomba wenye mbavu za mbwa kutopangisha mlevi yeyote bila kuwa na barua toka kwenye sirikali za mitaa na mataa. Bwana Heppy alisema “nitumie nafasi hii kuwaomba wenye nyumba usimpangishe mtu nyumba yako bila kwanza kuona barua kutokasirikali ya mtaa alikokuwa akiishi awali ili kubaini kama ni mzuri au mbaya, maana wengine ni majambazi na wakimbizi.”

            Kwanza, pamoja na ulevi na madude yangu nilishangaa sana kusika mkubwa wa wilaya wa sirikali akiwabembeleza walevi badala ya kutoa amri na nini kitafuatia atakapoikhalifu mlevi. Pamoja na utekelezaji huu wa kisiasa, mlevi natoa maangalizo ili kuepusha kuendelea kucheza na ngoma ile ile wakati tukijua kuwa hakuna kitakachofanyika hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa walevi wetu siku hizi wamekuwa wabinafsi, wapenda vitu kiasi cha kuruhusu wahamiaji haramu na wahalifu kupanga na kujificha kwenye mbavu zao za dog.

             Pili, kutegemea vijibarua vinavyoweza kughushiwa kuwa vitatatua tatizo ni kujidanganya. Kama wapo wanahizaya wanaoghushi shahada, vyeti na nyaraka mbalimbali ambavyo vinahitaji teknolojia ya juu kuvitengeneza, watashindwa vijibarua vya serikali ya mtaa?

            Tatu, je huko sirikali ya mitaa na mitaani ni salama au zitawaacha wahusika kwenye mataa? Mbona huko ndiko kwenye chimbuko la rushwa ndogo ndogo? Toeni vitambulisho vya uraia na namba ya utambulisho.

            Sitaki nionekane kuwa najidai, ngoja nitoa mfano mdogo toka hapa Ukandani namba hiyo huitwa Social Insurance Number. Huwezi kupata leseni ya udereva, kupanga nyumba, kutibiwa, kuajiriwa wala kufanya lolote bila kutaja au kuonyesha namba hii. Namba hii imewekwa kwenye kompyuta na kila unapokuwa katika Kanada unajulikana pindipo kompyuta ikisoma namba yako.

             Nikirejea home ambako kila mlevi anatanguliza njaa yake, napinga wazo la vijibarua. Kwanza, kuna aina fulani ya ubaguzi na uroho. Nitoe mfano, wakija wachainizi na magabacholi hata al shabaab wanashobokewa na kufichiwa madhambi yao. Acheni ushamba na kubaguana wakati huku utashani wote tunaitwa chinga uwe gabacholi, chainizi, mmanga wala nini wao hawajali. Wanaweka kwenye kapu moja chingaz. Hata hivyo, nawapenda watasha kwa kitu kimoja. Si wabaguzi kama hawa wabaguzi uchwara wetu wanaokimbia shida kwao na kuja kwetu kudengua wakati ni maskini wa kutupwa. Hapa ukitaka toto la kitasha unaoa bila kipingamizi; na siyo sawa na wahaindi na waarabu wanaobagua waswahili. 

            Kitu kingine nilichojifunza kwa walevi wa huku ni kwamba hakuna kuaminiana. Hivyo, huwezi ukaingia kwenye kaya ya wenyewe kinyume cha sheria eti ukawahonga vijisenti wakajiweka hatarini. Huku wakikunasa utalia na kusaga meno. Wala hawababaikii wageni hata wawe wazungu wa bwimbwi wenye njuluku za kumwaga.

            Nimalizie kwa kushauri yafuatayo kama mtaalamu wa makosa ya jinai:

Mosi, wabunge waende bungeni na kupeleka mswaada wa kuwashughulikia wenye mbavu za mbwa waroho wanaoshirikiana na wahalifu. Mfano, mnaweza kuamru kuwa atakayekamatwa amempangisha mhalifu awe wa ndani au nje nyumba yake inataifishwa na anafungwa mvua 25.

Pili, sheria imtake mhusika kumtunza mlevi au walevi aliokuwa amewapangisha kinyume cha sheria hata watakapokuwa wamehukumiwa kwenda lupango au kuamriwa kuondoka kayani basi mhusika awalipie nauli ya pipa kurejea kwao.

            Tatu, jengeni utaratibu wa kuvizi na kuvamia mbavu za mbwa mnazoshuku huku mkiweka mashushu watakaojifanya ima wahalifu au wahamiaji haramu wanaotafuta mbavu za mbwa za kupangisha, mtawapata kirahisi.

            Nne, imarisheni ulinzi wa mipaka yenu hasa kwa kufanya ukaguzi wa kielektroniki na si mikaratasi ya akina Adam na Eva. Hii ni karne ya sayansi na tokonolojia jamani.

            Zikomo kwa mbiri!

Chanzo: Nipashe Jumamosi leo.

Kijiwe chashanga Lukuvi alivyoshughulikia kashfa Moro

          

Baada ya kuzinyaka kuwa waziri wa Ardhi Bill Lukuvi alivamia ofisi ya ardhi ya nkoa wa Moro na kugundua madudu na kuyaacha, Kijiwe kimeamua kumshangaa na kumjadili. Hii ni baada ya Msomi Mkatatamaa kuinyaka kwenye mitandao kulikorushwa video ya Lukuvi akishuhudia ufisadi wa wazi asichukue hatua wala kutoa karipio.

            Msomi anaamua kumwaga inshu akisema “mwenzenu nimepigwa na butwaa hasa nikizingatia usawa huu wa spidi ya “Hapa Job” ya Dokta Joni Kanywaji Makufuli,” anawasha kijisimu chake ambacho siyo Sumsung Note 7. Maana ingekuwa hiyo, kwa zinavyolipuka, kijiwe kizima kingetoka mkuku na kumuacha yeye na bomu lake.

            Baada ya kuwasha kisimu chake cha bei mbaya, si tuliona namna waziri alivyoingia kwenye ofisi ya ardhi na kukuta maelfu ya hati yakiwa yametekwa ili wahusika watoe chochote kitu ndipo wazipate. Hakuna kitu kiliacha hoi kijiwe kama afisa moja la kiume lililomdanganya waziri akashindwa kulinyaka na uongo wake. Alipoliuliza kwanini hati zilikuwa hazitumwi kwa walengwa, lilisema kuwa walikuwa wakiwapigia simu bila wao k uja kuchukua hati hizo. Ajabu waziri alipoliamru jizi hili kupiga simu kwa mmojawapo, lilimdanganya bila aibu kuwa halikuwa na namba ya simu. Bahati ya habithi huyu. Angekuwa bingwa wa takwimu dokta Kanywaji angehoji nini maana ya kusema kuwa walikuwa wamewapigia simu wahusika kwa simu zipi iwapo hili jinga halikuwa na namba za simu.

            Kushindwa kwa waziri kulibana fisadi hili uchwara kulituacha hoi kiasi cha kuhoji uwezo wa mhusika wa kufikiri na kukumbuka wakati uongo aliokuwa ameambiwa haukuwa umepitisha hata dakika kumi. Baada ya kuenjoy aibu hii ya kaya, tuliamua kuanza mjadala.

            Wa kwanza alikuwa Mgoshi Machungi aliyekula mic na kuzoza “Hivi huyu wazii ana tatizo gani jamani. Kwanini hakuiuiza hii jambazi la kaamu kwanini haikuwa na namba za simu wakati iisema kuwa iikuwa imewapigia wahusika simu?”

            Kabla ya kuendelea Mpemba ananchomekea “Yakhe hata mie nshangaa kwanini huyu waziri hakuuliza hilo swali. Yawezekana hawa jamaa wanjuana; vinginevo hapakuwa na sababu yoyote ya nsingi ya kutoliwajibisha hili jizi wallahi.”

            Msomi anakula mic “msimlaumu waziri. Kwa sasa jamaa wengi wanafanya kazi si kwa ujuzi wala utashi bali kuogopa dokta Kanywaji asiwatumbue. Hivyo, unaweza kukuta jamaa hapa alitaka apigwe picha na kurekodiwa video ili aonekana anachapa mzigo hata kama ni bila maarifa kama mlivyojionea.”

            Kapende anampoka Msomi mic “hata ukiangalia maangizo ya kishikaji aliyotoa waziri unahisi kuna tatizo. Kama si kulindana, basi wapo waliopewa madaraka ambayo hawana sifa wala uwezo nayo. Hata hivyo, kwa kiwango cha elimu cha watendaji wetu ambao wengi wao wameghushi, huwezi kujua japo simaanisha kuwa mhusika alighushi kama alivyowahi kudai Keinerugaba Msematrue.”

