EACC list: The parade of deplorables

 Integrity Centre, the EACC headquarters in Nairobi.  File | Nation Media Group

                   

By Makau Mutua Professor at SUNY Buffalo Law School and Chair of the KHRC.

Call them the sick men and women of Kenya’s politics – the swamp. But whatever name or moniker you bathe them with, there’s one singular fact that defines the whole lot – they are the parade of horribles. A basket of absolute undesirables. They personify, and exemplify, the worst of the worst in Kenya’s politics. They are the reason our country has lagged behind, and is bordering on an eyesore in the international community.

        These men and women have been flagged by the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) as unfit to hold any elective office in the republic, and have been earmarked for political extinction by the Redcard Campaign 2022, a leading ethics civil society consortium. But alas, virtually all have sneaked through – excused.

        These politicians have no shame. They loot and steal from the public coffers in broad daylight. They flaunt their ill-gotten loot in the public’s face, and ask us, “mta-do?” (what will you do about it?). This is the textbook definition of impunity.    Among them aren’t only notorious thieves, but they include alleged rapists, murderers, child molesters, wife-batterers, and all manner of human vermin.

        They are a decrepit lot, the type that even their parents should regret ever burdening the world with. They are immoral, amoral, and even evil, if I may deploy a controversial term. For how else do you describe a monster who’s clothed in a human form, and walks on two legs?

The Mafiosi

        One of these politicians is a former governor. Both his educational pedigree and political parentage are of dubious provenance. No one knows where, or how, he could’ve risen to the top, even among the Mafiosi. That’s Kenya for you. Gone are the days when the schoolteacher was the most respected person in the village. Today, the drug dealer, the predator of the public purse, and the plunderer of our children’s future, is the hero.

        Our people are so desperate that the word “hustler”, used under the guise of an empty political slogan, can excite anyone’s noggin. We are a people who need to get a grip, or else. The aforementioned governor is Exhibit of our worst. An integrity state agency has taken him to court alleging the looting of a gargantuan sum of public monies.

        Most people don’t have the brain to count the amount stolen. I had trouble imagining the sum. And – unlike the man facing these allegations – I went to known schools in the world. However, the impugned governor decided to “invest” the loot by buying choice properties in places where all and sundry would appreciate his machismo. You’d think most people “hide” the proceeds of their alleged theft in a dark corner, or park it in a remote bank. No, not this governor. He demonstrates his virility by conspicuous consumption.

        Another senior politician who was once accused of carrying public money in huge sacks, insisted on being cleared to run for a top office. Without apology. How does such a person look the hapless citizen in the eye and say, “I want to lead you?” Isn’t that the proper spelling of the word “torture”? Our founding parents, and many weren’t saints either, must be turning in their graves.

        They never imagined that we would sink this low. In many societies around the world today, such people would hang their heads in shame, or face public execution in others. In China, or Rwanda, their trunks and torsos would be separated from their heads. And I oppose the death penalty. I like the list of ineligible politicians produced by EACC. I like it very much. I am impressed by the list published by the Redcard Campaign.

        But both lists suffer from a smidgeon of incredulity. How can UDA’s Presidential candidate William Ruto be missing from the lists? His running mate Mathira MP Rigathi Gachagua makes one of the lists. Why is he not in both? And why is Mr Ruto not on both lists yet he is dogged by allegations of corruption – and even worse? The brains behind both lists need to go back and restore his name in its rightful place. Otherwise, they are cowardly.

Heart and soul of our culture

   Chapter Six of the 2010 Constitution is the most important anchor of Kenya’s fledgling democracy. Kenya’s democratic experiment will rise, or die, on that page of the Constitution. The chapter isn’t a suggestion, or a peripheral provision. It’s the heart and soul of our political culture. As it goes, so will our country.

        The institutions commanded to root out criminality in our society mustn’t be complicit in this national cancer. EACC, the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions, the Directorate of criminal Investigation, the National Police Service, and the courts, must step up and give us our country back. The state needs to institute a real lifestyle audit. That’s the only tool that will free us from a national calamity.

Makau Mutua is SUNY Distinguished Professor and Margaret W. Wong Professor at Buffalo Law School, The State University of New York. Twitter: @makaumutua

Source: Sunday Nation tomorrow.

THE DIMINISHING SIGNIFICANCE OF PERSONAL BIRTHDAY CELEBRATIONS.

