How the Berlin Conference Clung on Africa: What Africa Must Do
Friday, 30 August 2019
Thursday, 29 August 2019
DEPENDENCY SYNDROME-I FULLY CONCUR WITH PRESIDENT MAGUFULI
How many African rulers, think this way? If anything, this way of thinking differentiates Magufuli from rulers that Africa has in plenty. By being differentiated and separated from rulers, Magufuli prove how he truly is a leader. One of the aspirations of any leader is to develop those he leads while a ruler aspires to amass wealth even when those he rules are manmade paupers as it is the case in many postcolonial Africa. Magufuli wants to deconstruct the colonial narrative that make us believe that we will develop by receiving handouts from our former colonial monsters. Actually, Magufuli indirectly subscribes to the truth that Africa is the one that developed Europe and made it rich.
Although many African rulers are afraid of attempting what Magufuli is now doing, it is but sheer fear. Africa has what it takes to depend on itself. Apart from being endowed with humungous reserves of resources of value, Africa used to depend on itself when it was operating on its own policies and ways of doing things before the introduction of slavery and colonialism followed by capitalism and neocolonialism so as to end up in beggarliness wantonly. Needless to say, Africa has the potential of manpower that top up material resources such as minerals, friendly weather, fertile soil, rivers, lakes, and resilience that enabled it to make do with such brutal and exploitative systems of modern superstructure universalised under globalism, internationalism and many sweet names colonial powers invent and like to use and popularise. Academic, activists and all those who aspire to stamp africa out of beggarliness and abject poverty need to support and learn from Magufuli. Essentially, what is need is nothing but courage and self-confidence that changes can't come from out of the blue. They are brought and effected by us. Again, without Africa uniting, it become a piper dream for the entire continent to become independent. This is because we still have Africans who still believe that without their colonial masters' support they can't develop as if before having such masters life didn't exist in Africa. Sometimes, I wonder how Africa was able to discover fire, agriculture, iron and other essentials and depended on itself for millions of year fail to rebel against mental slavery and mental colonialism resulting from the colonising and toxifying the minds of its people.
SADC DECLARES KISWAHILI ITS FOURTH OFFICIAL LANGUAGE: “A BIG HONOUR TO MWALIMU NYERERE”
The words in the heading
of this article were uttered by the Chairman of the Southern African
Development Community (SADC), Tanzania President Dr. John Pombe Magufuli, in
his closing speech to the 39th SADC Summit in Dar es Salaam City on Sunday,
August 18th, 2019. President
Magufuli further said that “accepting
Kiswahili as one of the official
SADC languages means a lot to
Tanzania; and is a big honour to Tanzania’s founding father, Mwalimu
Julius Nyerere, who played a very big role in the liberation
of many African countries, making it
possible for a large number of freedom fighters to be trained in Tanzania, who quickly learnt Kiswahili
and used it as their major language of communication.”
President Magufuli,
of course, gave a lot more details about what had transpired at that meeting of SADC
Heads of State and Government,
but his statement that “the
adoption of Kiswahili as one of SADC’s
official languages is a big honour to Mwalimu Nyerere” gives us Tanzanians, one additional opportunity for paying homage to the departed father of our nation, even if only in respect
of that single Kiswahili aspect, out of the many other aspects
relating to the development of our nation, for which Mwalimu Nyerere is fondly remembered. I have referred to it as ‘an additional
opportunity’ because we already have in place the traditional anniversary
commemorations that are regularly undertaken on the sad anniversary date of his
death, the 14th day of October.
It is for that reason that
I have opted to isolate this one item (out of the many
SADC Summit resolutions), for more extensive discussion in today’s article, in order to
shed more light on Mwalimu Nyerere’s
outstanding contributions to the
development of the Kiswahili language within Tanzania itself.
Mwalimu Nyerere and the
development of Kiswahili.
Mwalimu Nyerere’s
starting point in the development of the Kiswahili language inside
Tanzania, was his decision, taken soon after the achievement of the country’s
independence in December 1961; to make
Kiswahili the country’s official
language; that is to say, the language
to be used in all public business transactions, and specifically, the transaction of government business.
That decision is what made
it necessary, for example, for the National Assembly (Bunge), to also change
from English to Kiswahili, as the language of its proceedings. And, by a
strange twist of fate, it fell upon me to implement that change, which is a
pretty instructive experience that I relish to share with our readers.
