How the Berlin Conference Clung on Africa: What Africa Must Do
Monday, 30 May 2022
Sunday, 29 May 2022
Raila Odinga makes history – again
I’ve written before that Azimio’s flagbearer – the ODM’s Raila Odinga – has an uncanny knack for going where others haven’t gone before. He is a man of many historic, even epochal, firsts. But his choice of Senior Counsel Martha Karua as his nominee for Deputy President may turn out to be his most significant yet. With the stroke of a pen, or the pronouncement of three names – Martha Wangari Karua – Mr Odinga has totally transformed the history of Kenya. That choice will reverberate for millennia in the annals of history. It’s not possible to overestimate the impact of Mr Odinga’s choice for running mate. If you don’t know why yet, allow me to peel your eyes, and arouse your noggin.
The choice of Ms Karua to deputise Mr Odinga is transformational by itself. But the kicker doesn’t reside there alone. It is the full weight and incalculable significance of the entire ticket which is nuclear – atomic. There has never been, in the storied political history of Kenya, and the whole region, such a beautifully explosive political couple.
Since Mr Odinga’s announcement, leading political figures in the larger East African region have lauded his choice with the loftiest of praises. This alone is unprecedented and underscores the breakthrough nature of the choice. It’s inspirational. As if one, the peoples of Kenya and East Africa have exploded in delirium and celebrations not seen before. That’s because it’s truly magnificent.
Let me tell you why. Mr Odinga is the most important democrat in Kenya, and the region. No one else comes even close. No one. The man’s political and personal resume speak of a soul and a spirit that visits the earth only once in many generations. He is a man who has made history, again and again. He’s been relentless in his pursuit of democracy, human rights, and of good government. He’s done these things at great personal cost to himself and family, especially his stoic wife, Ida Odinga. Among Kenyan men, he stands the tallest as a feminist. His choice of Ms Karua has cemented his credentials as a true believer in gender equity and equality.
Women and girls all over Kenya today see themselves in Ms Karua. The office of President is no longer just a dream for them, but a distinct probability. Ms Karua completes the Azimio ticket in a way never seen before. In Kenya, and the region, Ms Karua is of the first rank among women politicians. I daresay she’s the region’s most progressive woman leader. Her history reads like a poem to the most elegant reformer and champion of social justice. She’s resolute, courageous, and unimpeachable in her ethics and integrity. If you are in a tough fight, you want her in the foxhole with you. She doesn’t know the words surrender, or retreat. She’s an implacable fighter.
The Odinga-Karua duo is the most formidable team assembled this side of the Sahara. I don’t think Kenyans have fully digested what the duo’s ticket means for the future of this country. I know folks are obsessed with how the ticket will uproot UDA and DP William Ruto from the Mount Kenya region. I take that as a forgone conclusion. Ms Karua and Mr Odinga have already crumbled Mr Ruto’s support among Gema. I predict that come August 9, Mr Odinga will carry the Mountain with percentages north of 60 per cent. Regionally, I believe now there’s no doubt Ms Karua will succeed Jubilee’s Uhuru Kenyatta as Gema “queenpin”. She’s the new sheriff in the Mountain. She’s the return of Mumbi.
The Odinga-Karua ticket has gender, regional and national import. Kenya is a deeply patriarchal country. We haven’t as a people always loved girls and women. Facts and statistics bear me out in virtually every sector of society, including the home. It’s not guaranteed that a woman in the inner sanctum of the state, including the very top, always positively impacts the lot of the female gender.
Balancing the scales
Ms Karua will be different as DP. Her entire history has been dedicated to balancing the scales of gender to give women and girls a fair shake. At Fida, the League of Women Voters, as MP, and as minister, she was an ardent champion of the equal rights of women and men.
Finally, Mr Odinga’s choice of Ms Karua has discombobulated UDA and Mr Ruto, whose choice of Mathira MP Rigathi Gachagua appears now to be the biggest and costliest miscalculation of the decade. The contrast of the Azimio and UDA tickets couldn’t be starker. UDA’s team is a scandal-ridden pair. Mr Gachagua has never stood for anything, except his own interests. He’s facing multiple criminal charges. Mr Ruto is no better. He’s never sacrificed once for Kenya. His criminal scandals are a matter of public record. He bears one conviction for land grabbing. It’s a contest of reformers against scoundrels. I know what Kenyans will do on August 9. I can’t wait!
Makau Mutua is SUNY Distinguished Professor and Margaret W. Wong Professor at Buffalo Law School. He’s chair of KHRC. @makaumutua
Source: Sunday Nation today.
Saturday, 28 May 2022
Tumeishiwa hadi kutozana madarajani?
Mosi, je ni halali wananchi kulipia matumizi ya vitu kama barabara na madaraja yaliyojengwa kwa fedha ima yao ya kodi au mikopo iliyochukuliwa kwa jina lao na kulipwa kwa fedha zao? Mfano mdogo ni hapa Kanada ninapoishi. Japo kuna mataifa yana mfumo wa barabara na madaraja ya kulipia, je hili lina tija kwa nchi maskini kama zetu? Mfano, kuna mantiki gani kwa watanzania kulipia daraja la kigamboni wakati uwepo wake ni sawa na huduma ya kuuganisha maeneo ya Kigamboni sawa na tulivyojenga barabara kwenda mikoani na nchi za nje?