            Mipawa anakwanyua mic “hapa tusipindishe wala kuogopana. Hawa waweza kuwa waarabu wa Pemba ingawa Pemba hakuna waarabu bali wapemba mnaowachanganya na waarabu wakati wakienda arabuni wanaitwa abid au watumwa.”

            “Yakhe tuheshimiane ati. Wawezaje sema eti tukienda arabuni twaitwa watwana! Hebu niombe nsamaha kabla sijapiga ntu albadili mie.”

            Kanji anamchomekea Mpemba na kuokoa jahazi “Kwanini veve dugu yangu nachukia. Hata sisi hindi kama nakwenda Bombay hapana kubali kuwa sisi ni hindi. Hii kitu kawaida dugu yangu.”

            Mheshimiwa Bwege anaamua kutia guu baada ya kuona mada inaanza kupindishwa. Anaronga “Turejeeni kwenye mada waheshimiwani. Mie nadhani hapa hakuna tatizo tena dogo bali kubwa. Ukiangalia namna dokta Kanywaji ambavyo amekuwa akitumbua waovu kuanzia bandarini, TRA hadi Muhimbili, unashangaa na kujiuliza kama baadhi ya watendaji wake wanamuelewa. Kwa namna huyu jamaa tuliyetoka kumuangalia alivyovurunda, hakupaswa kuachwa ofisini na kupewa mwezi mzima ili azidi kuvurunda wakati vijana wanaotaka kazi na wenye sifa wapo kibao mitaani wakioza wakati majizi yakibungua kaya yetu. Nadhani kama mhusika atasoma kitu hiki atabadili uamuzi wake na kufanya kazi badala ya kutaka ujiko au vipi?”

            Da Sofia Lion aka Kanungaembe anaamua kukamua mic “Jamani mmeona yule kaka alivyonona kwa fedha za rushwa kama anavyosema mheshimiwa waziri? Hakuna aliyeniacha hoi kama dada yangu ambaye ana dhamana ya kugawa hati kutoa macho kana kwamba hana ujuzi wala hajui kinachoendelea. Nadhani hawa jamaa wanapaswa kukamatwa na kuswekwa ndani na kuchunguzwa ili liwe somo kwa wengine ambao hawajaelewa kasi ya dokta Kanywaji ambaye siku zote namuonea huruma kutokana na kuzungukwa na gendaeka wasiojua anacholenga kufanya.”

            Mzee Maneno anakamua mic “kuna namna hawa jamaa wanavyofanya. Maana pamoja na habari hii kujaa kwenye mitandao hasa mabulogu, siioni kwenye magazeti yetu. Inakuwaje waziri anakwenda kwenye kufichua uoza huu haandamani na waandishi wa habari au wameatamia habari baada ya kurambishwa asali? Kama ni hivyo, kwanini waziri hakuwahoji waandishi alioandamana nao; na kama hakuandamana nao ni kwanini wakati hii ni kazi ya umma?”

            Kijiwe kikiwa kinanoga si likapita shumbwengu la Lukuvi! Acha twende kumhoji. Tulipotunakaribia kugonga kwenye dirisha si mataa yakaruhusu!

Chanzo: Tanzania Daima, Jumatano jana.

My New Book Is Out!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

Africa’s Best and Worst Presidents: How Neocolonialism and Imperialism Maintained Venal Rules in Africa seeks to deconstruct the current superstructure that colonialism created and maintains. It chastises and challenges Africans, academics in the main, to revisit and write a true history of Africa. Written by Africans themselves, so that rewritten histories should aim at countering the counterfeit narratives which have proliferated, poisoned and diminished African sense of self and self-confidence. The history centered on African perspectives and experiences should go a long way in our quest to truly unfetter Africa from dependency, desolation and mismanagement. This book calls upon all Africans to stand up fearlessly and tirelessly to take on decadent and despotic regimes that have always held Africa at ransom as they get lessons from the best managers of state affairs on whose feats they must expand. The option to critique, cross-examine and dissect past African presidents and their excesses is aimed at giving the young and frustrated generations of Africans the intellectual resources they need to arm themselves in resolve and pursuit of Africa’s emancipation.

ISBN:	9789956764723
Pages:	378
Dimensions:	229 x 152mm
Published:	2016
Publisher: Langaa RPCIG	, Cameroon

Prof Tibaijuka anatak kmudanganya nani?

            Hivi karibuni, mbunge wa Muleba Kusini profesa Anna Tibaijuka alipokea tuzo toka umoja wa mataifa ukitambua mchango wake katika kuhamasisha maendeleo. Hili si jambo jipya hasa kwa mtu aliyewahi kuajiriwa na umoja wa mataifa. Tunampongeza kwa kutambuliwa mchango wake. Hata hivyo, madai kuwa aliacha kuchukua fedha ilioandamana na zawadi aliyopewa tokana na sababu za kimaadili ni kituko cha kufungia mwaka huu. Tibaijuka alikiririwa akisema “na huambatana na zawadi ya Dola za Marekani 100,000 (Sh milioni 200).  Sikuzichukua fedha hizi, kama mnavyojua maadili ya nchi yetu unaweza ukapokea yakaibuka mambo mengine.” Hii si kweli. Ukichukua zawadi iliyokatazwa kisheria na kuifanya mali binafsi ndipo yanapozuka hayo anayodai Tibaijukaa. Lakini ukiisalimisha kwa serikali, huo ndiyo uwazi, uwajibikaji na uzalendo na si mtima nyongo kama alioonyesha mhusika.  Hivyo, madai ya Tibaijuka ni si ya kweli na ni ya ajabu sana hasa kwa mtu ambaye historia inamtambua kama mtu aliyewahi kuivunja hiyo sheria akapokea zawadi tena nono tu. Je Tibaijuka kaifahamu hii sheria jana tu au ni kutaka kuwageuza watu majuha?  Kama alikuwa na nia nzuri, kwanini asiipokee hii fedha na akaikabidhi kwa serikali? Nadhani; Tibaijuka awe mkweli kuwa ana kinyongo; na kama siyo, basi hakuwa tayari kuona fedha hiyo inatumiwa na umma badala ya yeye binafsi.  Hakuna sheria inayomzuia kupokea zawadi au tuzo akawaviwasilisha serikalini zaidi ya roho mbaya tu ya kawaida kwa wale wanaoacha vitu kama hivyo kwa vile hawataweza kuvifaidi.  Hivyo, Tibaijuka alimua kucheza mchezo wa “kama mimi sipati heri wote tukose” ambayo mara nyingi ni dalili za mtima nyongo hasa kwa mtu aliyekaririwa akikiri kuwa fedha ile ingesaidia wahanga wa tetemeko mkoani mwake. Ana bahati hao wanaompa kura kama hawatamwadhibu kwa mtima nyongo huu vinginevyo alichofanya kingegeuka kuwa mwanzo wa mwisho wa ubunge wake.

            Tibaijuka aliongeza “sikuichukua kwa sababu ya yaliyonikuta hapo mapema, kulikuwa na uwezekano wa kuichukua lakini nikasema kwa hali halisi ya nyumbani, hatuna sheria ya kupokea tuzo, michango na zawadi kwa hiyo mimi nikaicha mezani wao wafanye wanayotaka.” Hapa Tibaijuka naona kama anajichanganya; kama si kutaka kupotosha hata kudanganya. Kama nukuu yake anasema “hatuna sheria ya kupokea tuzo, michango na zawadi kwa hiyo mimi nikaicha mezani wao wafanye wanayotaka.” Kama ni kweli mbona sasa amechukua tuzo au ni yale ya kuacha nyama ukanywa supu ukasema sijala kitu kitu hii? Je amechukua tuzo hiyo kwa sheria ipi wakati anakiri mwenyewe kuwa hakuna sheria inayomruhusu kufanya hivyo? Sijui, kama Tibaijuka alitafakari maneno yake yaliyonukuriwa hapo juu toka kinywani mwake. Au anapanga kusema alikaririwa out of context? Tunamtaka Tibaijuka awe mkweli kwake binafsi na kwa wale anaolenga kuwaelezea haya mafanikio yake tata. Maswali ni mengi kuliko majibu. Je ina mana Tibaijuka hajui kuwa tuzo si mali sawa na fedha tena yenye thamani kuliko hiyo fedha aliyokataa? Kwa wanaojua maana na athari za tuzo kwa mhusika, tuzo ina athari chanya kubwa kwa mpokeaji kuliko fedha inayoandamana nayo. Na ndiyo maana watoa tuzo hutangaza kuwa wanatoa tuzo lakini si fedha. Fedha huandamana na tuzo kama msindikizaji; lakini tuzo ndiyo big deal. Hivyo–kama kweli Tibaijuka alidhamiria kufanya anachotaka kuhadaa umma kuwa alifanya–basi angekataa vyote hadi apate ushauri wa kisheria.  Hata hivyo, kama profesa, Tibaijuka alipaswa kujua vitu rahisi na vya msingi kama hivi. Vinginevyo alichofanya ni kujichanganya na kuendelea kudanganya umma. Ni utata mtupu. Na wala haitamsaidia kukimbia kila alicholenga kukimbia. Akubali kuwa alikosea; atubu na kurejesha fedha haramu ya Escrow na kuanza upya vinginevyo zimwi hili litaendelea kumuandama tu.