It was quite a process, which involved
the setting up of an entirely new system for the preparation of Bunge Hansards
(the official records of the Bunge proceedings). Previous to that, the Bunge proceedings were
conducted only in the English language. (For
that reason, the MPs who were elected in the pre-independence elections of 1960
whose knowledge of the English language was in doubt, were required to undergo an
oral English language test, administered by the British Clerk of the National
Assembly, Mr. Geoffrey Hucks). We therefore
had a team of competent ‘shorthand writers’, also known as stenographers, who
took shorthand notes of all that was being said inside Bunge, and later went
out to transcribe their notes into typewritten scripts.
The immediate challenge
was that no shorthand characters had been developed for the Kiswahili language
at that material time; and thus, there were no trained ‘shorthand’ stenographers
available anywhere in the job market. In
these difficult circumstances, we had to embark on a completely new system
of using
‘audio-typists’, that is to say, a cadre of clerical staff who wound
take audio recordings of all that was said inside Bunge, and later
hand over the recordings to another
cadre of ‘audio typists’, who would then transcribe the recordings into
typewritten scripts.
It
took some time and money to establish this new system, but it was all done and
completed in time, which enabled us to avoid disrupting any of the scheduled
Bunge sessions.
This little story will help
to show that the SADC summit’s adoption of Kiswahili as one of its official languages,
is only the first step. Its implementation will similarly require other steps
to be taken by the SADC Secretariat, before the said decision becomes operative at SADC Summit
level.
Other efforts by Mwalimu
Nyerere to develop Kiswahili.
My own experience of
Mwalimu Nyerere’s personal endeavours
in contributing to the development of the Kiswahili language; is in respect of
two specific events, both of which I can clearly remember. The
first is in relation to his efforts to ‘teach’ Kiswahili grammar to members of
the National Executive Committee of Chama cha Mapinduzi, during the period when
he was its national Chairman. Most
probably out of ignorance, many members of that party Organ had fallen into the
bad habit of creating a non- existence plural form of the Kiswahili word “saa”
(hour), which they christened “masaa”; by saying, for example, “ilituchuka
masaa mawili kufika hapa." This tendency
frustrated Mwalimu Nyerere to the extent that, at one stage, he decided to don
his professional teacher’s hat, and came to a NEC meeting armed with a Kiswahili
Dictionary, to help him teach his audience that the word “saa” has no plural
form. Which means that one hour is “saa
moja”. And two or five hours is still “saa mbili” or “saa tano”, and never ‘masaa
mawili’ or ‘masaa matano.’
The second event is in
relation to his efforts (and successes) in demonstrating that Kiswahili is
capable of being used even in scholastic endeavours and associated achievements.
This is amply evidenced by his undertaking of the herculean tasks of
translating into Kiswahili, some of
the ancient scholastic tomes, such as
the Holy Bible’s Four Gospels (the New
Testament, which he titled Tenzi za
Biblia; plus two of
William Shakespeare’s ancient
plays, Julius Caesar; and The Merchant of Venice. Clearly, these
are pretty heavy scholarly undertakings , especially considering the fact that he carried out these
tasks during the same busy years when he had to invest most of his prime working time to the more urgent
tasks of building the foundations for the development of the new nation, which he had just successfully pulled
out of colonialism.
In
that respect, in addition to admiring his amazing energy, enthusiasm, love, and
commitment to the Kiswahili language; there are two hard and intriguing questions
which appear to need answers. They are the following: (a) Why did Mwalimu Nyerere
choose to undertake the task of translating these scholarly works into Kiswahili? (b) If we may call it a hobby, (i.e. an
activity which you do only for pleasure, when you are not working on something
else), how did he find the time for undertaking such demanding hobby
undertakings?
Mwalimu Nyerere the
person.
For the benefit of the
current young generation, it may be helpful l to give a brief description of
the personality of Mwalimu Nyerere, in order to facilitate their understanding
of the kind of person he actually was. In
the year 2012, I published a book in
Kiswahili, titled “Uongozi na Utawala wa
Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere (Nyambari Nyangwine Publishers, Dar es
Salaam), in which I presented a small
selection of tributes made by different persons, mostly foreigners who got to
know him reasonably well during his life time. I cited, for
example, a quotation from a book titled “Leadership
for Democratic Development in Tanzania”, whose author, Peter Haussler,
states that “the leadership style of Mwalimu Nyerere may also be referred to as
‘charismatic’ and ‘visionary’.
Charismatic leadership is the ability to influence followers based on supernatural gifts and attractive powers,
whereby followers just enjoy being led by the charismatic leader, because they
feel inspired, correct, and important”. Other comments on Mwalimu Nyerere’s
personal qualities include the following: “Mwalimu Nyerere was an iconic
leader, a man of principle, intelligence, and integrity. He was considered a political prophet by many,
and a man of intelligence, humour and honesty”.