Pili, kwanini badala ya kuwaumiza maskini ambao wanapata taabu kutumia, mfano, Daraja la Kigamboni, wasitozwe kodi matajiri na kuwaacha maskini waendelee na kuhangaikia maisha yao bila tozo ambazo zinaepukika kama mamlaka zitasimamia mapato na matumizi ya serikali kwa umakini mkubwa bila kusahau kupambana na ufisadi na ufujaji? Nadhani swali kuu tunalopaswa kuuliza, kuulizwa, hata kujiuliza, (kwa wale walioko madarakani) ni kwanini watu wetu maskini walio wengi wanatozwa kodi na vitu kama hivi vinajengwa kwa fedha yao ima kwa njia ya mikopo, ukasimishaji madaraka ni hao hao ambao ima wao au watoto wao kama siyo kodi zao zitalipia madeni ya ujenzi wa miradi hii tunayowatoza. Inakuwaje watozwe mara ya pili?
Tatu, je hii modeli ya biashara inawanufaisha watu wetu maskini walio wengi au ni kwa ajili ya wachache ambao wengi wao ima ni wale wanaoishi kwa kuwanyonya au kuwaibia walio wengi au matajiri ambao nao wengi wao wanapata utajiri kutokana na kufanya biashara zenye utata na baadhi ya watendaji wa umma wasioaminika wala kuwa waadilifu wanaoweka maslahi binafsi mbele na wakashindwa kusimamia vilivyo mapato na maslahi ya umma?
Nne, je hii miradi ni mali ya nani? maana, inapoanza kujengwa miradi kama hii utasikia wakubwa wakisema kuwa wanalenga kupunguza msongamano kwenye majiji, kuokoa fedha inayopotea tokana na misongamano na kuwaletea maendeleo wananchi. Je msongamano unasababishwa na wananchi au mipango mibaya ya serikali zetu? Je kweli kwa kuwatoza gharama za kutumia hata madaraja na barabara wananchi, mtapunguza misongamano au ni biashara na siasa za majaribio?
Tano, mbona madaraja tunayovuka kwenye barabara za kawaida hatuyalipii zaidi ya nauli ya kawaida kwa chombo cha kusafiria? Je hapa tofauti yake ni ipi hasa kwa mwananchi, kwa mfano, anayeishi Kigamboni ambaye anakwenda kwenye shughuli zake za kila siku mjini saw ana wale wanaoishi maeneo mengine ya mji ambapo vyombo vya usafiri kama Bodaboda na magari havitozwi tozo kwa kutumia barabara husika? Tunasema haya kwa sababu ukivitoza tozo vyombo hivi, navyo vinahamishia mzigo kwa mlaji ambaye ni raia maskini asiye na uwezo wa kuwa na usafiri wake.
Sita, je hii ndio njia pekee na sahihi ya kupunguza misongamano au kupiga fedha na kuwaumiza maskini ukiachia mbali kuwabagua kwa kuwazuia kutumia miradi ambayo mingi imekopewa fedha kwa jina lao? Je tumeisha ubunifu hadi kuwalangua wananchi wetu bila ulazima?
Je inahitaji shahda katika mambo ya uchumi kujua kuwa wananchi maskini sasa wana maisha magumu kuliko wakati wowote? Mafuta yamepanda bei kiasi cha kuathiri bei za karibu kila kitu. Inakuwaje mnawatwisha tena mzigo wa kulipia vitu ambavyo vilipaswa kuwa huduma za kawaida kama kweli tungekuwa na maono na utukutu wa kutumia fedha, mali na raslima za umma? Nasema tunawatwisha mzigo usiowahusu hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa: a) tulipodai uhuru, tuliwaaminisha wananchi wetu kuwa tutawaletea maendeleo. Je haya ndiyo maendeleo?, b) pili, wao wanatimiza wajibu wao kama vile kufanya kazi, kulipa kodi na kutii serikali. Je watawala tunatimiza wajibu wetu? Kama tunatimiza, inakuwaje mambo kama haya yanatokea?
Saba, je nini kifanyike kuepuka kadhia hizi ambayo ni ubaguzi wa wazi kwa baadhi ya wananchi hasa wa kipato cha chini? Nadhani yapo mengi yakufanya japo hapa nitataja machache.
Pili, walioaminiwa madaraka watimize wajibu wao kwa wale waliowaamini madaraka huku wakijua kuwa bila kufanya hivyo, wanatengeneza mabomu yanayoweza kuzamisha nchi. Rejea, mfano, kuanza kurejea kwa panya road. Huu ni ushahidi kuwa mambo siyo sawa. Kuna wanaoshiba na wanaolala njaa.
Mwisho, kwa wale walio madarakani, wajue kuwa wapo ndugu zao wanaoumia. Pia, wajitahidi kuvaa viatu vya maskini wetu walio wengi na kuona kama wangekuwa wao wangetaka wafanyiwe nini.
Leo tutaachia hapa ili kutoa fursa kwa wahusika yaani waathirika, wasomaji na watawala kufanya tafakuri ya kina na kujaribu kuyaangalia madhara ya mambo yanayoendelea ambayo siyo kama vile kuwatoza watu tozo ya kutumia barabara na madaraja.