Today,  the   9th  June  of  every    calendar   year  is  my  happy   birthday  date.   And,  according  to  established    tradition,  I  have been  receiving  numerous  “happy  birthday”  wishes  from   a  large  variety  of  sources,    including    close relatives,   friends,    colleagues  and  comrades;  to  all  of  whom  I  have  expressed,   and  continue  to  express,   a  big  THANK  YOU.  But  there  are  also  those  naughty   fellows  called  wajukuu;    who  have  been  harassing   me  with  their  crazy  songs  of  “How  old  are  you  now?   For whom  I  invented  a  clever  response  of   “I  am  older  than  you”;  which  they  cannot  possibly  challenge.
Because  no  birth  certificates  were  being  issued  during  those  colonial  Administration  times;                  I  could   only  rely  on  the    records   preserved  by  the  Catholic  church  establishment  at  Kagunguli  Parish,  Ukerewe;    according  to  which,  I  was  born  on  9th  June,  1935,  Hence,  this   is  my   87th  birthday   event.   Asante   Mungu.    Deo   gratias.
Regarding    the   significance   of   personal    birthdays.
        Whether  by  design,  or  sheer  accident,  the  older  generation  of  Tanzanians,  including   myself,   tend    to  avoid   organizing   significant   celebration  events   for   their  annual  birthdates.   And  this  also  applies  to  the  father  of  our  nation,  Mwalimu  Julius  Nyerere,  for  whom   the  State  has  been  regularly  organizing  events  to  commemorate   his   death  in  1999,  but   never  organized  any  birthday  celebrations  for  him,  neither   when  he  was  alive,  or  even  after   his  death.                                  This  is  what  actually   motivated  me,  in  2019;  to  write   “an  impassioned  plea  for  commemorating  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  birthday”;    that   was  published  in  this  column  on  18th  April,  2019.
        But  this  year  was   different; for on that   date of  his birthday   anniversary on  13th  April,  2022; the  State  organized  an  appropriate memorial  event  for  that  purpose,  to commemorate  what  would  have  been  his  100th  birthday  this  year,  had  he  been  still  alive.  The  said  event  was  appropriately   held   at   the  newly  inaugurated   “Mwalimu   Nyerere  School  of  Leadership”   in  KIbaha,   to  which    I  had  the  good  fortune  of  being  invited  to  give  a  talk.  
        I  must,  however,  recognize  the  commendable  initiative  which  was  taken  by  the  MWALIMU  NYERERE  MEMORIAL  ACADEMY,  KIVUKONI;  which,  for  a  number  of  years,  has  been  organizing  special  academic  functions  to  commemorate  the  birth date  of  Mwalimu  Nyerere.   For   example,   on  13th April,  2015;   President  Jakaya   Kikwete  (as  he  was  then),    went  to  this  Kivukoni  Academy    to  inaugurate  a  new  leadership  training  programme,  which  was  given  the  Kiswahili  name  of  “Kibwete  cha  Mwalimu  Nyerere”.   The  English  translation  of   the  word  “Kibweta”  is  given  as   “a  small   box,  or  container,  used  for  preserving  family  valuables,  particularly  jewels.   In  the  light  of  that  meaning,    the  name  “Kibweta  cha  Mwalimu  Nyerere”  is  admirably  suitable,  and  indeed  most  appropriate,  for  this  particular  leadership  programme,    which  is  primarily   aimed  at  preserving  knowledge  of  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  outstanding  contributions  to  the  formation  and  subsequent  development  of  our  country  and  nation,  through  the  usual  academic  methods  of  teaching,   research  and  evaluation.  In  fact,  it  is  now  an  established  practice   for   the  Mwalimu  Nyerere  Academy,  Kivukoni,   to  organize  and  hold  seminars  or  workshops   on  or  around  this  date  of  13th  April  every  year,  in   commemoration  of  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  birthday.
Why celebrating  Mwalimu Nyerere’s death is   inappropriate.
Although  there  is  a  distinct  difference   between   the  words  “commemoration”  and  “celebration”,  it  is   only a  thin  line  that  separates   them;   for  it  is  possible  to  hold  a  special  service  ‘in  commemoration’   of  a  person’s  life,  i.e.  of  what  he  has  done  in  his  life;   which  is   precisely  what  is   happening   at  the  moment   in  respect  of  the  late  Mwalimu   Nyerere’s    commemoration  events    which  are  held   annually   on  the  anniversary  of  his  death  on  14th  October.             

        But  the  word  “celebration”   is  really  appropriate  only    in  respect  of  ‘happy’  events,  such  as   weddings  and  birthdays.    This  is  because,  a  person’s  death  is  always   a  sad  event,  which   represents  his    exit  from   this  world;  and   is  thus   not  quite  a  fit  occasion   for  jolly  celebrations.   This  is  totally   different  from  birthdays,  which  represent  a  person’s  ‘happy’   entry   into  the  world’s   stage  of  many    opportunities.  And    in  the   particular   case  of  Mwalimu  Nyerere,   opportunities  which  he  utilized   to  liberate  our  country  from  colonialism,  and  to   lay  the  firm  foundations  for  the  new  nation’s  unity  and  mutual  respect,  and  lasting  peace;   which  we  are  presently   continuing  to  enjoy.  
        Simultaneously    ‘Celebrating’   and    ‘commemorating’   events,    is   equally   inappropriate. But  what  we  are  actually  doing  currently   on  ‘Nyerere  Day’,   the   14th  day  of   October  of  every  year,   is  that  we  are   celebrating  one   (happy)   event,  which  is  the  closing  of  the  mammoth  annual   ‘UHURU  Torch  Marathon’  race;    and,  simultaneously,   commemorating   a  different    (very  sad)   event,   which  is  the  death  of  the  Father  of  our  nation,  Mwalimu  Julius  Nyerere. 
         In   my  humble  opinion,   this   creates   a   situation  that  is pretty  confusing;   and  this,    I  submit,   adds  meaning,  and   strength,   to  my   afore-mentioned    plea    for  celebrating   his  birthday  date  of  13th  April;  and  finding  another  way  of  commemorating  his  death  on  14th  October.  For   example,  by   allocating  this  function  to  the   various   Religious  Organizations  to  undertake  this  responsibility,   by  arranging  special  prayer  events  for  that  purpose.  
        Our   esteemed    readers   can   easily   access   some  of  the  numerous   books   that   have  been  written  about    Mwalimu   Nyerere    by  different   authors.    But  the  primary  focus   of  these  publications   has  mostly  been  on  his  works,   especially    his   sterling   contributions  to  the  struggle    for   the   liberation  of  our  country   Tanzania,  and  of  some  other  African  countries;    from  colonialism;  plus  his  supreme   efforts  in  the  development  of  our  country  after  independence.    
        However,  as  the  authors  of  his  Biography  have  pointed  out  in  the  Preface:-  “Epitaphs   and  eulogies  to   Nyerere  abound.    He  is  revered  and  demonized  in  equal  measure,  sometimes  in  the  same  breath”.    The  demonizing  aspect   that  is  referred  to  by  these   authors,    reminds  me  of  the  words  of  that  famous  English  Playwright  William  Shakespeare,  who   wrote   the  following  lines  in  Julius  Caesar : - “The  evil  that  men  do,   lives  after  them;   but  the  good  is  often  interred   with  their  bones”.  
        It  is  common  knowledge   that   Mwalimu   Nyerere   personally decided   to  retire   voluntary   from   the  Presidency  in October   1985,  when  he  felt  that  the  time  had come  to  pass  on  that  responsibility  to  others.  That   action  alone,    suggests   that  he  was   a  leader    of  unusual  quality,    and  with  a  national  spirit  of  manifest  maturity,   largely  of  his  own  creation.    