There are many
more comments quoted therein about Mwalimu Nyerere’s personal leadership
qualities and characteristic; but for the purpose of this article, we will
pause there, and go back to our intriguing questions posed above. In relation to this discussion, the most relevant
question appears to be: Why did Mwalimu
Nyerere choose to translate these scholarly works into Kiswahili? My own
answer is as already stated above, that he wanted to demonstrate that Kiswahili
is quite capable of being used even for scholastic undertakings of a
professional nature. The fact that Mwalimu Nyerere was able to find enough Kiswahili
words to render more than five hundred lines of dense Shakespearian verse into
Kiswahili, is alone sufficient evidence of the expansive richness of this
language.
But
I also know, from first-hand experience, that Mwalimu was not at all in favour
of adopting Kiswahili as the language of instruction in our Institutions of
Secondary and tertiary education. I found this out when a small group of us had
been assigned the task of preparing a new policy document for adoption by the
CCM National Executive Committee at its Musoma meeting, way back in 1974.
That group included me, then
Vice Chancellor of the University of Dar es Salaam; and Reverend Simon Chiwanga,
then Minister of National Education (as it was then designated). The envisaged new policy was aimed at
restricting the system of direct entry
to the University immediately after successful completion of Form Six Secondary
education, by introducing an intervening period of two-year National Service training,
plus the acquisition of specified work experience, before qualifying for
admission to the University. Minister Chiwanga had suggested that we include in
the draft of that document, the proposal that Kiswahili be progressively
introduced as the language of instruction in our Institutions of Secondary and
tertiary education. We did that and
submitted the draft to Mwalimu Nyerere for his consideration and comments. He told us to delete that part of the draft. In his words, “we cannot avoid training our
students in English, because English is the Kiswahili of the current World”.
Second question: how did Mwalimu Nyerere find the time to
undertake such demanding hobbies? This
is indeed astonishing, given the
fact that he was at the same time heavily engaged in the more substantive tasks of building a new Tanganyika (later Tanzania) nation; through undertaking the core, day-to-day business of
running the country; plus spearheading the Pan-African efforts to
eliminate colonialism from the whole of the African continent, and to
drive out the obnoxious apartheid regime from South Africa.
This should be taken as
one good and pertinent lesson for the current leadership generation, many of
whom tend to take refuge in the false claim that they “have no time” for
reading or writing books, allegedly because they are much too busy with their
full-time leadership responsibilities!
But if Mwalimu Nyerere, with all his heavy domestic leadership duties
and responsibilities, plus those extra Pan-African engagements, could still
find time to translate those ancient Holy Bible and Shakespearean works into
Kiswahili, why should others fail, and even
succeed so easily in
getting away with it?
piomsekwa@gmail.com/0754767576.
Source: Daily News and Cde Msekwa
Wednesday, 28 August 2019
My Newborn Baby "Born Nude" is out
Born Nude is philosophical poetry that explores myriad themes, from equality to humility and environmental consciousness. It is divided into chapters that pinpoint specific areas of interest. The author delves into human weaknesses and strengths based on nature and nurture. He invites the reader to contemplate the ephemeral nature of all things material, and how to nurture oneself into a higher order and loyalty of being human. The volume’s satirical tone is critical of the destructive sterility of zero-sum games of superiority and dominance. It treats as anathema exploitation based on contrived hierarchies of gender, geography, politics and the geopolitik of the modern world.
ISBN | 9789956551002 |
Pages | 96 |
Dimensions | 203 x 127mm |
Published | 2019 |
Publisher | Langaa RPCIG, Cameroon |
Format | Paperback |
REMEMBERING CEPHAS MASHAKADA
This month eight years ago the world lost a famous Zimbabwean musician, Cephas Mashakada whom we today commemorate. Mashakada died 51 years old. His music however still lives on.
May God rest his soul in eternal peace.
Monday, 26 August 2019
Friday, 23 August 2019
Wednesday, 21 August 2019
ARE ELECTIONS IN AFRICA GENUINE DEMOCRATIC EXERCISES OR MERE WINDOW-DRESSING EVENTS?
Tanzania is gearing up
for the next phase of general elections; which are scheduled to be held later
this year, and next year. Are these elections genuine democratic exercises, or
mere window-dressing events?
Soon after the conclusion of the last
Ugandan Presidential elections in 2016; a writer in the
Ugandan media made the following
scathing comments: “Presidential
elections in Uganda had been stolen by the declared winner President Yoweri Museveni, and therefore, in terms of
sustaining democracy, they were actually useless and meaningless” He also made other serious allegations
regarding how, in the past, votes had been stolen by Presidential election
winners in Mozambique, Namibia and Zimbabwe. He then concluded by claiming that: Elections in Africa are a joke. Africans are
given to stealing elections.”