Weusi unapogeuka dhambi ya mauti!
Kuonyesha kuwa ubaguzi si wa Marekani tu bali mpango wa wazungu wengi wanaojiona kama ndiyo wenye haki ya kuwa binadamu kuliko wengine, hata hapa Kanada baadhi ya vyombo vya habari vilikuwa vikilipoti tukio bila kutaja jina la muuaji wakati anajulikana kuwa ni Payton Gendron. Hii inakumbusha kisa kimoja nchini Marekani ambapo mswahili mmoja aliua mtu mmoja na kuwekwa ukurasa wa mbele wakati muuaji mweupe aliyeua watu sita kipindi hicho hicho kuwekwa kurasa za ndani tena kwa kichwa cha habari chenye umbo dogo ikilinganishwa na mswahili.
Hata pale Python au chatu (namuita hivyo maksudi) alipoua waswahili nane, hakupigwa risasi alipojitokeza mbele ya polisi. Angakuwa mswahili au mtu wa rangi, angemiminiwa risasi kwa madai kuwa alikuwa hatarishi kwa jamii na polisi. Siku chache kabla ya mauaji haya ya kibaguzi na kishenzi, mtanzania mmoja Rogers Kyaruzi alionekana, eti akionyesha tabia zenye kutia shaka kwenye maegesho na kuishi kupigwa risasa na kufariki hapo hapo. Angekuwa mzungu, angepelekwa hospitalini kuangalia ni kwanini alikuwa anaonyesha tabia zenye kutia shaka. Sitashangaa huyu muuaji mbaguzi Payton Gendron kama hatutaambiwa kuwa ana matatizo ya kiakili au alikuwa na utoto mbaya wa manyanyaso japo nyaraka alizorusha kwenye mtandao zinamuonyesha kama mhafidhina anayechukia watu wasio wazungu.
Juzi juzi tu majeshi ya Israel yalimpiga risasi na kumuua mwandishi wa Al Jazeera wa kipalestina Shireen abu Akler. Pamoja na kujulikana kuwa muuaji ni majeshi ya Israel, vyombo hivi baguzi havitaji hivyo kwa kuogopa kumuudhi kibaraka wao. Akiuawa mwarabu si habari, japo mwarabu akiua muisrael, ni habari kubwa na tishio kweli kweli.
Japo waarabu walio wengi, kama wamarekani, wamekuwa wakijitahidi kujionyesha kama wapenda usawa na haki tokana na kunyanyaswa na Israel, nao wanashiriki au kufumbia macho dhuluma, udhalilishaji, unyonyaji na mauaji ya wafanyakazi wa ndani huko Mashariki ya kati. Hii yote inatokana na imani iliyojikita kwenye dini nyemelezi za kigeni ambazo humuona mtu mweusi ima kama aliyelaaniwa au mtumwa wa mtu mweupe japo wengine wanaojiita weupe kama waarabu na wahindi wakija huku nao wanaitwa weusi kiasi cha wazungu kushindwa hata kuwatofautisha.
Kwa wabobezi wa lugha ya kiingereza ambayo ni lugha ya watu wabaguzi kuliko wote, kila kitu kibaya ni cheusi. Siku ikiwa mbaya utaambiwa black day, black summer, black spirit na mengine mengi. Na kila kitu kizuri ni cheupe katika lugha hii.
Sambamba na kiingereza, hata kwenye vitabu vya dini kama Biblia, utakuta laana, utumwa na ubaya vyote ni vyeusi. Mfano ukisoma namna watoto wa Ham walivyolaaniwa na kugeuka weusi, utaona mzizi wa kadhia hii inayoanza kuwa tishio duniani. Ham alipolaaniwa alipewa adhabu mbili kuwa mtumwa kama Wamisri, Waethiopia na wahindi na mweusi kama wao.
Kwenye Quran Surat al Imran (3:106) nayo inasema wale watakaoingia motoni sura zao zitageuka nyeusi na wataulizwa kwanini hawakuamini hadi wapate adhabu ya kutoamini. Kwa watakaoingia peponi, sura zao zitakuwa nyeupe.
Mbali na dini, hata baadhi ya lugha kubwa za kiulaya kama vile kiingereza, kwake kila kitu kibaya ni cheusi na kila cheupe ni kitakatifu. Utasikia black Friday, black sheep, black summer na mengine mengi. Kujitenga na dhambi ya weusi, usishange kuona watajwa hapo kama vile Waethiopia wakiwabagua wengine huku wahindi wakijiita weusi japo wazungu wanaowaona wote ni weusi au watu wa rangi ambao ni tishio kwa mafanikio na maisha yao.
Tumalizie kwa kuwahimiza waswahili kujitambua, kuwatambua maadui zao, kujuana, kujaliana na kuthaminiana pia kushirikiana kupambana na huu ubaguzi wa wazi dhidi yao kwa vile ni weusi. Hapa ndipo jibu mujarabu kwa tatizo la weusi kugeuka adhabu tosha ya kifo mbele ya wabaguzi wa kunuka kama ilivyotokea huko Marekani juzi. Tieni akilini.