Writing   for  our   younger    generation.
It is this  aspect  of  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s    life,    that    I  would  like  to  encourage   our  younger  generations   to  note  specifically,   and  to   appreciate  properly.    We  should  not  allow    the  “good  that  Mwalimu  Nyerere  did,   to  be  interred  with  his  bones”.   And,  as  Shakespeare   further  said  in  his other  Play  titled  “All’s  well  that  ends  well”  (Act  V  scene  iii);  “Praising  what  is  lost,  makes  the  remembrance  dearer”. Thus,  in  pursuance    of   that  noble   objective;    I  have   in  this  presentation,   focused    mainly  on  the  positive  aspects  of    Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  ‘ life  and  works’.

        My  religious  ‘sixth  sense’,   tells  me   that   what    Mwalimu  Nyerere   did  for  our  country,   was  completely    in  line  with  the  Biblical  teaching  (in  Ecclesiastes:   9.10);  namely   that   “whatsoever  thy  hand   findeth   to  do,   do  it with  all  thy  might;  for  there  is  no  work,  no  device,  nor  knowledge,  nor  wisdom,    in  the  grave  whither  thou  goest”   (after  death).  
    Briefly, his  outstanding  contributions  were  primarily in  the  following   three   major   areas:-         (a)  In  the  liberation  of  Central  and  Southern  African  countries,   from  colonialism  and   apartheid.  This  was  during   his  early  governance  period,   which  covered  the  first  few  years  of  his  leadership,  when  the  struggle  of  “the  independence  of  all  African  countries”  was  the  dominant  political  factor  in  Africa.                        

 (b)   In  laying   firm  foundations  for    our  country’s   unity,  peace  and  tranquility,  which  we  are  continuing  to  enjoy  right  up  to  the  present  day;  and  for  the  proper  route  to  be  taken  for  the  social  and economic  development  of  our  country  and  its  people,  based  on  self-reliance.                                   Mwalimu  Nyerere  had  two  major  objectives  in  his  mind: One  was  the  task  of  building “ a  strong,   unified  nation” ;  and  the  other  was  to  find  a  “new  route” for  the  country’s  socio-economic  development. This  was    an  entirely     new   policy,   which  was   pronounced  in  the  document  titled:    “TANU’s  policy  on  Socialism  and  Self-Reliance;   that was  adopted  on  5th  February,  1967.  

        However,   this  is  the   matter   which  has  been   criticized  by  some  critical   observers,  including  the  renowned    Kenyan  Professor   Ali  Mazrui,  who  called  it  “a  case  of   heroic  failure”;  and  further   elaborated  as  follows:    “It  was  heroic  because  Tanzania  was  one  of  the  few  African   countries  which  attempted  to   find  its  own  route  to  development,  instead  of  borrowing  the  ideologies   of  the  West.     But  it  was  a failure, just    because  this  economic  experience  did  not  deliver  the  goods  of  development”.                                         

(c)  In   his  acclaimed  observance  of  the   leadership  ethics.  The  books  of  Authority  on  the   subject  of  ethics,   inform   us    that    “ethics  is  the  heart  of  leadership”.  

        Mwalimu  Nyerere  was  a  sincere  believer  in    this  ‘leadership   ethics  doctrine’ ;  as  evidenced  in  his  speech  to  the  (colonial)  Tanganyika  Legislative  Council  in  1959;  wherein  he  said:-“The  only  safeguard  of  peoples’  rights,  the  peoples’  freedom;  and  all  those  other  things  which  the  people  value,  is  the  existence  of  a  national  ethic”.  Therefore,    he   said,   “what  we  must  continue  to  do  all  the  time,  is   to  endeavour   to  build  a  national    ethic”.
        The  period    from   the  year   1985,  when   Mwalimu  Nyerere  retired  from  the  top   leadership  of  our  country   as  President  of  the  United  Republic  of  Tanzania;  taken   together  with  the   more  than   22  years  after  his  death,  easily  translates  into  the  emergence  of   a  whole  new  generation  of  adult   Tanzanians;   which  surely    needs  to  be  kept  abreast   of  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  “good  deeds”.  
        I  personally  had  the   good  fortune  of  working  closely  with  Mwalimu  Nyerere,  in  a  variety  of  high-ranking    public  service  positions,   to  which  he  himself  appointed  me  at  different  stages  during  his  Presidency;   which  gave  me  the  exceptional  advantage  of   being  able  to  observe  his  ways  and  methods  of  doing  things;   and,  particularly,  his  personal  endowments.
In  the  preparations  for  commemorating  the  tenth  anniversary  of  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  death  in  2009;  the  organizers  commissioned   the  writing  of  a  book  on  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s   life;  and  invited  several  authors ,  including  me,   to   contribute  articles  for  publication  therein.                                

         In   my  article,  I  said   the  following:-“Nyerere  has   been   described   by  a  variety  of   local  and   international  observers,     as    an  iconic  leader,  a  man  of  principle,  intelligence,   honesty ,  and  integrity;   and  also  as     humanist,  a   political  prophet,  thinker,  and  statesman". All   of   that,   is  entirely   true.    Indeed,   the   Nyerere  I    knew,   and  worked  very  closely  with;     had   all   those  virtues,   plus   many  more.   For,   in   addition,  he  was   an  ardent  believer  in  peace,  and  a  unique,  effective   political   mobilizing  agent   of  the  people.      

        He  was  also  a  devout  catholic,  but  a  strong  campaigner  for  the  separation  of  religion  from  politics.  Furthermore,  he  was  a  modest  man  in  his  private  life,  and  hated  pomposity  in  his  official  life”.  And  I  can  testify   that   all   of   these   virtues   were   manifested   in   his  actions;   both  in  his  private  life,  as  well  as  in  his  public   life;    details  of  which  I  have  provided  in  my   Kiswahili  book  titled    “ Uongozi  na  Utawala  wa  Mwalimu   Julius  Nyerere”   (Nyambari  Nyangwine  Publishers,  Dar es  Salaam, 2013).  

piomsekwa@gmail.com/0754767576.  