             Pia Tibaijuka alipaswa kufahamu kuwa hakuna sheria inayozuia kuchukua vitu hivyo anavyotaja. Vinginevyo, asingechukua mabilioni ya Escrow. Nadhani Tibaijuka aliona milioni 200 ni vijisenti hasa ikizingatiwa alishapokea mabilioni pamoja na kutokuwapo sheria ya kufanya hivyo anayoongelea kwa sasa na kujidai kuisheshimu. Sijui kwanini wakati akipokea mabilioni ya Escrow hakukumbuka maadili na sheria anayoongelea kutaka aonekane safi wakati alishajichafua siku nyingi?

            Tibaijuka pia alikaririwa akisema “lakini kwa sababu jamii haina uwezo wa kuchimba chini, unabaki kuwa uongo na kushindwa kujua ukweli umesimama wapi, lakini wao (UN) wanajua hii ni propanda la sivyo nisingesimama hapa na tuzo.” Tibaijuka awe mkweli. Kwanza inashangaza mtu anayeitwa profesa anayepaswa kufahamu madhara ya mijumuisho katika kutoa madai anapoihukumu jamii nzima kwa uzembe na mapungufu yake. Kama suala la Escrow ni propaganda, alishindwa nini kusimama na kujitetea? Kama ni propaganda, alishindwa nini kwenda mahakamani kuwachukulia hatua anaodai wanamchafua wakati alijichafua mwenyewe? Pili, Tibaijuka anapaswa kueleza ni jamii ipi maana neno bila kutofautisha ni ipi ni tata. Je alimaanisha jamii ya dunia nzima, Tanzania au huko kwao?

            Tumalizie kwa kumtaka Tibaijuka awe mkweli. Je Tibaijuka anataka kumdanganya nani wakati kila kitu kiko wazi kuwa alichukua mabilioni ya Escrow?

Chanzo: Tanzania Daima Jumapili jana.

Namuonea huruma Magufuli

        

          Akisema amejitoa sadaka kwa ajili ya watanzania, wapo wanaouliza: “Kwani yeye ni Yesu” utadhani Yesu alikuwa mtanzania! Sijui wanataka awatoe wao sadaka kama ilivyokuwa kabla?       Sukari ikiadimika wapo wanaomlaumu rais John Pombe Magufuli wakisema ameondoa vibali. Akiruhusu sukari mbovu iingizwe hao hao wanaohoji: “Kwanini amesahau viwanda vyetu au amehongwa aviue?” Wakati mwingine unashindwa kuelewa nini jema kwa wanadamu. Je mhusika anapaswa kufanya nini zaidi ya kuwapuuzia na kutekeleza yale anayoamini yataleta ufanisi baadaye hata kama ni baada ya kuumia kidogo? Nadhani anachofanya Magufuli ni kuikamua nchi jipu; lazima iumie ili ifurahi baada ya kupona.

Akitumia madaraka yake wanasema eti ni dikteta huku wakilaumu serikali iliyopita iliyoacha kuyatumia ikaishia kuitwa goigoi. Akiacha kuzurura ughaibuni wengine wanasema anahujumu nchi kidiplomasia wakati hao hao ndiyo waliombatiza jinal la Vasco da Gama rais aliyepita.

            Wapo–tena wanaweza kuwa wengi tu–wanaoona urais ni kazi rahisi kiasi cha kuurahisisha urais na kupata fursa ya rahisi kumlaumu rais Magufuli–baada ya kuja na namna mpya ya kufanya mambo kiasi cha kuwaudhi na kuwastua wengi ukiachia mbali kuhatarisha ulaji wao wa dezo waliozoea bila kujua una mwisho. Hawa walioamua–kwa makusudi mazima kurahisisha urais–baada ya kuzoea urais legelege uliopita–badala ya kumkosoa, kumshauri hata kumkumbusha rais, wameamua kuziba macho na masikio hata akili zao ilmradi wajiridhishe kwa kulaumu tu. Wanaojua ugumu wa dhamana aliyotwishwa, licha ya kumuonea huruma rais Magufuli hasa kutokana na hatua za maksudi alizochukua, hujitahidi kumshauri pale anapoonekana kufanya ndivyo sivyo. Tumkosoe anapokosea na si kumhukumu wala kumlaumu, kumkatisha tamaa bila kuvuta subira na kuona matokeo ya anayopanga na kufanya. Tumuongoze badala ya kuwa wepesi wa kushutumu. Yeye hajui kila kitu; na amesema hivyo mara nyingi akiomba tumsaidie na kumuombea. Isitoshe, anayofanya si kwa manufaa binafsi kama waliomtangulia ambao walitanguliza familia zao na matumbo yao kiasi cha nchi kuoza kama ilivyo sasa.

            Kwanini tunamuonea huruma? Amerithi nchi iliyovurugwa vibaya sana tena kwa muda mrefu tu. Tazama anavyopangua safu kwa umahiri na ujasiri unaohitaji moyo wa mwendawazimu. Ni wangapi wameishawapangua ambao waliteuliwa kutokana na ima kutoa rushwa iwe ijulikanayo au vinginevyo au kwa vile walikuwa karibu na wakubwa wa zama zile? Unadhani wanafurahi hawa pamoja na kutokuwa na stahiki wala udhu wa kuendelea kuwa kwenye ofisi za umma wakifanya yale waliyozoea?

            Kitu kingine kinachofanya nimuonee huruma Magufuli ni ile hali ya kutokuwapo mfumo unaoeleweka, jambo ambalo anapaswa kulifanyia kazi. Hapa ndipo umuhumu wa kurejea Rasimu ya Katiba Mpya kama ilivyokuwa imependekezwa na wananchi chini ya Tume ya Marekebisho ya Katiba ya Jaji Joseph Warioba. Hata hivyo, Magufuli anawezaje kuliongelea hili wakati chama bado kiko mikononi mwa wale wale walioikataa na kuiua kutokana na uovu na upogo wao? Watamkwamisha; kwa vile bado wana mamlaka tena makubwa chamani. Hivyo, tumpe muda. Najua mengi anayasoma kama siyo kusomewa au kuyasikia toka kwa washauri wake. Nina imani naye. Siku atakapopata nyenzo zote, hakuna shaka. Katiba mpya itapatikana ili imsaidie katika vita yake na kumwepusha kuonekana kama anatafuta sifa au kuwa muungu mtu jambo ambalo ni kumuonea.

            Kinachofurahisha na kuweka tumaini na ushindi ni ukweli kuwa Magufuli si mwoga, si muongo. Si mpenda sifa kama wabaya wake wanavyotaka kumuelezea. Alionyesha asivyopenda sifa pale alipoombwa aliite Daraja la Kigamboni jina lake; lakini akakataa na kupendekezwa liitwe Nyerere.

                        Kitu kingine kinachofanya nimuonee huruma ni ile hali ya kuwa mkweli. Magufuli huongea ya moyoni bila hata kujali madhara yake.  Hata ukimuangalia usoni wakati akisema ayasemayo unaona aina fulani ya ukweli na si ujanja ujanja na unafiki wala ujuaji. Ni kutokana na ukweli huu, Magufuli haogopi lawama pale anapochukua maamuzi anayoamini ni sahihi na ni kwa ajili ya maslahi ya taifa.