Tuesday, 24 May 2022
Turasimishe na Kuthamini Vyetu Vyote si Gongo tu
Japo si wengi waliomwelewa––––na sijui kama ameeleweka vilivyo––––Mbunge wa Chomba, Mheshimiwa Kondesta Sichalwe. Japo si wa kwanza kufanya hivyo––––amewafumbua macho wenye akili na kujithamini huku wakishuku uhohehahe na uhovyo na uoza wa mambo na mifumo yetu tuliyorithi na kupwakia bila kufirikiri toka kwa mabwana zetu na watesi wetu waliotutawala na kuendelea kufanya hivyo kwa visingizio mbali mbali. Kwa fahari na ushufaa, tunaongea lugha zao na kupwakia kila ujinga wao tokana na upumbavu wetu huku tukizikimbia na kuzidharau na kuziogopa zetu tuzijuazo vilivyo. Tunaabudia imani na miji yao kana kwamba hatuna vitu hivi. Tunaita miji na nchi zao takatifu kana kwamba zetu ni chafu. Ukiuliza wapi ni mahali patakatifu, utaambiwa ima Jerusalemu, Makka au Roma wakati hakuna utakatifu wowote zaidi ya longolongo na propaganda za kijamii tokana na ukoloni wa kimila.
Baya zaidi, hata mamlaka na serikali zetu zilichaguliwa na watu wetu (washenzi), zinaapishwa kwa kutumia dini na imani za kigeni huku tukijiumiza kwa kudharau, kudhalilisha na kuhujumu vilivyo vyetu. Je serikali zinazoapishwa na kuamini kwenye imani za kigeni zinaweza kututumikia kweli bila kutuuza? Viongozi ima wanaapa kwa Biblia au Kurani. Je nini nafasi ya imani zetu na viongozi wake wa kimila? Hili linaweza kuonekana kama jambo dogo na jepesi tena chokonozi na la kuudhi, linatuvua nguo na kuaonyesha utumwa wa kiakili na kiimani hata kiutawalatulivyo navyo kwa maangamizi yetu na vizazi visivyo na hatia vijavyo.
Tumegeuzwa mabunga na mazuzu kwa kupewa maneno matamu. Hatujui tofauti kati ya halali na haramu (japo yote ni maneno ya kuletewa na kupandikizwa bila kuyachunguza maana na undani wake. Tunadharauliana kwa dini za kuazima. Tunaitana majina ya hovyo kama vile makafiri, waliopotea, wasiookoka, wasio wastaarabu na mengine mengi ya kishenzi, majina ambayo tuliitwa na kupewa na watesi wetu nasi tukayaamini na kuyapwakia bila kuhoji. Wengine wanatoa kafala ya binadamu wakati sisi ni wanyama. Na wengine wakitoa wanyama kama sisi wanatwamba ni matoleo kwa Mungu. Je sisi––––kabla ya ujio wao na dini zao––––tulikuwa tukitoa kafala gani zaidi ya wanyama? Tunaongelea ustaarabu ila si ustaafrika. Tunaongelea pepo za kigeni huku tukiita amali zetu kama mila vitu vya motoni na udhambi. Tunaahidiwa madangulo na kwaya kwa kisingizio cha pepo. Tunashindwa kuitambua leo tukiifia kesho ya kitapeli japo tunajua kuwa wahenga walisema mla kala leo kesho kalani! Tunatenda dhambi ya kujibagua, kubaguana, kudhalilishana na kujidhalilisha wenyewe kwa wenyewe huku mabwana zetu wa kila aina wakicheka na kutushangaa nani alituloga. Tumeahidiwa pepo na upuuzi wa kila aina ili tujipeleke kwenye majili (kinyongeo) yetu ya kujitakia. Lini Waafrika tutakengeuka na kukua kutambua na kujithamini huku tukiamini na kuamini na kupenda vilivyo vyetu?
Tunasifia na kutukuza lugha na mila za kigeni tukidhalilisha zetu. Msomi lazima aongee kiingereza kana kwamba kiingereza ndiyo usomi. Tunaona aibu kuongea lugha zetu huku wengi––––hata wasiojua kitu––––wakihangaika kutuaminisha kuwa wamesoma wakati ni wajinga wa kawaida. Ukiwasikia wakiongea, wanachanganya kimombo na kibatu (Kiswahili). Tunashindana kuibiwa na kuharibu watoto wetu kwa kuwapeleka kwenye shule za kizungu huku tukiua zetu. Ukifanya kitu cha maana wanasema ni uzungu. Ukifanya kisichostahiki wanakwambia ni uswahili.
Vyakula bora vinaitwa vya kienyeji au kishenzi huku majank ya kigeni yakiitwa vyakula bora. Utasikia ‘kuku wa kizungu na kuku wa kienyeji’ japo sisikii bata wa kizungu.’ Waonje uone yupi mtamu na mwenye viini safi kati ya hawa wawili. Hichi ndicho kiini macho na utapeli wa kujaza maduka ya vyakula vya hovyo na majunk kama vile Burger King, KFC, MacDonald (yote ya kigeni) kati ya mengi yanayoanza kutapakaa Afrika bila sababu ya msingi zaidi ya ujinga hata upumbavu mbali na ulimbukeni. Yako wapi maduka ya vyakula safi na tamu vya kiafrika? Ni bahati mbaya hata wasomi na wanasiasa wetu ima hawajui au hawataki kutwamba ukweli. Kwa wanaofikiri sawa sawa, wajikumbushe kitabu cha Tendehogo kinachochamba ujinga huu wa pamoja au collective imbicilization.