Source: Cde Msekwa whom we wish a very spiffy birthday today.

When Illegal Chinese Subject Africans to Torture

 

Mauaji ya wanandoa wapi tumejikwaa?

Taarifa za mauaji ya wanandoa zinazidi kuongezeka kiasi cha kukera na kutisha. Haupiti mwezi bila kusikia taarifa za mume kumuua mkewe kwa sababu mbali mbali kuu ikiwa wivu wa kimapenzi. Je mauaji haya yanasababishwa na wivu wa kimapenzi au ujinga, tamaa, uvunjifu wa maadili na mengine mengi?

       Kwanza, niweke wazi. Mie ni mwanandoa ambaye nimedumu katika taasisi hii kwa miaka 25. Hivyo, licha ya uzoefu wangu kutosha, ninao uzoefu wa kutosha kuweza kuangalia ni wapi tumejikwaa kama jamii. Hii ni kutokana na sababu zifuatazo:

       Mosi, tangu nifunge ndoa na mke wangu, hatujawahi kupigana wala kutukanana hata mara moja. Siyo kwamba sisi ni malaika au wakamilifu. Hapana. Ni kwa sababu tumekubali kusomana na kukubali mapungufu yetu na kuyafanyia kazi.

       Pili, welewa wetu ni kwamba duniani tunaisha mara moja. Hivyo, hupenda kutumia kila fursa na kuifaidi hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa hatujui tutakufa lini. Katika kuhakikisha hatupoteze fursa hii ya kuishi, uhakikisha tunakosoana bila kutishana au kudharauliana tukijua kuwa sisi si wakamilifu na hatujui yote.

       Tatu, sisi ni wapenzi wa amani. Hivyo, tangu tunakubaliana kufunga ndoa, tuliahidiana kuwa familia ya amani kitu ambacho tungependa kuwarithisha watoto wetu si kwa kuwaasa bali kuwapa fursa waangalie wenyewe kwa macho.

       Nne, tunaamini kuwa hakuna binadamu mkamilifu hata mmoja. Badala yake kuna watu wenye upungufu ambao ni vizuri kukubali kuishi nao huku tukirekebishana kwa imani kuwa kuna siku tutafanikiwa kupunguza mapungufu yetu na kuyafanya kuwa fursa.

       Sasa ngoja tutoke nje na kuangalia chanzo au vyanzo vya huu ukatili katika ndoa. Kwa uzoefu wangu kama mwanandoa na mwanataaluma ya mahusiano na usuluhishi wa migogoro naomba nijielekeze kwenye sababu kuu zifuatazo ambazo zaweza kuwa vyanzo vikuu vya mauaji na ukatili katika taasisi hii adhimu na muhimu iitwayo ndoa.

       Mosi, wanandoa wengi huingia kwenye taasisi hii bila kujiandaa au kujipa nafasi ya kusomana na kuangalia mambo wanayoweza kukubaliana, kutokubaliana, kufanana au kukinzana kutokana na sababu mbali mbali zikiwemo:

A) ujinga ambapo wahusika hufanya mambo bila kujipa nafasi ya kutafuta lau ushauri na ujuzi juu ya taasisi hii isiyoepukika katika maisha.

B) wapo wanaosukumwa na tamaa iwe ya ngono au vitu vingine kama elimu, mali na mambo mengine ukiachia mbali upofu na haraka ya kufanya mambo. Kuna makabila nchini ambapo wazazi huwaambia mabinti zao kutafuta wanaume wenye fedha au taaluma zinazoingiza fedha kama vile biashara, udaktari, uhasibu, uanasheria au zenye kuvutia rushwa bila kuangalia watu wanaoolewa nao. Unaweza kupata mume mwenye sifa hizo hapo juu mfano mfanyabiashara wa mihadarati, jambazi au hata mnyanyasaji na muuaji. Mara nyingi makabila haya ni ya watu wavivu kutafuta na wanyonyaji wanaowageuza mabinti zao vitega uchumi na ‘chuma ulete’wasijue madhara yake yanaweza kuwa makubwa hata vifo. Hawa ni wengi. Huwa hawajiamini na wanaamini katika waganga wa kienyeji na ujinga mwingine.

Mara nyingi wanawake wanaofuata ufanisi au utajiri wa mume hujikuta kwenye matatizo kama vile kutothaminiwa kama walivyotegemea hasa kwa wale wanaojua walifuata ufanisi au utajiri wao. Hawa gold diggers au wachimba dhahabu kwa kimombo, wanaishi maisha ya mbwa.  Kwani, wanatenzwa kwa vitu badala ya utu kwa vile walifuata vit una hawakuwapenda wenzao kimapenzi bali kivitu. Wengine wanapozidiwa, ima huwaua waume au kuwageuka waume zao na kutaka waachane ili kugawana au kupewa mali kiasi cha kuwaacha watoto kwenye matatizo yasiyo na sababu zaidi ya tamaa.

Gold diggers mara nyingi ni wasichana wahuni waliopoteza muda wao kiasi cha kupoteza mvuto au wengine waliotumia fursa vibaya tokana na sababu mbali mbali kama vile kuchagua sana, kuringa au kuponda maisha ukiachia wale ambao wengine ni bahati mbaya tu.

Pili, wapo wanaoingia kwenye taasisi bila maandalizi ambapo wahusika hujikuta wanaingia kwenye taasisi ya kudumu kana kwamba ni ya muda. Mfano, wale wanaopeana mimba au kuzidiana akili. Kuna wasichana wengi hasa ambao wameishakata tamaa. Wakipata mtu wa kufanya nao urafiki, watafanya kila mbinu lau watoe nuksi. Mara nyingi hawa huwapata wanaume wasio na uzoefu na kuwasukumiza kwenye ndoa ambazo mara nyingi huishia kuvunjika pale wenza wao wanapokomaa na kukekengeuka kwa kujikuta wameigizwa mkenge.