            Sifa nyingine inayomfanya awapiku wengi waliomtangulia ni ile hali ya kutotaka wala kupenda makuu. Si mbaguzi wala shufaa. Hata kwenye harakati zake anasisitiza utanzania kuliko itikadi za kisiasa. Rejea amri ya kutaka meya wa Dar es Salaam apatikane bila kujali anatoka chama gani wala kuangalia kama CCM itashinda au kushindwa. Hili limewaudhi na kuwastua wengi ndani ya CCM kiasi cha kumchongea hata kwa mwenyekiti wa chama. Hata hivyo, kuonyesha alivyo mkweli, Magufuli alipotakiwa kujieleza, alisema wazi kuwa CCM ilipoteza jimbo la Dar kwa sababu ya wanafiki wa ndani ya chama. Hivyo, haikuwa vibaya kwa CCM na wanafiki wake kuonja adha ya unafiki wao. Tabu ya watu waliozoea unafiki ni kwamba usipokuwa mnafiki wanakuchukia; kwa vile unawaambia yale wasiyotaka kusikia.

            Tuhitimishe. Jambo jingine ni kwamba Magufuli anaonyesha kuwa na dira. Nakumbuka maneno ya Profesa Issa Shivji aliyesema wazi kuwa Magufuli anaonyesha kujua analofanya kuliko waliomtangulia ukimuondoa marehemu baba wa taifa mwl Julius Nyerere. Shivji si mkurupukaji wala mtu mpenda sifa wala anayeweza kutumiwa kirahisi ingawa bado ni binadamu.

Chanzo: Tanzania Daima Jumapili jana.

Maticha wanapoonyesha uanafunzi na waziri akaurudia!

 

            Nilitaka kuandika juu ya kadhia ya kule kwa kina Twambombo tununu ambapo wanafunzi maticha walimshushia kipigo cha mwizi mwanafunzi mmoja mtukutu kiasi cha kujivuka mipaka ya uticha wao na kuishia kumwagwa kwenye mitandao. Nilipoinyaka nilijua kuna tatizo hapa tena si la maticha wala mwanafunzi yule bali mfumo mzima hapa kayani. Sijui kama hawa maticha wanafunzi walikuwa wamesoma, wakasomeshwa na kuiva au ni yale ya voda faster aka mchina?

            Kosa limeishatendeka; hakuna namna ya kulifuta zaidi ya kushughulikia tatizo lakini si matawi. Japo nalonga kilevi, bado ninayo ilmu yangu tena ya ughaibuni. Mie sijaghushi kama ninaoona wakiadhirika kila kucha. Juzi si nilishangaa  nusu kuzimia tena kwenye nsiba baada ya wasfu wa kihiyo aka kilaza mmoja kusomwa. Tulimjua jamaa kama daktari. Lakini ajabu ya maajabu, kwenye wasfu wake hapakuonyesha hata kuwa na shahada moja! Hayo tuyaache;kwani kihiyo yule aliyewahi kuwa nstahiki alishajinyotokea roho japo tunahitaji kuwawinda vihiyo walioko hai na si kungoja mauti yaumbue.

             Tuejeree kwa maticha wanagezi. Je kosa walilotenda na adhabu waliyopewa ya kutimliwa ghafla chuoni ndiyo ndiyo adhabu yake kisheria au wahusika wametumia sheria ya mihemko na kuogopana ukiachia mbali kuwaridhisha walevi kuwa wana kasi ya kutosha? Je mdingi wa ilmu aliyetoa uamuzi huu wa kizimamoto alifanya vikao vyovyote ili kubaini tatizo ni nini, kupima na kujiridhisha kuwa hajavuka mstari au aliamua kwa jazba kwa kuangalia upande mmoja? Je uamuzi wake ni wa kitaaluma au kisiasa? Maana, hawa licha ya kuwa maticha wanagezi, bado wameishapoteza muda na njuluku zao na za kaya ukiachia mbali kuwa kaya inawahitaji kutokana na kuwa na wanafunzi wengi na maticha wachache? Je hili ndilo jibu la tatizo au ni jip utu?

            Kimsingi, hapa nadhani kuna haja ya kutumia busara badala ya jazba.  Nadhani hapa tunajifunza kuwa mfumo wetu wa elimu una matatizo katika maandalizi ya wanafunzi na maticha wetu kiasi cha wengine kutokuwa na nidhamu huku wengine nao kutokuwa wavumilivu wala kujua kanuni, mbinu na sheria za kushughulikia kadhia kama hii ya kwa akina Twambombo.

Umeambiwa wale ni wanafunzi na uanafunzi huruhusu sehemu ya kosa kama njia ya kujifunza.                  

                Hakuna kilichowashangaza walevi kama hii kasi ya kuadhibu matokeo ya mapungufu ya kimfumo. Kwa ushauri nadhani tunapaswa kuchunguza mapungufu kwenye maandalizi ya maticha wetu na namna ya kuwaweka sawa wanafunzi. Sisi tuliosoma zama za mzee Mchonga, halikuwa jambo linalofikirika acha kutenda eti mwanafunzi amkate kibao ticha. How do you do that? Nadhani tunapaswa kubaini mapungufu katika mfumo wetu na kuurekebisha badala ya kuadhibiana kihasirahasira na kihasarahasara.

             Japo nasema kwa nguvu ya vile vifaa ninavyoweka kw asana, naweza kusema tena kwa kinywa kipana kuwa kama hawa vijana yaani maticha wanagezi wangekuwa wamefundishwa saikolojia ya elimu na mahusiano, nadhani wasingefanya walichofanya. Walichofanya ni ushahidi kuwa hawakuandaliwa na wakaiva kitaaluma.

            Ukiangalia upande wa pili, hata wanafunzi wetu nao wanaandaliwa vibaya hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa kuna uhaba wa shule za umma. Sitegemei kama kwenye shule ya serikali au ya seminari tulizosoma sisi hali ingeweza kufikia hapa kabla ya utawala haujagundua na kuchukua hatua mapema kuiepuka. Inapofikia mwanafunzi akamchapa kofi mwalimu, ujue kuna uzembe kwenye mfumo. Anapata wapi hii jeuri kama siyo kulelewa muda mrefu? Inapofikia ticha akaacha kutumia kiboko akatumia fimbo, karate au ngumi, ujue kuna mapungufu yaliyoachwa muda mrefu.  Ticha aliyesoma akaiva kisaikolojia hana jazba wala haraka. Unaweza kumkosea akajifanya kama haoni ila siku akikupata, anahakikisha anafuata taratibu zote na mwisho wa siku unakuwa umepoteza kila kitu. Hata hivyo, tuache utani, kitoto kinakuchapa kibao halafu ukipe maua siyo!

Chanzo: Nipashe Jumamosi leo.

Kijiwe chamkumbuka mzee Mchonga

 

          Baada ya rais Joni Kanywaji Makufuli kunusuru mishiko kibao ambayo wanene wangekamua kwenda kujimwaya kule Simiyu, Kijiwe kilifunga safari hadi kule Mwitongo kumuona mama Merry ili kumpa taafu kwenye maadhimisho ya miaka 17 ya kifo cha mzee Mchonga wa Burito.

            Kapende ndiye anaanzisha mada. Anasema “wazee mnasemaje baada ya kuyoyoma miaka kumi na sabaa tangu mzee Nchonga arejeshe namba? Maana mie naona ni kama jana.”

            Mgoshi Machungi anamchomekea “kwani ujasikia wahenga waivoshema kuwa siku huwa hazigandi. Mimi namkumbuka huyu ngui hasa kipindi hiki tuipochagua dokta Joni Kanywaji Makufui ambaye si haba anajitahidi kujaibu kuvaa viatu vya dingi huyu. Uisikia aivozuia wanene kujiipa mamiioni kwenda Simiyu kutumbua na kuringishiana mashangingi?”

            Mipawa hangoji Mgoshi aendelee; anakatua mic “natamani mzee Nchonga angekuwa hai huenda angewalazimisha hawa wajivuni kurejesha katiba mpya waliyoiua kwa kuogopa ujambazi na madhambi yao wasiozee lupango. Sijui kwanini na dokta Kanywaji anasitasita kutuletea katiba mpya kana kwamba naye anapanga kubadili kibao baadaye.”

            Da Sofia Lion aka Kanungaembe anakula mic “kaka hata mimi nashangaa anashindwa nini wakati ameonyesha nia ya kuirejesha kaya kwenye mstari. Kama atarejesha nchakato wa katiba mpya atakuwa ameweza kuvaa barabara viatu vya mzee Mchonga.”