Tunapwakia gongo ya kigeni iitwayo konyagi, brand, au whisk huku tukiita pombe zetu tunazojua formula na siri za utengenezaji wake kwa kukumbatia na kutukuza ulevi ule ule wa kigeni. Tunapenda na kununua vitu vya kigeni na kutajirisha wageni huku tukiua uchumia wetu. Tukizidiwa, tunaenda kule kule kuomba pesa ile ile tuliyoibiwa kimila! Tunachukia vyakula vyetu na kupenda vya kigeni bila kujua vimezalishwa wapi na vipi na nani. Tunajenga viwanda vya wenzetu na kubomoa na kufilisi vyetu!
Walevi wetu wanatajirisha wengine huku wakijifilisi na kujigeuza ombaomba na kopa kopa wakati Mungu aliwajaalia kila kitu! Je hili linahitaji wafadhili kulienga na kuelewa?
Tumedhalilishwa, kujidhalilisha na kudhalilishana na kuijikimbia kuanzia kukana majina yetu tukikumbatia ya kigeni bila kujua hata maana wala sababu zake, kutukana mila zetu na kukumbatia na kushambikia za kigeni kwa visingizio mbali mbali kama dini na ustaarabu wakati vyote ni mila. Tunaona fahari kuitwa John au Yahaya huku tukikimbia majina yetu. Tumepewa utambulisho bandia huku tukikimbia ule wa asili yetu. Tutashindwa kujikana na kujitukana wenyewe? Adui yetu ni sisi wenyewe. Tunahitaji kukombolewa dhidi yetu wenyewe. Ajabu, ukombozi huu unategemea ubongo na mila na mifumo ya kigeni. Je tunamkomoa nani kama siyo sisi wenyewe? Tunaabudu miungu ya Israel na Kiarabu huku tukitukana na kukana yetu! Nani atusaidie kama siyo sisi wenyewe?
Tunafungishwa ndoa za kigeni huku tukiita zetu za kimila kiasi cha kutozitambua hata kisheria. Tunapewa vyeti kana kwamba upendo unahitaji na kutegemea karatasi. Muafrika akioa wanawake wengi kwa imani ya mila yake anaambiwa ni ndoa za kienyeji zisizotambulika kisheria wakati muislamu akiona wengi hao hao anaambiwa ni amri ya Mungu. Je huyu Mswahili anaona kwa amri ya nani kama siyo Mungu huyo huyo? Ni wangapi wanajiuliza maswali chokonozi na tunduizi kama haya japo yanaudhi?
Sheria zetu zinatungwa na watu wetu na kuandikwa kwenye lugha za kigeni kana kwamba hatuna lugha zetu adhimu. Hatujiamini wala kuaminiana. Tunadharauliana badala ya kuheshimiana. Tunachukiana badala ya kupendana. Tunahujumiana badala ya kujumika pamoja na kusaidiana. Mabwana zetu wa kiakili, kimila na kisiasa wametugeuza vikaragosi na askari wa kujimaliza wenyewe.
Tunapwakia maji machafu ya chupa huku tukikimbia maji matamu na safi toka kwenye chemichemi zetu alizotujalia Mungu. Tunaletewa maji ya ‘baraka na upako’ toka nje au yale yale na matapeli wachache kana kwamba yetu si maji! Tukitaka kula au kulala tunaomba miungu ya kigeni itulinde kana kwamba kabla ya ujio wake tulikuwa hatarini.
Kwa ujinga wa maksudi na upogo, tumeua na kuchukia, kuua na kutelekeza elimu na ujuzi wetu kwa kuamini na kupwakia wa kigeni. Mtu akisoma nje anaonekana msomi kuliko yule aliyesomea nyumbani.anayesoma shule za English media anaonekana kuukata kuliko yule anayesomea shule za kata. Je viongozi wetu waliotukuka na kutukomboa au kutupigania walisoma shule na English media au nyumbani schools?
Leo sisemi mengi. Muhimu, kwa kuangalia ujasiri wa Mhe. Sichalwe, niseme––––bila wasi wasi–––tuanze kujiamini, kuaminiana, kujitathmini, kutathminiana, kujithamini, kuthaminiana, kujihoji, kuhojiana na kuhoji kila kitu na kujitambua na kutambuana bila mawenge wala miwani ya kikoloni. Bila shaka, wakati wa kuramisha, kutambua, kuthamini na kutumia vilivyo vyetu ni sasa. Saa ya ukombozi wa kimila na kulhali ni sasa.
Chanzo: Raia Mwema leo.
Monday, 23 May 2022
Nani Atapambana na Ubaguzi Kimfumo wa Kimataifa?
THE CURRENT STATE OF POLITICS IN TANZANIA.