Tatu, sababu nyingine ni uvunjifu wa maadili.  Mfano, kutegesheana mimba au kufungishana ndoa za mkeka bila kujua udhaifu na ubora wa wanandoa kwa vile wahusika walivunja maadili na kuanza kufanya mambo yasiyokubalika kimaadili kijamii. Hili linawakumba sana wanaume wazinzi na wanaotaka kuchezea watoto wa wenzao.

Nne, ulimbukeni wa kuiga mambo nao unaweza kuwa sababu katika wakati huu wa mitandao ambapo wanandoa hukutana kwenye mitandao na kuamua kuoana bila kufanya utafiti na kujipa muda wa kutosha. Juzi juzi nchini Marekani, binti mmoja wa kikenya aliyekuwa akisomea unesi, alipotea baada ya kupata mwanaume wa kizungu kwenye mtandao ambaye anatuhumiwa kumuua na kutumia akaunti yake ya benki iliyokuwa na dola kama laki tatu hivi. Je ni wauaji wangapi wamo kwenye dating sites?

Tumalizie kwa kushauri jamii ianze kurejea kwenye maadili na kuanza kujiuliza ni wapi ilikosea. Wale wanaoendekeza kutaka wachumba matajiri waache uvivu watafute. Kwani kufanya hivyo kunawaponza watoto wao. Wale wanaokurupuka waache na kuanza kufanya utafiti, kusomana, kuhojiana na hata kutafuta ujuzi juu ya taasisi ya ndoa. Kimsingi, ndoa ni kama taaluma. Inahitaji maandalizi na muda wa kupata ujuzi na kufikia uamuzi. Kikubwa zaidi ni upendo wa kweli na uvumilivu hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa ndoa siyo urafiki wala suala la muda mfupi bali ni fursa moja isiyo na kifani.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema leo.

 

Hark my Best Human I Like to Listen to Jose Mujica the humblest leader ever

 

Let's rotate the presidency on August 9

From left: Former Prime Minister Raila Odinga, President Uhuru Kenyatta and Deputy President William Ruto at Safari Park Hotel in Nairobi on May 31, 2018.
       Makau Mutua Professor at SUNY Buffalo Law School and Chair of the KHRC.

If you’ve sat in a barber’s chair, you know it’s on a swivel. It gives you the ability to see 360 degrees, if you need to. That’s not a mere luxury, or an inane invention. It’s a necessity for the barber and her clientele. If you want a good shave, the barber needs to manipulate your head every which way.

        Hence the swivel. Putting your head on a swivel means that you are alert and can respond to any emergent situation, like a sudden attack. The swivel is part of “combat” preparedness. States and nations aren’t different. They are always on the lookout for all enemies, domestic and foreign. That’s why intelligent states have their heads on a swivel.

            An intelligent state – as opposed to a dumb one – knows every blade of grass under its feet. That’s why “seeing like a state” means the ability to collect and digest inordinate amounts of information through surveillance and organisation. Some states know more about their nations than others. Usually, totalitarian states know more than democratic ones.

            Nineteen Eighty-Four, the dystopian novel by George Orwell, tells a tale of mass surveillance and control of the populace through the all-knowing party and state. Propaganda is a central tool of such a system.That’s antithetical to democracy, and it’s not what Kenya should ever aspire to. But the Kenyan state, nation, and its people need to know themselves better. Otherwise, the state and nation will fail.

Economic indices

   The process of nation building isn’t easy. What’s tragic is that Kenya has squandered most of its 58 years of independence doing very little to justify its existence. As former Prime Minister Raila Odinga likes to remind us, in 1964 Kenya and South Korea were on par on virtually all economic indices.

        Half a century later, the economy of South Korea is embarrassingly many times larger than Kenya’s. Its GDP is $1.9 trillion while Kenya’s is $100 billion. Its per capita income is $40,000 while Kenya’s is $3,500. The Koreans got it right while something went very wrong in Kenya. Kenyans and their leaders must hang their heads in shame. How could we fall so far behind? How?

        I have a theory. It’s not because we are stupid. It’s because we act stupidly. Of course there are other major reasons we aren’t cracking it. Let’s pick a few – the brutalities of enslavement and colonialism, the cruelty of the cold war, a scandalous global legal and economic order, and the vagaries of Mother Nature. But these “excuses” apply to all countries.

            Even the United States, the world’s most advanced nation, was colonised by the same Brits who put us under the imperial boot. The difference between Kenya, other impoverished countries, and developed ones includes what elites and their peoples are able to do for themselves. Governance and state legitimacy sit at the heart of that difference.

            Let me explain. Of course South Korea received massive investments from the US. But other Asian tigers didn’t. Of course South Korea wasn’t always a democracy. But once it became a democracy, it has been a damn good one. On the other hand, what have we done in Kenya? We’ve spent our time clawing back at our democratic institutions. Or not growing them.

            What have we done with Chapter Six of the Constitution? We’ve rendered it nugatory. The Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC), the courts, the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (ODPP), the Legislature are all feckless. Recently, courts decided to “suspend” the Constitution so criminal suspects can campaign “freely” for high office. Really? Even impeached governors are standing again! Crime pays, and does so handsomely, in Kenya.

    But most of all, we have refused to create a legitimate state. We herd our voters like animals into “tribes” and neuter them, robbing them of the brain function.

        That’s why all four of our heads of state have come from two communities – three from the Kikuyu nation and one from the Kalenjin nation. A state that produces such a result cannot perforce be legitimate, especially if it has over 45 communities. Nada.

State’s illegitimacy

This time round Central Kenya has taken a break but Kalenjinland is threatening to produce yet another head of state. If Kenya’s head was on a swivel, such a thing couldn’t happen. Electing another president from either of the two regions will further deepen the state’s illegitimacy.