            Mbwamwitu anachomekea kwa utani “bado ni mapema jamani. Mbona mbavu za mbwa za kaya walizogawana hajazirejesha au anafanya vitu kwa kuchagua atakavyo badala ya kutumia sharia utadhani kaya hii ni mali yake binafsi?”

            Msomi Mkatatamaa anatia daruga; na kusema “si kwamba dokta Kanywaji hajui umuhimu wa katiba mpya. Anajua fika. Sema anaogopa akirejesha itamnyina nafasi ya kutembeza undava kama ilivyo kwa sasa. Anajua fika kuwa katiba mpya ni kama upanga wa ncha mbili hasa kwa dingi kama yeye anayetumia tuturinga au vipi. Ona sasa mnavyoanza kutaka arejesha mbavu za mbwa za umma wakati naye alikuwa mnene wakati jinai hii ikiasisiwa na kutekelezwa. Nadhani vitu kama hivi ndivyo vitafanya katiba mpya iendelee kuuawa. Hili la kusema kuwa ana mpango wa kugeuka na kukwapua kama washenzi waliomtangulia silikubali. Jamaa ana usongo na kaya ingawa kaya haiwezi kujengwa kwa usongo wa mwanakaya mmoja.”

            Anapiga chafya na kuendelea “nadhani dokta Kanywaji anapaswa kumuenzi mzee Mchonga vilivyo. Japo na mzee Nchonga aliwatala kimituringa chini ya ujima wa chama kimoja, alikiri pale vyama vingi vilipoanzishwa kuwa lazima kila mmoja abadilike. Kitu kingine ambacho alifanya mzee Mchonga ni kuanzisha mfumo na sera vinavyoeleweka vya utawala. Kwa sasa sijui kaya yetu inatawaliwa na sera gani pamoja na usomi wangu.”

            Mpemba anampora Msomi mic; na kutambaa “yakhe unkumbusha kitu muhimu sana. Usemayo nkweli. Bila sera na nfumo twawezajikuta kubaya. Lazima hapa tunshauri jamaa atofautishe kati ya kauli mbiu na sera. Maana hata walontangulia walikuwa na vitu kama hivi. Mwakumbuka uwazi na ukweli ulioishia kuwa ufichi na urongo? Mwakumbuka maisha bora kwa wote yalotokezea kuwa mateso kwa wote bora sie wenye ulaji hatumo? Nikija kwa nzee Nchonga, nasema wazi. Huyu hakuwa ntu wa kawaida wala huwezimlinganisha na vinyankera walonfuatia. Dokta Kanywaji pekee ndo aonyesha lau kuelewa somo alofundisha mzee Nchonga. Walobaki wote mahabithi watupu.”

            Kanji anakamua mic “Ami veve sema kitu moja kuba sana. Mzee Chonga nasifu yeye. Alikuva disciplined. Hapana shukua mali ya chovu. Hapana toto yake hata moja nakuwa tajir ya kuibia mali ya umma. Hata bibi yake hapana naanzisha NGO. Chonga napenda yeye hata kama nakamata jumbani ha Hindi mingi sana.”

            Mheshimiwa Bwege anaamua kutia guu kinamna huku akiwa anaonyesha kama kuudhika. Sijui nani amemuudhi; anakula mic “hakuna walioniudhi kama wanaotaka kumlinganisha mzee Nchonga na mahabithi aliwaamini wakamuangusha. Kimsingi, Mchonga angekuwa hai angekuwa frustrated so much that he would remain at home kwa kuona aibu kwa alivyounga mkono majizi yakaja na kumuangusha. Hata hivyo, kama mzee Mchonga asingekufa kuna wengine urahis wangeusika kama wale marafiki zao waliowatosa. Unategemea upuuzi kama Njaa Kaya ungeweza kupelekwa ikuuu siyo? Saa nyingine hata dokta Kanywaji asingekuwa rahis. Hapa ndipo namsamehe mzee Nchonga kwa kosa la kuunga nkono vidhabi waliomgeuka na kumuangusha. Maana asingefanya kosa hili wale waliojenga mazingira ya dokta Kanywaji kujipenyeza wasingeingia ikulu na kujenga mazingira haya.”

            Msomi anarejea na kukamua mic “mheshimiwa Bwege naungana nawe. Umeogea jambo moja muhimu ambalo kitaalamu huita circumstantiality. Mzee Mchonga alivyotafsiri wakati ule wakati akiwakingia vifua vinyago vya mpapure na kuwakataa vilaza waliopenda sana kujichekesha kama vyangu. Hata hivyo, tokana na nia yake nzuri, fate iliamua kupitia kile ambacho huitwa divine intervention akapatikana dokta Kanywaji ambaye hata hivyo ana safari ndefu na ya hatari kama atajitwisha zigo pekee na akakataa kurejesha katiba mpya.”

            Kijiwe kikiwa kinanoga si Bombadier ikapita juu yetu tukatamani tungekuwa na  njuluku tungepanda kwenda zetu Mwitongo kimakwelini na si imani!

Chanzo: Tanzania Daima Jumatano leo.

Soma wasfu wa Massaburi ugundue alivyoghushi udaktari

Ufuatao ni wasfu wa marehemu Didas Massaburi ambaye wengi tulimjua kama mission town lakini si Daktari pamoja na rafiki na mshirika wake Makongoro Mahanga. Wanaomjua, hakuwahi kuwa na hata shahada moja ya chuo. Ajabu alipokwenda Uingereza kufanya  Diplama ya ugavi akarejea akijiita Daktari na watanzania wakaendelea kuamini alikuwa daktari wakati ni kilaza. Wanasema wahenga, mficha maradhi, kilio kitamfichua. Hapa chini ni wasfu wa Masaburi kama ulivyosoma na mdogo wake. Je Tanzania inao akina Masaburi wangapi wanaongojea kifo kifichue ukilaza na ukihiyo wao?


WASIFU WA MAREHEMU
Dk. Masaburi alizaliwa Machi 24 mwaka 1960 na alisoma Shule ya Msingi Nseke iliyopo Serengeti na mwaka 1978 alijiunga na Sekondari ya Wavulana ya Tabora na kuhitimu mwaka 1981.
Mwaka 1982 Dk. Masaburi alijiunga na Chuo cha Taifa cha Usafirishaji (NIT) na kuhitimu mwaka 1985 na kupata cheti cha ufundi wa magari.
Mwaka 1985-1990 alichukua mafunzo ya ugavi na kupata Shahada ya Ununuzi na Ugavi kutoka  Bodi ya Ugavi wakati huohuo akichukua mafunzo ya ununuzi na ugavi nchini Uingereza Chuo cha Chartered Institute of Purchasing and Supply ambapo alitunikiwa cheti cha Diploma ya juu ya Ununuzi na Ughavi mwaka 1988.

Magufuli kugawa ardhi ya umma HAPANA HAPANA

            Akifungua kiwanda cha Salim Bakhresa huko Mkuranga hivi karibuni, rais John Pombe Magufuli alikaririwa akitoa zawadi ya ardhi kwa Bahkresa. Hili halikubaliki kwani nchi si mali ya Magufuli; ni mali ya watanzania tena wale maskini.Unampaje ardhi bure mfanyabiashara tajiri bure wakati alishatengeneza faida aendelee kutengeneza faida wakati kuna watanzania wengi hawana ardhi na ni maskini?

            Haiwezekani kila anayemfurahisha rais lazima amzawadie tena kwa mali ya umma? Bakhresa si ombaomba wala maskini. Leo atatoa zawadi ya ardhi kwa Bakheresa kwa vile kamfurahisha. Kesho atatoa kwa Singasinga huku watanzania wakiendelea kuwa maskini. Japo mimi si mshauri wa uchumi wa rais, wazo lake halina tija kiuchumi. Hiyo ardhi yenye ukubwa wa hekari maelfu aliyomzawadia  Bakhersa kwa sababu anazojua lazima inunuliwe na si vinginevyo. Nasema haya kama msomi na mtu mwenye kujua uchumi na mtanzania mwenye uchungu na nchi yangu na mkereketwa wa utawala bora na wa sheria unaozingatia usawa na kanuni za uendeshaji wake. Kwanza, si fikra za biashara kutoa kitu chenye thamani tena mali ya umma maskini bure. Pili, ardhi husika si mali binafsi ya Magufuli. Tatu, ni ubaguzi kwa wawekezaji wengine ambapo wengine wanalipia ardhi wakati wengine wakipewa bure. Rais Magufuli ajitahidi kufanya mambo kutokana na jazba au mihemko itokanayo na matukio.