According to the information reported in THE CITIZEN on Sunday of 1st May, 2022; most of the views expressed centered mainly on electoral reform proposals. It was reported thus:- “The Tanganyika Law Society (TLS); and the General Council of Islamic Communities and Institutions in Tanzania; had a chance to present their views on Friday, with both sides providing alternatives to ensuring free and fair elections”. And further that the matters of major concern were the following:-
I was moved to write this article, primarily for two reasons:-
(a) to examine the rationale of associating these purely electoral reforms with the need for a new constitution;
(b) to provide a helpful reminder, that the need ‘for fair space’ applies not only to political parties; but also to the equally important women sector of our society, who are also entitled to be considered for this “fair space”
Electoral reforms do not require a new constitution.
Any country’s Constitution is the fundamental law of that country. It is a very special legal document which is clothed in a special form of sanctity, aimed at protecting it from any ‘casual’ encroachments. Such protections include restrictions placed on the kind of issues which qualify for inclusion therein; the special way in which the constitution is enacted (which is totally different from the way the ordinary laws of the land are enacted); and even the procedure for its amendment, is demonstrably different from that which is followed in amending the ordinary laws of the land.
That is actually what explains why the Constitutions of older countries, like that of the United states of America, has survived for centuries without being replaced with new constitutions. But whenever the need arises for reforms to be made thereto, that is done simply through amendments.
The issue of providing ‘fair space’ for women’s participation.
This is one of the issues which can be effectively handled only through the making of appropriate reforms to the Constitution, as clearly evidenced by our own constitutional history. I am here referring to the particular issue of “women in Parliament”.
The introduction of the women’s ‘special seats’.
It may presumably be remembered by some of our readers, that the main purpose for the introduction of such ‘special seats’ for women; was to address the gender impediment to women’s political advancement, through this methodology of giving them greater representation, not only in Parliament, but also in the Local Government Authority Councils.
It is for that reason that the country’s Constitution was amended, initially to include a new provision for “not less than 15% of the total number of MPs to be women. And the Local Government Laws were similarly amended to provide for “not less than 25% of each Council’s members to be women. A subsequent constitutional amendment further raised this percentage point to “not less that 30%. And was further raised in 2020 to not less than 40%. This provision was, however, not intended to reduce ‘the open space’ which is available for competition by anyone irrespective of gender, namely the constituency seats. Instead, it was intended to just provide for ‘extra space’ for women, to enter the Legislative Branch of the government, and the Local Authority Councils.
But, and indeed unfortunately, the notion of ‘special seats’ created two unintended disadvantages for the women:- One was there developed a male ‘conspiracy’ of unfairly treating them as ‘preferential seats, (with the negative aim of lowering their value, compared to the regular Parliamentary constituency MPs). Thus, as a consequence thereof, the ‘special seats’ MPs tended to be treated as ‘inferior class’ MPs; a ‘male ‘conspiracy’ which appeared to hurt the women MPs psychologically, but, to their great credit, they bravely continued to ‘soldier on’.
Another unintended outcome, was the unintended frustration of the original “intention of the constitution-makers” in this case, which was that women would use these ‘special seats’ only as “a passage way”, to be utilized for the purpose only of gaining greater confidence, plus experience, which would equip them adequately for participation in the regular constituency election competitions; for example, after they had served in that capacity for the first five years; they would willingly give those opportunities to other women to enter and occupy these special seats, in order for them to gain the same experience; thus spreading those benefits to a larger number of women in the community.
However, what actually transpired was totally different; as many of those who got elected to these ‘special seats’ did not want to leave them; thus frustrating the good intention of the constitution-makers.
The issue of the independent candidates’ participation in elections.
This is another matter which requires a new Constitution, which will remove the present constitutional restriction on the participation of “private candidates” in all our elections. These restrictions are prescribed in articles 39, 47, and 67 of the Constitution.; and must have been introduced for ‘good reasons’ in the circumstances of the times when they were imposed; but those times and circumstances have now changed.
The issue of providing ‘fair space’ for winning elections.
The underlying purpose for demanding a ‘new Constitution’, an ‘independent electoral Commission’, etc; is the desire on the part of the opposition parties to defeat CCM at a given general election. This is indeed, an entirely valid objective to be pursued under the multi-party political system which we are operating in Tanzania.
However, CCM’s defeat at past general elections has not occurred, largely because of its inherent, or in-built advantage; namely the unity of its very vast membership population, which is what has effectively shielded this party from any such defeat. This ‘inherent strength’ has been tested twice, and proved to be manifestly solid.
The first test was when Augustine Mrema decamped from CCM, just before the 1995 first multi-party general election; with high expectations of winning that election on an opposition ticket. To his great disappointment, that did not happen. Which reminds me of the Biblical story of Samson, whose extraordinary strength lay in the hair on his head. Mrema’s apparent massive political strength appears to have been rooted in his membership of CCM; because soon after he decamped there from, his political strength suddenly evaporated.
The second test came when Edward Lowassa, also decamped to CHADEMA just before the 2015 general elections; with similarly high expectations of winning that election on an opposition ticket. But, again like in the Biblical Samson story, Lowassa’s seemingly huge political strength was also embedded in his membership of CCM, and similarly evaporated when he defected to the Opposition. This evidence, I submit, adequately proves CCM’s inherent, or in-built, institutional strength; which is expressed in its Kiswahili slogan of “Chama kwanza, mtu baadaye”.