            Kenyans were ecstatic when Senator Barack Obama, a Kenyan-American, was elected president of the world’s most powerful state. We didn’t celebrate merely because of Mr Obama’s Kenyan roots. No – we did so because justice was done to a people who’ve historically been left out and oppressed in America. A black man had become president of the United States for the first time in several hundred years of its existence.

         America became a more legitimate state on that day. In 2020, Kamala Harris became the first Black-South Asian and woman elected vice-president of the US. On August 9, Kenya needs to borrow a leaf from America. Let’s rotate the presidency.Makau Mutua is SUNY Distinguished Professor and Margaret W. Wong Professor at Buffalo Law School, The State University of New York. @makaumutua

Source: Sunday Nation tomorrow.

“CCM WELCOMES POLITICAL RECONCILIATION”

The   quoted  words  in  the  heading  of  this  article,  are  those   that  appeared prominently  on  the  ‘Home  News’  page  of  the  DAILY  NEWS  of  Tuesday,  May 24th,  2022. My  attention  was  drawn  particularly  to  the   word “reconciliation”,  which  the     Oxford  English  Dictionary  defines   as  follows:-   “An  end  to  a  disagreement,  and  the  start  of  a  good  relationship  again”.                   

         We  are  all  presumably  aware,   of   the  matters  about  which   there  has  been   political  disagreement  which   now   requires  dialogue  and  reconciliation.  And   what  President  Samia  has    done  in  recent  weeks,  is  to  open  the  door  for  dialogue  between   the  ruling  party  CCM,   and  the  Opposition  political  parties;   by holding  talks  with   Opposition   CHADEMA  team  of  politicians,  led  by   Freeman  Mbowe,   the  Chairman  of  CHADEMA;  and    some  of  the  other  Opposition  leaders,  including  ACT  WAZALEDO  Chairperson  Juma  Duni  Haji.                                                  

        The  President  opened  his  dialogue in  order  to  seek  reconciliation   over   matters  which  had  raised  serious  disagreements,  including   the  persistent  demands  for  a  “new”  constitution,  and  an  “independent”  Electoral  Commission  (which  would  provide  a  level  playing  field  to  all  the  parties  that  participate  in  electoral  competitions);  plus  a  number  of  other  issues  relating  to  the  need  to  provide   “a   fair  and  equal  space”   for  all   the  political  parties  to  freely  carry  out  their  political  activities  and  operations.                  

         In  the    words  of  the  said   DAILY  NEWS  report,  “CCM  insisted  on  the  need  to  intensify  political  dialogue  and  reconciliation,  with  a  view  to  creating  equality  (of  political  space)  in  the  community,  freedom  of  expression,   and  political  participation;   provided  that  the  laws  of  the  country  are  abided  by”.                                          
     Regarding  this   particular   matter,  I  wish  to  submit   that  this  “insistence”  on  the  part  of  CCM   is   not   at  all   new;    for  it  is  based  on  CCM’s  traditional   commitment   to  this   principle  of  providing   “equal  opportunities”,  particularly  in  relation    to   electoral  competition  matters.                CCM’s   traditional  commitment.  
In   the  instant  case, ‘political  reconciliation’,  i.e.  “an  end  to  a  disagreement,  and  the  start  of  a  good  relationship  again”  has  become  necessary,  simply  because   of   serious  disagreements  which have   repeatedly  arisen   on   certain   specified  basic  issues;   thus  making  it  necessary  for  a  dialogue  to  be  held,  order  to  achieve  reconciliation.                            It  is,   essentially,  a  matter  of  creating  a  ‘level  playing   field’ ,  to  facilitate   the  carrying  out  of  normal  political   activities  and   operations   in  our  country.    Undoubtedly,  “dialogue”  is   the  most  reliable  strategy  for  resolving   such   kinds  of   disagreements   and   conflicts.    
        However   in  this  analysis, I wish  to  point  out   that    CCM  (and  its  Tanzania Mainland  predecessor  TANU), have  always  observed    this   principle  (or  political  requirement), for  creating  “ equality  of  political  space” in  our   community,   as  this  was  being done  even during  the  period  of  the   former   ‘single-party’ political  system;  when  rules  were  first  made   to  ensure   the   strict   observation  of  this  principle.  
         Thus,  for  the  sake  of  preserving   that   bit  of   history;   I  propose  to   travel  a   little   way   ‘down  memory lane’ ,  in  order  to  provide   evidence,  to   show   that   right  from  the  time  of  the “One-party”  political  system;   CCM  was   absolutely  determined   to  establish  a  conducive  environment   which   would   provide  a  level  ‘playing  field’   for   fair  electoral  competition,   even,  at  that  time,   between   individual  candidates   nominated  by  that  single  political  party.                                               

        And,  indeed,   this   commitment  and   determination  were   amply  demonstrated   at  the  time  of  the    first  post-independence  general  election  of  1965;  when  the  election  laws  and  the   relevant  Regulations  were  put  in  place,  which  made   strict   provisions  for  ‘fair  electoral competition,’  plus   the   procedures   for  the  enforcement  of  these  provisions.   
         For  example,   in  respect  of  Parliamentary  elections,    the   Elections  Act (no,  46  of  1965)   made  provision  for  the  appointment  (by  the  electoral  commission),   of  “supervisory  delegates”,  who  were  tasked  to  ensure  that  each  candidate  “was  given  a  fair  and  equal  opportunity”  to  answer  questions  put  to  him  or  her  by  the  District  Electoral  Conference;  and  to  report  on  any  failure  to  afford  such  fair  and  equal  opportunity  to any  candidate;    or  any  non-compliance  with  the  provisions  of  the  Election  law”. 
        And  even  at  the  time  of  transition  to   multi-party  politics  in  1992;   CCM’s  commitment  to  providing  a  ‘level  playing  field’   was  again  amply  demonstrated,   when  CCM  was   supervising  the  crafting  the   Amendments  to  the  Constitution;  and   enacting  the  other     laws   and  procedures,   that  would  govern  the  operations   of  this  new  political    system.                                    
        In  the  first  place,   CCM  chose  to   ‘sacrifice’   all   of  its  previous    privileges  which  it   had   entitled  to  under  the  ‘One-party’  political  system;  as  detailed  in  the  paragraphs  which  follow  below. 