            Nne, rais hana sababu ya kuwabembeleza wafanyabiashara wawe wawekezaji wa ndani au nje. Badala yake ajenge mazingira safi na wezeshi ya uwekezaji. Chema chajiuza na kibaya chajitembeza. Najua Magufuli ni binadamu na si malaika, ana mapungufu sawa na binadamu yoyote. Kwa hili la kugawa ardhi ya umma amekosea; lazima abadilike na kukubali ushauri wa kitaalamu. Na hili si suala la kupenda wala kujiamria. Lazima tujifunze kufuata sheria. Hata kitendo chake cha kuachia sukari ya Bakhresa kinatia shaka. Je kwanini sukari husika ilikamatwa? Je ilikamatwa kwa sababu Magufuli alitaka ikamatwe au kuna sheria na tararibu zilivunjwa? Je rais hapa anatoa mfano gani kwa walio chini yake? Hii maana yake ni kwamba afisa wa ukaguzi mpakani au bandarini na TRA akifurahishwa na mtu aliyefanya mambo kinyume, anaweza kumwachia kwa sababu amemfurahisha. Leo rais atafurahishwa na Bakhresa kiasi cha kumfutia madhambi yake. Je itakuwaje pale rais atakapochukizwa na yeyote na akatumia staili hii ya kufanya mambo? Lazima taifa letu liendeshwe kisheria bila kujali ukubwa wa cheo cha mtu wala ukaribu wake na yeyote.

            Ni kweli; Tanzania inahitaji uwekezaji ili kutengeneza ajira na kulipa kodi. Lakini hatujafikia hali ya kujigonga kwa wawekezaji tena matajiri ukiachia mbali kuwa na madudu kama ilivyo kwenye kukamatwa kwa sukari ya Bakhresa.

 Siamini kama Magufuli, mtu mwenye shahada ya juu kitaaluma haoni haya. Sitaki nijenge imani kuwa kuna namna kwenye ukuruba na usuhuba huu wa Magufuli na Bakhresa. Kama tutakuwa wakweli, kitendo cha rais kugawa ardhi ya umma kwa mtu binafsi tena tajiri ni cha kwanza katika historia ya taifa letu. Japo hili ni suala tofauti, tabia ya viongozi kufurahishwa na kutoa mali au fedha za umma inaanza kuwa aina mpya ya ufisadi. Rejea kitendo cha mkuu wa mkoa wa Dar es Salaam Paul Makonda kutoa zawadi ya kujenga makao makuu ya Baraza la Waislam Tanzania (BAKWATA) huku akiacha wanafunzi wa mashuleni wakisomea chini ya miti. Ni busara gani hii? Hatuwezi kuendesha nchi na kutumia fedha na raslimali zake kama mali binafsi tukafika tunakotaka kufika. Ardhi si maua wala mvinyo wa kugawa kienyeji kwa vile mhusika ana madaraka na amefurahi. Sijui kama Magufuli alipata ushauri wa kitaalamu hadi akijiridhisha na kufikia uamuzi huu wa ajabu kidogo kiuchumi na kisheria.

            Sioni tofauti kati ya wale viongozi wastaafu waliojimilkisha mashamba ya umma na hili la kugawa ardhi kwa mtu binafsi.

Leo sitaki niseme mengi. Ninachoweza kusema ni kwamba nimetoa ushauri huu tokana na utaalamu wa uchumi na sheria na mapenzi makubwa kwa rais Magufuli ambaye naunga mkono harakati na uzalendo wake wa kutaka kuiondoa Tanzania kwenye umaskini. Na hili liko wazi. Katika kitabu changu kilichotoka hivi karibuni cha Africa’s Best and Worst Presidents: How Neocolonialism and Imperialism Maintained Venal Rules in Africa, Magufuli ni rais pekee aliyeko madarakani aliyepata sura nzima kama kiongozi bora pamoja na kuwa mpya madarakani ukiachia mbali Mwl Julius Nyerere, Samora Machel, Kenneth Kaunda, Nelson Mandela na wengine. Tunajitahidi kumsaidia rais wetu ili afanikishe ukombozi vilivyo na si kuishia aibu na lawama. Nimalizie kwa kumfahamisha rais kuwa wafanyabiashara si watu wa kuamini kwa vile lengo lao si huduma wala nini bali faida. Hili anaweza kuliona toka kwa wenzake waliostaafu.  Nani amesahau jinsi wafanyabiashara walivyokuwa wakichangamkia kununua picha, leso hata soksi za Mwinyi? Je baada ya kuachia ukanda, yupo anayeweza kununua hata suti yake? Pia angalia NGO za wake zao ambazo zimedoda kwa kukosa wafadhili baada ya kuachia madaraka. Nimalizie kwa kumtaka Magufuli abatilishe nia na uamuzi wake wa kugawa ardhi ya watanzania kwa mtu ambaye ni tajiri wa kutupwa. Anachofanya hakina tofauti na kutoa misamaha ya kodi kwa matajiri huku maskini wakimuliwa kama ilivyokuwa kwenye utawala uliopita ambao umepoteza sura na mvuto kwa watanzania tokana na madudu uliotenda.

Chanzo: Tanzania Daima Jumapili jana.

The window into my book: Africa Reunite or Perish

            

The synopsis of the book

The title: Africa Reunite or Perish, 2015.

Author: Nkwazi Nkuzi Mhango

Publishers: Langaa RCPIG, Bameda, Cameroon

Themes: Economics, Politics, History, Conflict, Development and Unification.

             Africa Reunite or Perish is a multi-theme scholarly tome of 448 pages. The book is organised in 22 major chapters. The book addresses the issues surrounding the reunification of Africa as the only viable means of reclaiming its lost glory. All is based on author’s belief that Africa was naturally united. Thus, it was divided and disunited during the partition of and scramble for Africa in the Berlin Conference (1884-85) which became the harbinger of colonialism and neocolonialism to Africa.

             First, the author outlines; and thereby tackles various problems that Africa faces in its current division that would be resolved through reunification of Africa aimed at four major important achievements namely, returning Africa to its golden era where it ontologically was before colonial era which the author views as the source of all problems that Africa faces today.

            Secondly, the author provides the model in which Africa can cut down unnecessary expenditures such as military, visas, printing currencies, maintaining embassies among African countries, having many presidents, passports and the likes.

            Thirdly, the volume seeks to show how Africa can do away with dependency after being reunified by encouraging more cooperation among African countries (that will become provinces of the new country of Africa) in almost everything  to include, inter alia, trade, research, education and defense.

            Fourthly, the volume offers a model of how Africa can be run after being reunited. The author offers examples of Canada, Russia and the United States whose confederacies help them to avoid, inter alia, spending money purchasing weapons for fear of one another as it is for colonially-created modern African states.

            Fifthly, the volume recommends that the reunification of Africa will not only give it an edge to play an important role internationally by enabling it to assert and renegotiate its place internationally but will also make Africa prosperous due to the fact that Africans will be able to share the experiences, potentials and aspirations collectively. The author believes that the unification of Africa is more productive for Africa than regional groupings that have kept Africa divided pointlessly. Moreover, the author challenges African weak and divided states to consider the fact that rich countries in Europe are now uniting in order to become stronger. The author wants African countries born out of the Berlin Conference to stop doing colonial dirty laundry by refusing to go back to a unitary Africa they used to be before being divided so as to be weakened for perpetual exploitation. He warns that going on with the current superstructure is detrimental for Africa and its future.

            Others things that the volume addresses are dependency, big and do nothing government, unnecessary armies and Africa-born brand of democracy that will enable a reunited country of Africa to run its business based on its shared aspirations, cultures and goals.

AFRICA REUNITE OR PERISH

            The books start off by revisiting the history of Africa before the coming of colonial powers the time under which Africans fed and ruled themselves. Further, the book admonishes and challenges African academics to rewrite, defend and present Africa’s true history instead of relying on the one those colonial agents miswrote misconstrued and mispresented.  In addressing this golden era, the author challenges those who assert that Africans were uncivilised and sick so as to need a help from European colonialists. The author cites an example of how healthy Africans were so as to fit for being shipped to the Americas as slaves after trying other races and failed. In revisiting pre-colonial Africa, the book seeks to debunk the myth that Africa cannot depend on itself while it did so for many years. The author challenges Africans to put their house in order so as to use Africa’s abundant resources for the development of Africa.