It is conceded, however, that CCM can indeed be defeated at a general election, because of other weaknesses, such as the following:-
The ‘self-inflicted’ injuries.
CCM’s biggest election defeat threat, is in the area of “self-inflicted injuries. These are defined as ‘injuries that are carelessly imposed upon itself by its own negligent actions’. From my own experience in the service of CCM, the main such injury has been its carelessness in the selection of its candidates for the general elections.
In my considered opinion, this is the only “killer disease” which is most likely going to remove CCM from power; if, or when, the party will fail to select electable candidates.
The lack of committed trust in the top leader.
Another such ‘killer’ disease that could cause CCM’s demise from power; is the “loss of people’s trust” in its top leader’. The test of such ‘loss of trust’ in CCM’s top-leader, was amply demonstrated during President Jakaya Kikwete’s final term in office. This ‘loss of trust’ was created principally by the emergence of certain scandals, which were directly associated with a number of government leaders in his government; and, consequently, they also became associated with him as the President.
The said scandals included:
(a) the ‘Richmond scandal’, which eventually led to the resignation of then Prime Minister Edward Lowassa; and
(b) the equally damaging scandals which followed thereafter in very quick succession; relating to money which was allegedly stolen from the Central Bank’s External Payments Account (EPA); scandals which were again associated with government leaders, including Ministers, in President Kikwete’s government.
Naturally, such serious accusations created a great deal of anger among many Tanzanians, which was directed specifically at President Kikwete himself, accusing him of deliberately protecting the culprits, in view of his alleged failure to take effective action against them.
piomsekwa@gmail.com/0754767576.
Saturday, 21 May 2022
Of fake political debts and Ruto’s pity party
It’s the silly season, and so we can expect a lot of political skullduggery. In other words, anything goes. Expect a lie, or half-truth, most times when a politician, or their minion, open their mouths.
Most educated voters will recognise an outright fib, or snake oil. But others won’t. That’s partly why democracy, as Winston Churchill famously said, is the worst form of government, except for all others. He also contemptuously opined that a five-minute conversation with the average voter is the best argument against democracy. We are stuck with those truths unless we want a dictatorship, or rule by murder. Let’s at least parse the hypocritical cries of political debts. It’s an art perfected by DP William Ruto.
Interior Cabinet Secretary Fred Matiang’I – and I wholly agree with the one-time State University of New York employee, for which I work – that Mr Ruto is a shameless sympathy addict. I’d like to be a fly on the wall if, and when, he woos the opposite gender. The man must be a skilled pity beggar.
You think he would be granted his heart’s desires because of the mercy of his target. That’s how Mr Ruto has approached his pleas to Kenyans for the presidency. He’s all but said that Kenyans should elect him the fifth president because they should pity him. That’s because, he says, he’s sacrificed for others who must now return the favour. Don’t shake your head.
Retinue of perks
Mr Ruto is a child of the system. He’s always suckled at the breast of the state. Even when he wasn’t in the inner sanctum of the state, he was an MP, which is part of the state. So, the man from Sugoi doesn’t know how to be out of government. The thought of being out of the state altogether completely terrifies him.
What would he, for example, do without state protection and the retinue of perks like bodyguards, free houses and cars that come with fleecing the taxpayer? Nor would he have the ability to “eat” from public coffers. One must wonder whether he would’ve amassed his reputedly unexplained gargantuan riches without access to the state trough.
Mr Ruto’s dependence on the state fully explains why he can’t resign as DP because he would lose all the free moolah. He would be defrocked and required to explain how he acquired it all. He doesn’t know how to live like an ordinary human being, as the rest of us do. He fakes a “hustler” tag – and a roadside chicken seller – when in actual fact he’s a political scion of the late President Daniel arap Moi. It doesn’t get any more “dynasty” than that. As the late President Mwai Kibaki would hilariously say, “Bure kabisa” [totally useless]. But Mr Ruto is a shameless political animal. He will say, or do, anything to be elected. I ain’t kidding.
Which brings me back to Mr Ruto’s pity party. First, Mr Ruto says, without batting an eyelid, that Mr Odinga shouldn’t run against him. Instead, the right-wing conservative argues that he “made” Mr Odinga Prime Minister and, as such, the latter must endorse him for the presidency. As they say with consternation, “Awuoro!” [Mamma mia!].
The highest office in the land isn’t a gift served on a silver platter. Only the electors can grant it, not a single person, no matter how powerful. That’s how democracy works, with all its imperfections. Mr Ruto is kvetching because of his outsized sense of entitlement. He didn’t make Mr Odinga PM, and Mr Odinga owes him zilch. His gall is appalling.
Evidence of panic
Mr Ruto should be grateful to Mr Odinga, who schooled him on a few political moves. Mr Ruto is but a political toddler to Mr Odinga. The calumny that he’s heaped on Mr Odinga – whom he must believe will eat his lunch on August 9 – is simply evidence of panic. He fears the political maestro will cannibalise him. The other person Mr Ruto seems hates with a passion is Jubilee’s Uhuru Kenyatta, his boss. Like a broken record, he and his acolytes have clung to “my 10, your 10”. This is a roadside throwaway line by Mr Kenyatta during the duo’s campaign that Mr Kenyatta would serve 10 years and pass the baton to Mr Ruto for “his 10”.
