For the last two consecutive weeks, I have been making presentations related to Mwalimu Nyerere’s biography. I was actually building on the foundations which were laid by Issa Shivji, Saida Yahya Othman, and Ng’wanza Kamata; in their three volume tome of Mwalimu Nyerere’s biography titled Development as a Rebellion” (Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, Dar es Salaam, 2020).
The word “biography” is used to describes a book account of someone’s life, which is written by another person. This is different from an “autobiography”, which is a book about someone’s life, which is written by himself. (I have recently completed writing own ‘autography’ book under the title “The story of my life in the Public Service”, soon be published).
In a book titled “The Study of Literature” (Ginn & Company, Lexington, Massachussets, 1975), there is a whole chapter on BIOGRAPHY, in which the authors have made the following observation at page 433:- “From early morning until late at night, any person shows many qualities, some more admirable than others. No biography author can possibly show them all”.This clearly means that the authors of any biography must decide which of the subject person’s qualities they will select as the important ones to characterize their subject.
The word “biography” is used to describes a book account of someone’s life, which is written by another person. This is different from an “autobiography”, which is a book about someone’s life, which is written by himself. (I have recently completed writing own ‘autography’ book under the title “The story of my life in the Public Service”, soon be published).
In a book titled “The Study of Literature” (Ginn & Company, Lexington, Massachussets, 1975), there is a whole chapter on BIOGRAPHY, in which the authors have made the following observation at page 433:- “From early morning until late at night, any person shows many qualities, some more admirable than others. No biography author can possibly show them all”.This clearly means that the authors of any biography must decide which of the subject person’s qualities they will select as the important ones to characterize their subject.
Accordingly, the authors of Mwalimu Nyerere’s biography referred to above, could not possibly show all of Mwalimu Nyerere’s qualities (and/or failings). Thus, my purpose in making these presentations was simply to provide some supplementary information on Mwalimu Nyerere’s personal attributes, based on my own personal observations of his ‘way of life’ during his extended leadership period, during which I was accorded the honour and privilege of being one of his closest assistants. This is the third and final installment; and will focus mainly on Mwalimu Nyerere’s angry reactions to certain unethical actions displayed by some of his peers in the specified circumstances. This is a small, purposeful selection of such actions, which literally ‘forced’ him to offload his frustrations and anger; as were openly expressed in his relevant responses or reactions to them.
I should perhaps add, that the primary cause of Mwalimu Nyerere’s frustration and anger at such unethical actions by his African peers, was his strong belief in the basic rule which provides that leadership ethics is a basic principle that must never be compromised by any public leader. Nyerere sincerely believed that “ethics is the heart of leadership”. Thus, on the domestic front, this entrenched belief is what explains why he took the earliest opportunity during his tenure as President of the United Republic of Tanzania, to introduce the strict ethics rules in the form of a “Leadership code of ethics”, that is entrenched in the Arusha Declaration of February, 1967; designed to bind all the ruling party and Government leaders.
Examples of such angry reactions.
There are two specific such incidents, that quickly come to my mind; one of which occurred in December 1965. This was the shameful failure by many African Presidents, to implement the resolution duly adopted by the Organization of African Unity (OAU); regarding the decision to break diplomatic relations with Britain. The other was the 1978 pressure put on President Nyerere, not to allow the Tanzanian Armed Forces to cross the border into Uganda during the Idi Amin war.
There are two specific such incidents, that quickly come to my mind; one of which occurred in December 1965. This was the shameful failure by many African Presidents, to implement the resolution duly adopted by the Organization of African Unity (OAU); regarding the decision to break diplomatic relations with Britain. The other was the 1978 pressure put on President Nyerere, not to allow the Tanzanian Armed Forces to cross the border into Uganda during the Idi Amin war.
But before we come to them, and for the purpose of showing that such reactions were, in fact, part of Mwalimu Nyerere’s general struggle against injustices; we will first cite the example of his resignation from the colonial Legislative Council way back in 1957; which he did in a bold show of protest against what, in his considered opinion, was an injustice committed by the colonial Government.
Mwalimu Nyerere had been nominated by the Governor of Tanganyika in July 1957, to be a member of the colonial Legislative Council (LEGCO). But he found it necessary to resign there from, a mere six months later. He himself explained this action in the following statement published in “Sauti ya TANU” No. 18, on 16h December, 1957: “I had accepted nomination in the belief that the Government would respond positively to my positive views regarding the pace of progress to independence, but I realized that this was not the case; so I decided to quit. I had no alternative but to tender my resignation”. The other two incidents are narrated in the paragraphs which follow below.
The failure to implement the OAU resolution.
On 11th June, 1965; Mr. Ian Smith, the Prime Minister of what was then Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe); made a sudden unilateral “Declaration of independence” (UDI) for that African country which was, at that time, a self-governing colony of Great Britain. This declaration was, quite obviously, an act of open rebellion, which President Nyerere, and many of his African peers, believed would be quickly crushed by Britain, its then legitimate ruling power.
On 11th June, 1965; Mr. Ian Smith, the Prime Minister of what was then Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe); made a sudden unilateral “Declaration of independence” (UDI) for that African country which was, at that time, a self-governing colony of Great Britain. This declaration was, quite obviously, an act of open rebellion, which President Nyerere, and many of his African peers, believed would be quickly crushed by Britain, its then legitimate ruling power.