            After revisiting the pre-colonial Africa, the author explores the colonial Africa and the way it negatively and perpetually affected Africa. He revisits the role various local and foreign agents played in paving the way for the colonisation of Africa. From there, the author, explores post-colonial Africa by addressing  the role the independence such African countries attained; and the way it ended up reinforcing dependency and division after failing to reunite Africa as the first Ghanaian president Dr. Kwame Nkrumah espoused.  Importantly, the author addresses the role former colonial masters played in either installing kleptocratic despots or overthrowing the newly-independent governments that seemed to be thorny to colonialism.

            Nonetheless, the volume chastises the African Union by showing its failures in reunifying Africa not to mention maintaining the division under the auspices of keeping presidency that the author wants abolished so as to have one president of Africa who wages enormous but checked powers like those of the president of the US.

            To address Africa’s traps, the volume addresses economic, political and social consequences either of colonialism, division or individuality that Africa faces currently by connecting them to the coming of new rising power that are now seeking to exploit Africa in the same way Western countries did. The author warns of the second scramble of Africa based on resources extracted under the supervision of local elites he calls black colonialists.

            Economically

The author wants Africa to have its model of economy based on shift paradigm which will enable Africa to produce what it consumes and consumes what it produces. The author equates Africa to a hen that produces eggs full of protein to end up being fed chaff. The author goes further to expose what he calls agro-colonialism under which some African countries are leasing fertile soil to foreign countries to produce food for their people as a security measure while Africans are either going with empty stomach, dying of malnutrition of importing food. Here the author warns against the danger posed by the so-called cash crops which he calls crash and colonial crops due to the fact that they depend on one foreign market and they cannot be consumed locally.

            Politically

 The volume espouses fast track reunification of Africa as it was in the US in order to avoid local and foreign machinations that kept Africa divided. He cites two models namely the fast track that Dr. Nkrumah espoused and piecemeal one that Tanzania’s first president Mwl. Julius Nyerere espoused so as to become a barrier to Nkrumah’s. The author condemns the culture of begging and mismanaging Africa’s resources currently and former rulers calculated so to make Africa more dependent than at any time in its history. He touches on another culture he calls globetrotting African rulers like under the pretext of soliciting aid while at the same time the let their countries be robbed either through capital flights, bad investment and lack of collecting taxes not to mention embezzling and squandering public funds. To avoid this, the author suggests that the president of a reunited Africa should not be above the law as it currently is in many African countries.  Furthermore, the author recommends that a reunited Africa should build strong institutions but not strong men. To make sure that Africa is truly and healthily reunited, the author suggests that the current 54 countries should be commuted to province or regions of one unitary Country of Africa whose headquarters should be based on proximity and service provision; and name should be agreed upon.

            Socially

The author proposes that Africa should go back to its cultures that enabled Africans to live in harmony as one thing by shunning those that divided them. He touches on the importance of belief, identity and ideology and the way they weaken and divided Africa along sectarian divides. I so doing, the author recommends that Africa needs to reinvent its people so as to competently take their destiny in their hands. Furthermore, the author explores the importance of history as a tool for emancipation. He castigates the culture of treasuring colonial effigies and legacies by revering them while they are the same tools colonialists used to divide and weaken Africa for perpetual exploitation. For example, the author refers to the so-called explorers, missionaries and merchants as criminals whose effigies must be either burned or pulled down. Further, the author proposes that Africa must teach its own syllabi instead of the current ones that traumatise and brainwash young people so as to become the shadows of themselves mentally something denies them self-awareness and the edge to liberate their continent. The author takes the approach of deconstructionist.

General framework of the book

            Despite being a driving force in natural resources, Africa has never benefitted from its immense natural resources. Instead, she it has become a backyard compared to other continents–especially Europe–that have benefitted greatly and tremendously but unscrupulously from Africa. However, Africa has never been taken seriously in international affairs, be they political or economic. Refer to the headline Africa a hopeless continent (Economist, 13 May, 2000). African has always been relegated to the role of a supplier of raw materials and a consumer of processed goods from abroad but not a significant player. This is because of many reasons, among which, are colonial legacies, corruption, imperialism, bad governance, dependence, begging, and lack of committed, organized and visionary leadership. And above all, Africa has never taken itself seriously either by its own people the world.

            In this volume, the author is trying to add to or lay down philosophical foundations on how Africa can turn things around and recapture her lost ( which is the name of another coming volume) glory which will enable it to play a great role in international affairs. Laying philosophical foundations is one thing; and putting them into actions is a whole new game. The volume asks some imperative questions; and thereby gives some answers to them among which the major ones are the issues of the reunification and recalibration of Africa as a society of people. All will depend on Africans themselves to see to it that they need to move from the awkward situation they are in by thinking outside the box. The author believes that there is nothing impossible as far as pulling Africa from the traps of desperation and the abjection are concerned. Among other things, the author singles out African rulers as an obstacle to the reunification of Africa due to their myopic, backward-looking vision based on their personal interests. To the author, African rulers are but black colonialists who prefer divide-and-rule strategy as an extension of political and cultural pointillism as it was laid down by colonial monsters.

            Furthermore, this volume explores and unpacks some nuggets on colonial legacies based on unimaginable economic exploitation, and among other things, but not limited to, the lack of political will and strategic underpinnings for African rulers to reunify Africa so that it can competently and equitably participate in international affairs.  Instead of thinking about development as something for African rulers to latch on, they purposely and myopically decided to depend on corruption, blackmailing and begging instead of creating strategies for developing their continent. They purposely and willingly decided to become a laughing stock.

            African Reunite or Perish attempts to demystify some myths colonialists and their agents concocted that have perseverated for a long in order to make everybody believe that Africa is a doomed, diseased, underdeveloped, and above all, a terrace for others to plunder as they deem fit. Africa’s perpetual exploitation is done in conjunction with what the author categorises as home-grown-black colonialists who, in a sense, are the major stumbling blocks against the reunification, reinvention and the development of Africa. Indeed, Africa needs to get out of this no-win stance.

 More importantly, the author espouses the deconstruction of the myths and traps Africa has been in since the introduction of slavery and colonialism topped up with neocolonialism.  Arguably, the author wants Africa to do away with chicken-like behaviour or unnecessary dependence by producing what it cannot eat and eats what it cannot produce. Among solutions the author suggests are: Africa  must make sure that it invest heavily on its people, produce what it needs and above all, be reunified so as to have one voice and stance in international affairs.

            Secondly, Africa must be reunited in order to form a robust force that must agitate for the redress resulting from the evils and sufferings of slavery and colonialism.

            Trading among African countries is another suggested solution which aims at creating wealth and jobs for Africans. This will help Africans to do away with colonial mentality of preferring to trade with foreign countries by shying away from their African counterparts. The author is very sanguine that the reunification of Africa, shall Africans see the other side of the coin is likely to turn things around quickly and permanently. There is still a future for Africa shall she put its house in order. However, it must be underscored that Africa still faces a lot of obstacles in reaching its true reunification to the tune of what it was before 1884 when colonial powers met in Berlin demarcate and divided Africa as a means of perpetually weakening and exploiting it. The author thinks that clinging onto Berlin-created-and-superimposed borders, under the doctrine of sovereignty which draws its legality from the Peace of Westphalia 1648, is itself a new type of colonialism that black colonialists seem to have bought into. The de-demarcation of Africa, aimed at reunification, is preferred to regional groupings which have failed. So, too, the author espouses fast track reunification of Africa as opposed to step-by-step one. The division of Africa was done in a fast track manner. So should the reunification.

            Moreover, the author espouses radical change in that African youths–who are major casualties and victims of chicken way of doing things and all others interested in the reunification of Africa–should start the move of reunifying Africa through civil disobedience based on crossing artificial borders of their states so as to force rulers to embark on this noble journey. Due to the ruthlessness of some police officials in many African countries, such a move will succeed if youths in the continent form a movement that will help to coordinate and organise their actions and movement. So, too, such a movement, apart from being the mouthpiece of African youths, must have networks and facilities to support any exodus of the people once the move is started in any African country. Such a movement is likely to succeed. If criminal gangs dealing with human trafficking in many African countries have succeeded why such legal and logical movement should fail?