        The   word  “sacrifice”  is   used  here   in  its  ordinary  meaning  and  usage,   which   is :   “the  act  of  giving  up  something  which  is   important  or  valuable  to  you,  in  order  to  achieve  something   that  is  more  important”.   Such    privileges  were,  no  doubt,  “important  and  valuable”  to  CCM   in  its  normal  operations,  but   CCM  was  willing  and  ready  to  give  them  up,  in  order to  achieve  the  more  important  objective  of  ‘creating  harmony’  in  the  country’s   emerging multi-party  community.   And   it  is  precisely  for  that  reason,   that    CCM   willingly  and   promptly deprived  itself  of  the  following  privileges:-                                              

 (i)   Its  entitlement  to  receive  subvention  funds  from  the  government  with  effect  from  1st  July,  1992;  until  such  time  when  an  agreed  formula  will  have  been  worked  out,  which  will  enable  all  the  political  parties  to  receive  subventions  from  the  government.  

 (ii)  Its  entitlement  to  impose  a  levy   public  contributions   for  specified  purposes,  mainly  the  construction  of   CCM’s  properties,  particularly   infrastructure  projects.                                        

 (iii)  Its  entitlement to establish CCM Branches  in all  public  institutions,  including  the  armed  forces,  and the Civil  Service   Ministries  and  Departments. 
But  in  addition,  other  steps  were  also  promptly  taken.  to restructure  the  vast  administrative   apparatus   of  that  party;    in  recognition  of   the  fact  that  under  the   multi-party  system  CCM’s  role  would  change  drastically,   from  being  a  party  that  was  “the  final  authority  in  respect  of  all  matters  in  the  United  Republic”;  to   an  electoral  organization  whose  primary  purpose  was  “ to  compete  in  elections”,  on  an  equal  footing  with  the  other  political   parties.                                

          For  example,  it  was  agreed  that   under  the  changed  system,   the  relationship  between  the  party  and  the  government   must  be  changed.  Thus,  for  example, instead  of  the  previous  practice  whereby  the  party  was  giving  specific   directives  to the  government  for  implementation,  it  was  agreed that  the  party  would  only  be  making  binding  promises  in   its  election  manifesto,  which  would  be  implemented  by  its  government during   the  next  five  years  of  the  next  following  leadership  period,    should  the  party  win  the  relevant  election. This,  indeed,   is   the  normal  practice  in  all  jurisdictions  that  operate   under  the  multi-party  political  system.

The   orderly   democratization   process.  
It  may  also  be   helpful,  especially  for  our  younger  generation  readers,  to  give  a  brief  background  history   to  this  interesting   democratization  process;  which  was   commendably   systematic  and orderly.   There  were  two  separate  processes:  the  political  process;  and  the  legislative  process.
The  political   process  officially  kicked  off  with  the  appointment,  on  27th  February,  1991,   of  a  Presidential  Commission,   which  was  placed  under  the  chairmanship  of  Tanzania’s  Chef  Justice,  Mr.  Justice  Francis  Nyalali;  with  the  following  terms  of  reference:-                                 

(i)  To  collect  and  coordinate  the  people’s  views  regarding   the  current  debate  on  whether  to  retain  the  present  one  party  political  system,  or  to  introduce  a  change  to  the multi-party  system. (ii)  To  identify,   consider,  and  make  appropriate   recommendations,  regarding  the  advisability,  prudence,  or  necessity  of  either  retaining  the  present  system  or  changing  to  the  multi-party  system.                                                                    

(iii)  To  identify  any  possible  advantages  or  disadvantages,   that  might  result  from  the  adoption  of  either  option.                                    

(iv)  To  consider  and  recommend  any  appropriate  constitutional,  legal  and  political  strategies,   for  protecting  our  nation  against  any  political, or security  problems,  that  might  result  from  the  adoption  of  either  option.                                  

 (v)  To  consider  and  recommend  suitable  strategies,   for   expanding  and  strengthening  democracy  generally  in  the  country,  irrespective  of  which  political  system  is  adopted.                     

(vi)  To  consider  and  recommend  any  practical  reforms,  that  should  be  made  to  the  Constitutions  of  the  United Republic, and  of  Zanzibar;  and/ or  to  any  other  laws;  or to  the  country’s  political  culture;  for   achieving   the   basic  objective   of  strengthening  democracy.                                     

(vii)  To   identify  any  other  problems  or  diverse  effects  that  might  arise,   with  regard  to  Zanzibar’s  position  in  the  Union   in  case  it  is decided  to  change  the  political  system;   having  regard  to   Zanzibar’s    bitter  political  past,   and  the  unpleasant  memories    thereof “.   
 I  had  the   good  fortune  of  being  appointed  a  member  of  that  Commission.                                               We  worked  hard  and  diligently,  and  were  able  to  present  our  final  Report  to  President  Ali  Hassan  Mwinyi  within  the  allotted  time  period;  in   which  we  unanimously  recommended  that  the  change  to  the  multiparty  system  should  be  adopted.                                                             