Similarly, soon after the
conclusion of Kenya’s general elections in 2017; THE CITIZEN of 11th September, published one Justice
Novati Rutenge’s comments titled “Decades on, why just can’t we get
our elections right?”, in which the writer went on to elaborate as follows: “Kenya’s 2017
elections were a cautionary tale of how
election malpractices (call it outright rigging) can divide a country and lead
to deep-seated turmoil . After taking what seemed to be all the steps
in the right direction in terms of setting up a fool-proof electoral process,
just how did Kenya manage to have botched the elections? However, this issue is not unique to Kenya,
for most African countries still have a long way to go before they start
holding proper and meaningful elections. Why can’t African ‘democracies’ get
their act together when it comes to the most important routine in their
practice of democracy, even after doing it for several decades?”.
In view of such scathing
criticisms of elections in Africa , I
was moved to ask this pertinent
question: “If indeed, as claimed by these writers,
Africans are given to stealing elections, what then is the value or
usefulness of holding elections in African countries, when they actually mere
jokes and NOT
true reflections of the genuine choices which had been made by the electors concerned?”
I am, of course, also keenly aware of similar accusations which have been regularly and consistently made against the winners of the Zanzibar Presidential elections, for the similar crime of “stolen elections”; which therefore adds on to the list of “Africans who are given to stealing elections.”
I am, of course, also keenly aware of similar accusations which have been regularly and consistently made against the winners of the Zanzibar Presidential elections, for the similar crime of “stolen elections”; which therefore adds on to the list of “Africans who are given to stealing elections.”
However, our discussion herein
has been designed to focus not on the actual
conduct of elections, nor on matters directly associated with such
exercise. We have instead opted to isolate
the subject of “electoral democracy” for a more detailed examination; or, as
the popular adage goes, to “separate the sheep from the goats”. This is solely for the reason that the word “democracy”
is an omnibus word, which, according to the Oxford English Dictionary, carries
three separate meanings as follows: - 1. “a system of government in which all
the people of a country can vote to elect their representatives”, 2. “a country
which has this system of government,” 3.
“fair and equal treatment of everyone in an organization, etc, and their right
to take part in the making of decisions”.
It, therefore, becomes necessary to clarify which meaning is being used in which
particular context. Thus, in the context
of this discussion, we will focus only on the first-listed definition of
‘democracy’, because that is what enables us to discuss the matter of elections,
which is a necessary component of that system.
Even though the words “system of government” themselves carry a
variety of meanings, since there are more than one ‘systems of
government’ in operation in the
world; the two most familiar being the ‘Presidential system’ and the
‘Parliamentary system”, which are commonly associated, respectively, with the American-based system
and the British- based
(Westminster) system. But because both these systems are founded on
the same basic principle that “their people must vote to elect their representatives” (which means the
holding of regular elections), this enables us to focus solely on that one
aspect of ‘democracy’, namely, “electoral democracy”.
In this discussion, we are
advancing the following propositions:
(a) that the modern concept of electoral democracy “has a distinctive cultural element embedded in it that
is based on the civilization of Western countries; and which is
attributable to unique factors such as their long experience in working with
elected representative bodies; plus their established systems of social pluralism; (b) that this cultural element necessarily creates operational problems for
participants who belong to
different cultures; and (c)
that this cultural impediment is the root cause for the “failure by African countries to just get our elections
right”.
I should disclose that this is a (perhaps vain) attempt to explain why “decades on, Africans still can’t get their elections right”; but is done purely as an academic exercise, with no desire whatsoever, or covert intention, of justifying any such criminal activities.
I should disclose that this is a (perhaps vain) attempt to explain why “decades on, Africans still can’t get their elections right”; but is done purely as an academic exercise, with no desire whatsoever, or covert intention, of justifying any such criminal activities.
The identification of
democracy with elections.
It is quite clear that the current dominant trend is to define
‘democracy’ almost entirely in terms of holding
regular elections; in order to
achieve the goal of ensuring that the “rulers” are selected
periodically by the votes of the
“ruled” through free and fair elections, in which virtually the entire adult
population is eligible to vote. Thus, a modern nation-state is deemed to be a
‘democracy’ only if its government is
established as a result of free, honest, and periodic elections in which he
candidates freely compete for votes. Hence, according to this view, elections are
the essence of democracy. And, more
importantly, it is presumed that these characteristics can only be guaranteed
in a multi-party-political system, where people are free to choose between
competing political parties, representing different shades of opinion.