             Essentially, this volume aims at reminding the hoi polloi of the importance of their power shall they act together for the reunification of Africa which means their bright future as a people. If anything, the reunification of Africa has super importance compared to anything that Africa has ever attempted to do to free itself from the vicious circle of miseries and impertinence it has always been in. The reunification of Africa means true emancipation of Africa. However, the reunification of Africa should not be taken simply as the magic bullet, a quick fix or a fix-all medicine. It will have its challenges just like any other thing made by humans. Again, compared to what Africa has been going through, the reunification of Africa is more of the panacea than a mere experiment. Again, instead of trusting snakes in the grass, Africans themselves need to take control of the reunification of Africa.  Africa should not exclude some Western thinkers and academics that refused to bow before lies and bigotry of demonising Africa. Instead, they decided to travel a less travelled road by deciding to speak out without fearing what would happen to them. These are better than our rulers who are in bed with colonial monsters. This volume purposely uses the term ruler or rulers instead of leader or leaders due to the fact that after the death of Nelson Mandela, Africa ceased to have a leader. So, it should be noted that a leader leads and whenever those he leads feel that he/she should exit he/she does so humbly. To the contrary, rulers rule the way they deem fit even when those they rule become tired of them; they lord it over them so as to soldier on ass opposed to the will of the constituency.

Africa’s major challenge and model

            With the land mass of 30,221,532 km2, Africa is indeed colossal continent second after Asia that sits on 44,579,000 km². So, governing and running Africa is an enormous task which perhaps can intimidate.  Again, if Russia with its size of 17,075,200km² which is over a half of Africa in size can stand as a strong state why is it impossible for Africa? Why is it possible for the Unites States of America (US) with its 9,629,091km² to become one country or China with its landmass of 9,596,960 km² but not for Africa? If need be, we need to go to these countries and learn how they were able to become single but humongous entities so that we can do it for the better future of our people. Looking at how small Africa’s population is compared to China or India, we fear nothing. If India and China are able to govern such humungous population, why is it impossible for Africa? It is sheer fear and ignorance geared by individuality and narrow views of the big picture that are curtailing Africa from being reunited for its great and bright future. Again, it is upon Africans to decide to take such bold and emancipatory steps or remain in miseries wantonly and hopelessly. The reunification of Africa will trip the current unnecessary layers of administration that are almost reciprocated almost in all African countries small and bigger. Africa has many lossmaking and unnecessary and bigger governments in all African countries.

            The author postulates, therefore, that after reunifying Africa, African countries must share power equally and equitably by establishing departmental headquarters in the current states that, as noted herein above, will become Africa’s provinces for administrational matters. Africa needs to have one central and powerful authoritative government that will command and control everything just like it is in the US. This unitary and powerful government will act as Africa’s sole guarantor and representative before the international community the same way Russian or US’s governments do. Given that Africa has already established her infrastructures and commanding centres in the current countries, what is wrong say that the current capital cities become the headquarters of some department or provinces or regions? For instance, we can say that Addis Ababa or Kampala or any city depending on accessibility for service provision and consensus on appointing such headquarters becomes the capital of Africa while other cities such as Johannesburg, Dar es Salaam, Nairobi, Cairo and other many more act as satellites or independent headquarters of say the Africa Central Bank (ACB), the Africa Central Department of Defense (ACDD), the Africa Central Harbours Authorities (ACHA) The Supreme Court  of Africa (SCA), the Africa Central Airport Authorities (ACAA), Africa Central Transport Authorities (ACTA) and many other departments that we will be envisaged and agreed upon having. I have mentioned above cities not just because they are better or suitable candidates for the purposes or department proposed. It is an example of giving a framework of how the mega Reunited States of Africa (RAS) can look like and operate with its intersectionality and complexity.

                        Emphasis

            Some African thinkers, especially Nyerere the first president of Tanzania, wanted the process of unifying–not reunifying Africa however they mean the same with different degrees of magnitudes–to be done step by step while Kwame Nkrumah the first president of Ghana wanted it to be done in a fast track. These two gentlemen despite having the same dream, they had different way of realizing it. They wanted to unite Africa as if is she was naturally far apart while actually the difference is the same. This is why this volume uses reunification instead of unification due to the fact that Africa was naturally united continental country like Australia or Greenland. So, what colonial monsters did was dividing or disuniting it. This is why the main theme of this volume has strictly been the reunification of Africa but not the unification. Logically, unification is about independent entities.

            The author recommends Nkrumah’s approach on the issue to Nyerere’s due to the nature of how the division and partition of Africa was carried out, fast track but not piecemeal one.  The author rises a vital issue that  Africa was partitioned and divided in a fast-track manner, it, as well, therefore, should be reunified in the same manner in order to avoid unnecessary obstacles such as Western sabotage and more divisions. The author goes a mile ahead postulating that–if need be–Africa should be reunified by force shall some countries resist doing so the same way it was divided, demarcated, invaded and occupied. Africa will not be the first to use force for the good of her people. Even the United States of America was unified in a fast track manner and–of course–by force under the barrel of the gun. When this was done, many faulted it.  However, the same are now reaping the rewards of the unification of the US that made it mightier and stronger.

            Another reason of espousing fast-track reunification is the fact that the step-by-step model has already been experimented for over sixty years with minimal or no success. On the one hand, since independence, there is only one union that has stood the test of time despite having its challenges and weakness. This is none other than the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar that resulted into the United Republic of Tanzania (URT) that was championed and created by Nyerere as a model and an exampli gratia.  On the one hand, there is the union between Senegal and Gambia that formed Senegambia that did not prevail not to mention the secession of other countries such as Eritrea, South Sudan and the fragmentation of Somalia. So, too, regional integration has been so slow and without offering any expected viable results. This being said, author finds that a fast-track reunification of Africa more viable and appealing than step-by-step one.

            So, too, the author co postulates that Africa ought to learn from the confederacy of the United States America, the most powerful nation on earth currently. This is not a bad thing given that even Europeans who invaded and occupied Americas learned this art of confederacy from the Natives of the Americas. For, US’s confederacy was copied from the Iroquois confederacy that included the nations of Seneca Onondagas, Cayuga, Oneidas and Mohawks. Therefore, it is not a bad or a new idea to copy such an idea given that by adopting it, Africa will forge ahead. The author also thinks that there was a sort of confederacy in Africa which enhanced Africa’s peaceability before the coming of colonial monsters. This is supported by the fact that there was no large-scale war among Africans like it was in Europe and partly Asia.

            The author also recommends civil disobedience–shall African rulers keep on resisting the idea this time– which may make the dream of reunifying Africa come true.  This approach is more feasible and practical than staying aside and look as if the victims have nothing to do with the situation they are in.

Striking questions

            The major questions that the author poses are that if all Africans who want or decide to move across the borders what message can such civil disobedience send to African rulers and the world? Suppose another big chunk of population namely women, buys into this even if it cannot move like youths due to their traditional roles in the patriarch system governing the world today? Shall our rulers resist this, youths and all victims have no choice but to cogently reunite Africa so as to pull themselves out of the miseries they have faced since independence. It is in and upon them to weigh things and see what works for them. Thus, they should choose to support or oppose the status quo. However, supporting the status quo is but a suicidal move. Notably, it needs the courage of the mad for Africa to keep on doing the same madness she has been doing under colonial division. More emphasis and challenge are for youths to reorganise themselves and move across their borders to reunify Africa forthwith. This can be possibly and easily done through offering supports to each other after the move commences. Again, this movement should be as massive as possible so that the authorities in the countries they will enter should not have enough facilities to incarcerate them. This goes hand in hand with their upkeep when they decided to move from one country. To succeed, youths must have some organizations to cater for such people after they arrive in a particular country. Through such a movement, intermarriage and exchange of experiences and expertise can be gained. If anything, such an act can act as the first step to the reunification of Africa.

            Therefore, the surest way of emancipating Africa and its people is to deconstruct and reconstruct almost everything. Our experience and resolution to propel Africa to the future are but big assets that will help us realise our dream. True, the surest way of moving ahead for Africa is one and only one, the reunification of Africa. Notably, this less travelled road is not rosy and spiffy. It is thorny, bumpy and very treacherously long. So, those expecting a soft ride and trip through a romantic and rosy road should know from the outset that the task ahead of us is very challengingly huge and tough. We, therefore, need to be courageous and daring to see to it that we cross over to where we want to be. God bless Africa and her people. However, it is important to note that God blessed Africa since she was created. If we do not reunify her, we are poised to suffer even more. Africa, reunite or perish.