        However,   this   recommendation   was  in   total  contradiction  with  results  of  the  actual  responses  which  the  Commission  had  received  from  the  general  public,   which   the  Report  itself   showed   that  an  overwhelming  majority  of  80%  had  rejected  the  proposal  for  change;  with  only  20%  having  supported  that  proposal. But  we  had,  in  its  Report,     fully  explained   the   reasons  for  going  against  that  majority   view;   reasons  which   easily   convinced  the  CCM  decision  makers.  
Thus,   during  the  months  of  January  and  February,  1992,  extraordinary  meetings  of  the  top  party   organs  were  held,  which  unanimously  accepted  the  Nyalali  Commission  basic   recommendation,   namely    that    Tanzania’s   political  system  be  changed  to  the  multi-party  system;  and,  accordingly   directed  the  government  to  take  the   appropriate   necessary  actions  for  its   effective   implementation.
The  legislative  process.
The  legislative    process  having   was  commenced   soon  after   the  political  process  had  been  completed,  during  the  Parliament  session  of  April/May,  1992,  when    the  government  introduced  a  number  of  Bills  for  that  purpose,  ,  starting  with   the   “Bill  for the  8th  Amendment  of  the  Constitution”;   which  was   designed  to  remove  all  the  provisions  that  had  established  CCM’s  monopoly  over  all   the  country’s   political  activities.   This  Bill    was   adopted  on  7th  May,  1992;   but  it  stipulated  that  the  amended  constitution  would  become  effective  from  1st July,  1992.                                                                        

        Soon   thereafter,  the   government  introduced  a  series  of  other  Bills  for  the  enactment  of  many  other  laws,  for  the  following  specified  purposes:-

(i)  To   prescribe  the  terms,  conditions,  and  procedures,   for  the  registration  of  new  political  parties;  by  providing  for  the  appointment  of  a  ‘Registrar  of  Political  Parties’;  and  imposing  a  duty  on  all  such  parties  (including  the  existing  CCM),  to  apply  to  the  Registrar  for  registration  (or  new  registration  in  the  case  of  CCM).
(ii)  To   make   consequential  provisions,  which  would  enable  the  country  to  move  smoothly  to  the  new  multiparty   democracy   system;  such  as   the  continuation  of  the  existing  Legislature  to  the  time  when  the  first  multiparty  general  election  would  be  held  in  1995;   and  also  the  continuation  of  the  existing  Judiciary.
(iii)  To  amend  the  election  laws  (for  both  the  Parliamentary  and  the  Local  Authority  elections),  in  order  to  enable  candidates  from  different  political  parties  to   participate  therein.
(iv) To  change  the  composition  of   Local  Government  Village,  District,  and  Urban  Councils,  in  order  to  remove  all  the  CCM  officials  who   were  ex-officio  members  of  such  Councils,  and  to  replace  them  with  popularly  elected  members,  who  would  be  sponsored  by  their  respective  political  parties.
        And,   in  addition,  Parliament   also  promptly   amended  its  own  Standing  Orders  and  Rules  of  procedure,  in  order  to  accommodate  the  new  political  system.
piomsekwa@gmail.com   /  0754767576.

Source: Cde Msekwa.

 

                                                                                                                                                                                

Letter to Muhoozi Keinerugaba on Retirement

     

Dear Maj. Gen., Muhoozi Keinerugaba,
You don’t know me, but I know you. I’m your father’s enthusiast from Tanzania that cloned him. I thus, am a part of your extended family. When I read somewhere that you were retiring from the Uganda’s People’s Defence Force (UPDF), first, I thought it was April Fools’ day. But again, this wasn’t April. It was more than that given that you’re not the type that makes pranks even in your chirps.
        My friends on the ground laughed at me to believe in such a chicanery, when I made frenetic calls to Kampala to confirm.
I wandered how you’d retire before your father who has been in the service for longer time than you. If you would consult your dad and mom before making this decision, I imagine what their reaction would be.
        The news about your retirement meant a real deal. Who wants princes in a democratic country?  Who wants to be referred to or viewed as a prince who depends on his father’s office or power while s/he’s an able matured person? Who wants to be accused of eating paupers’ taxes simply because s/he’s related to the big man or woman in upper echelons of power? Who wants to replicate or see what once happened in Libya where Muamar Gaddafi’s kids were like princes who exploited the public simply because their father was president?  Do you know what happened to them?
        Considering how brutally they were killed, nobody would pray for such a troth even for his sworn enemies. Now, you know. I love your dad dearly. The step you wanted to take made me really feel bad. I thought that the devil had duped you my young brother that you make your own niche come rain or shine but by following rules.
        In Tanzania, the founding father, Julius Nyerere didn’t sanction his children and friends to exploit his power. Because of this, he didn’t fear to retire and when he did, up until his death, he is venerated. Nyerere’s children’s have never fled Tanzania since they didn’t cling unto their father’s back to exploit the Tanzanians.
In Uganda, look at Jaffar Idi Amin. His dad didn’t prepare him for grabbing power or exploiting the public. Despite the dad’s macabre and murky history, his kids are free Ugandans going about their business without any trepidation of retribution.
        What’s the upshot? One can be a dictator and still his kids can live comfortably after he’s gone. Therefore, after reading the story that you’re now freeing yourself from your father’s shadow, knowing this, I decided to pen this letter to congratulate you on this milestone. I’ve a couple of reasons why I’m penning this letter.
Firstly, I was sick and tired of hearing you being badmouthed that you rose in the ranks without merit since you’re the son of the C-in-C of the UPDF, who also is Uganda’s long-time President. I thus thought your retirement would put all such things to rest once and for all.
    Secondly, I also heard some fibbers–––who hate you and pretend to know everything about you and your father’s regime–––saying that you’re eyeing presidency soon after your dad retires, or anything happens–––God forbid. They added that you’re testing the waters to see how Ugandans and the world will re-join so that you can take another move. This also sickened me since a public office isn’t a private estate.
        Your retirement would free you and Ugandans who think you are after power. Who wants monarchy in a democratic and secular country?  Retiring from the roles you’ve been playing in your father’s regime would portray you as an undisciplined kid who goes against the power that his dad loves badly, and a rebel who doesn’t want to live on the back or in the shadow of his father or mother. That’s why I’m commending you on this once again.

        Dear Gen., I know you’re still young to retire. What are you up to? Should we wait for another shocker? Given that your joke’s already shown you how you can do what you want, please advise the mzee to think about retiring from the statehouse so that the new blood, chiefly you, can come in with new thoughts. He needs to be freed so that he can play with grand kids. After all, he’s nothing to worry if you’re the one who’s to continue with his job. Cheers bro.
Source: African Executive Magazine today.