The negative impact of
cultural differences.
Experience has manifestly
shown that because of the obvious cultural differences that exist around the world,
taking elections and its associated characteristics, described above, as the
essence of democracy has not always given us the perfect model we are looking
for. There have been two principal reasons for this. One is that although
electoral democracy will, indeed,
produce the desired elected government, but it is still possible, and has in fact
happened in some cases, for such elected government to subsequently ignore the other essential safeguards for individual
rights and liberties; such as those of expression, association, religious belief,
and political participation. Or it may even introduce legal mechanisms to
enable the people who are in power to manipulate the electoral process in their
favour; including introducing controversial Constitutional amendments to enable
them to stay indefinitely in power. There
are live examples of this having happened in a number of African countries. The second reason is that there have indeed
been situations whereby free and fair
elections have led to the victory of political
leaders, or groups, that have
subsequently threatened the maintenance of democracy itself, by, for
example, acting in arbitrary ways to suppress, or even eliminate, their
political opponents.
An additional facet, but rather strange
outcome in African elections, has been the rogue refusal by the
losing candidate in Presidential elections, to accept the results of an election which has been certified
by all groups of observers to have been free and fair; and who started fighting a totally
unwarranted, brutal, guerrilla war against the winning candidate.
Furthermore, over the years,
we have also witnessed a number of events
when the relevant elections were actually boycotted by political
parties, presumably because they were considered to be “useless and meaningless”
exercises. It
is in the light of all these negative experiences, that I am persuaded to believe that the cultural differences
that exist, are the root cause of ‘Africa’s failure to get things right’ in
relation to multi-party elections.
Indeed, as a result of
these experiences, some stakeholders have questioned the rationale of this blanket identification
of ‘democracy’ with multi-party elections.
At a “Global Coalition for Africa” conference that was held in November 1995, on the theme titled “Africa’s Future and the World”, many
participants were reported to have underscored
the importance of ‘going beyond political parties” in the
democratization process, by cautioning
that ’multi-party system does not automatically lead to democracy”, and emphasized the need to
involve the larger society in the
democratization process; by recommending the building of a
strong civil society, “which
alone will be capable of building and
sustaining democracy, and acting as a
check on Government”.
The issue of political
parties “representing different shades of opinion”.
Multi-party elections are
said to provide the opportunity for people to choose between “political parties
with shades of different opinions”. But again, this is only true in
jurisdictions where ‘social pluralism’ is part of their political culture. In many of our African ‘democracies’, even
after decades of operating the multi-party system, it is still difficult to
identify substantially significant differences between the political “shades “of
opinion, or ideologies, of the different political parties. Judging from their
election manifestos, and the statements made at open election campaign meetings;
the only ‘ideology’ which all of them appear to be promoting, is the need to
enhance the social and economic welfare of the people, through eliminating
poverty, ignorance and disease. In other
words, there are no fundamental divisions between political parties, since they
all seem to be pursuing this single objective.
This reminds me of Mwalimu Julius Nyerere’s
thesis titled “One Party
Democracy” which he wrote in 1961; in which he argued as follows:- “A two-party
system (like the British system) can be justified only when the parties are
divided over fundamental issues; otherwise it merely encourages the growth of
factionalism . . . Let us take the case of two major parties, both of which
have the interest of the people at heart (or so they claim). For example, both believe that education is a
good thing, and should be made available to everybody; and both believe that a
fair living wage should be paid to all workers; and both believe that medical
care should be within reach of all the people.
All these things are
fundamental. Thus, it would be a reasonable assumption that, whichever party
wins the election, will provide the people with as many of these benefits as
possible. Given that fundamental
agreement, it would be far more sensible if both sides were
to disband their competition teams, and let the electorate choose the best
individuals from among them all, so that the chosen representatives will meet
in Parliament to discuss only the details of how the agreed
tasks should best be carried out, and, thereafter, to cooperate fully in getting them accomplished”.
That, of course, is exactly what happened
during the 30-year period of the Constitutional ‘one-party’ governance system
in Tanzania, from 1965 to 1995.
Are elections in Africa a
big joke? My answer is “No”. Yours may be different. But elections have a great and crucial role
to play in a democracy. And since the
world has not yet been able to invent an alternative to elections for selecting
the peoples’ leaders, Africa will
continue to operate, unabated, the system of multi-party ‘electoral democracy’.
piomsekwa@gmail,com/0754767576.
Source: Daily News and Cde Msekwa himself today.
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