If only wishes were horses. But they aren’t. Nevertheless, that hasn’t stopped Mr Ruto from guilt-tripping Gema with the “ten-ten” so-called community promise. Hello! What happened to democracy? Where did Mr Kenyatta get the power to auction Gema votes to Mr Ruto? And who told Mr Ruto that he could ransom Gema votes?
This extortionist conduct is beyond the pale. Mr Odinga said “Kibaki Tosha” just as his father Jaramogi had said “Mzee Kenyatta Tosha”. Yet Mr Odinga has never claimed any debt from Gema. Mr Ruto’s hypocrisy knows no limits. I urge him to campaign without taking Gema hostage. He must stop denying individual citizens their democratic agency.
Makau Mutua is SUNY Distinguished Professor and Margaret W. Wong Professor at Buffalo Law School. He’s Chair of KHRC. @makaumutua.
Source: Sunday Nation tomorrow.
Sunday, 15 May 2022
Let's democratise selection of running mate
You often have to think against the box – not outside of it – to grow an emerging democracy. They say it’s little droplets of water that make a mighty ocean. Democracy is forged one hard inch by another hard inch. It’s never achieved in miles at a stretch. And there are usually reversals in between.
That’s because democracy is a continuous experiment, not a final destination. It’s the reason introducing the tradition of publicly vetting nominees for Deputy President of the Republic is a small step but a giant leap in Kenya’s political culture. That’s how you expand, deepen and entrench democracy in the psyches of both the hoi polloi and the elite. Let me extrapolate and elucidate.
Azimio la Umoja One Kenya presidential candidate Raila Odinga has become the first to introduce the public vetting of DP nominees in Kenya. This isn’t unfamiliar territory for Mr Odinga. He has often gone where others haven’t gone before. And he’s done it all in pursuit of a democratic and prosperous Kenya. More than any other living Kenyan, he’s paid a heavy personal price for his courage. He’s been detained, jailed, physically beaten and exiled. I find it shocking that he doesn’t have a bone of bitterness in his body. I am not sure I would be so forgiving. He holds not a single grudge against those who’ve wronged him. He’s truly at peace, having forgiven them all.
Mr Odinga’s towering achievements in Kenya’s political culture include his relentless leadership for the 2010 Constitution, which democratised the state, dispersed political power from the executive to other arms of the state and to the people in counties, and brought more scrutiny, accountability and transparency to governance. It’s not an exaggeration to say that he’s done more to bring democracy than any other person. That’s why it came as no surprise when he instituted a committee to publicly recommend candidates for running mate. Like every novel idea that seeks to unfreeze hierarchies of power, the idea attracted enormous support, and some opposition. The entire country was bathed in excitement. The public and the media couldn’t get enough.
Democracy is a consequentialist system in the sense that its outcome has real-world repercussions for actual, living human beings. So, the results of the democratic franchise are extremely important. Who you elect and what policies they implement are critical. Even more important is the process of democracy itself. That’s because democracy is a process, not a result. To the extent democracy is a result, that result must affirm the legitimacy of the process itself. Legitimacy at every phase of the process. This includes the determination of candidates for public office, including the running mate. Mr Odinga’s view is that the choice of running mate shouldn’t be the exclusive preserve of one person alone, but the public’s also.
This is why. First, the DP is a heartbeat away from being President. The DP must be ready on Day One to assume office should the need arise. That’s why involving the public in the selection gives the nominee legitimacy and wider acceptance in case they should take the reins of power. A public vetting process allows the country to give the presidential nominee wise counsel about the choices before him, or her. It widens – and deepens – the reservoir of knowledge because of disclosure of information and public debate on the suitability of those fronted as choices. How can more sunlight on the second highest officeholder be a bad thing? Knowledge and information are formidable tools in any democracy. Secondly, public vetting allows the country to debate the criteria and the requirements for the office of running mate and the candidates. Important factors such as inclusivity, the place of regional, gender, age, social status, race, and ethnicity in the selection process become poignant. Do these different demographics feel affirmed by the process? Is the process a backroom deal between powerful ethnic potentates where the one selected is only accountable to a mafia or cartels? Once in office, will the DP nominee rebel against the President or sabotage the government? What message does the selection send to little girls, or the marginalised? Does the choice bring a huge basket of votes, excite the people, or anger them?
The public’s inclusion in the choice of running mate partially tells Kenyans the state belongs to them, not just the presidential candidate. It says the elite shouldn’t simply disregard the people when they bargain among themselves. The process shows the humility of those who’ve agreed to be publicly vetted. It affirms that no one – no matter their station in life – is too big to be “interviewed” by the people of Kenya. Importantly, it closes the door on those who argue that being publicly vetted is “humiliating”. On the contrary, it’s a rare privilege for anyone to be interviewed for the office of DP. Let’s thank Baba for growing our democratic political traditions.
Makau Mutua is SUNY Distinguished Professor and Margaret W. Wong Professor at Buffalo Law School. He’s chair of KHRC. @makaumutua.
Source: Sunday Nation today.