But months went by, and no such action was taken by the British Government. Thus, in December, the Organization of African Unity (OAU) held an emergency meeting of Foreign Ministers in Addis Ababa, which would decide on what action should be taken in order to force the British Government to exercise its due responsibility over its rebel colony.
That meeting unanimously decided that all the Independent African countries (that had established diplomatic relations with Britain), shall break such relations on 15th December , 1965; if by that date, Britain had not yet taken the necessary action to reverse that rebellion. But alas, come the agreed date of 15th December, 1965, only Ghana and Tanzania did actually implement that resolution. The extent of President Nyerere’s disappointment, dismay and anger at this turn of events, is clearly displayed in his speech titled “ The Honour of Africa”, which he delivered to the Tanzania Parliament shortly thereafter. President Nyerere’s speeches in Parliament have always been delivered in the national language, Kiswahili. But on that particular occasion, he chose to address the House in English, presumably in order to make the point that he was, in fact, addressing an external audience, so that they could get the piercing message directly.
And this is what he said: “How can Africa really fail to implement its own resolution?
And this is what he said: “How can Africa really fail to implement its own resolution?
Can African States meet in solemn conclave, merely in order to make noise? “ And went on thus: “The purpose of that resolution was to show Britain that Africa requires concrete action to be taken against Smith (the rebel Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia). That action has not been taken, do we just shrug our shoulders and do nothing about it? Can we, the African States, unashamedly do nothing to implement our own resolution?”.
The African peers pressure in the war against Idi Amin.
Towards the end of the year 1977, President Idi Amin Dada of Uganda, committed the international crime of sending his army to invade, and temporarily annex, a large chunk of Tanzanian territory in the then West Lake Region (now Kagera Region). On hearing of the bad news, President Nyerere’s immediate and angry response was: “TUTAMPIGA” (we shall revenge). But he did not immediately disclose what form that revenge would actually take. Thus, many ordinary minds, including those of his African peers, apparently thought, and believed, that his revenge would be limited to chasing Idi Amin’s forces out of Tanzanian territory. But Mwalimu Nyerere had, in his ingenious mind, a more severe punishment for the arrogant Idi Amin.
He initially attempted to persuade his fellow African peers to publicly condemn or rebuke President Idi Amin for the international crime he had committed, of invading and annexing part of Tanzanian territory; but no such condemnation had been made. That was his first frustration and disappointment. But the second disappointment was to follow soon.
It had taken the Tanzanian armed Forces a relatively short period of time to chase Idi Amin’s invading Forces out of Tanzanian territory. And this was followed by an indeterminable period during which the Tanzanian army would camp at the Mutukula border with Uganda, out of fear that the Ugandan Army might be tempted to make yet another invasion, which they obviously would be unable to do in the presence of the Tanzanian Army at the border. Clearly, this was a very undesirable situation. And that was when the TPDF army commanders requested their Commander-in-Chief, President Nyerere, to be allowed to cross into Uganda, in the words of their request, in order “to “finish off” Idi Amin, so as to ensure permanent piece for Tanzania thereafter.
The African peers pressure in the war against Idi Amin.
Towards the end of the year 1977, President Idi Amin Dada of Uganda, committed the international crime of sending his army to invade, and temporarily annex, a large chunk of Tanzanian territory in the then West Lake Region (now Kagera Region). On hearing of the bad news, President Nyerere’s immediate and angry response was: “TUTAMPIGA” (we shall revenge). But he did not immediately disclose what form that revenge would actually take. Thus, many ordinary minds, including those of his African peers, apparently thought, and believed, that his revenge would be limited to chasing Idi Amin’s forces out of Tanzanian territory. But Mwalimu Nyerere had, in his ingenious mind, a more severe punishment for the arrogant Idi Amin.
He initially attempted to persuade his fellow African peers to publicly condemn or rebuke President Idi Amin for the international crime he had committed, of invading and annexing part of Tanzanian territory; but no such condemnation had been made. That was his first frustration and disappointment. But the second disappointment was to follow soon.
It had taken the Tanzanian armed Forces a relatively short period of time to chase Idi Amin’s invading Forces out of Tanzanian territory. And this was followed by an indeterminable period during which the Tanzanian army would camp at the Mutukula border with Uganda, out of fear that the Ugandan Army might be tempted to make yet another invasion, which they obviously would be unable to do in the presence of the Tanzanian Army at the border. Clearly, this was a very undesirable situation. And that was when the TPDF army commanders requested their Commander-in-Chief, President Nyerere, to be allowed to cross into Uganda, in the words of their request, in order “to “finish off” Idi Amin, so as to ensure permanent piece for Tanzania thereafter.
It would appear that President Nyerere was of the same desire of wanting to “finishing off” Idi Amin; by chasing him permanently out of Uganda.
However, this plan was partly delayed by his genuine wish not to offend his fellow African peers, by creating the negative impression that he was stubbornly ignoring, or going against, their “wise advise”.
However, this plan was partly delayed by his genuine wish not to offend his fellow African peers, by creating the negative impression that he was stubbornly ignoring, or going against, their “wise advise”.
He therefore continued to hold his breath”; and, eventually, even reached the point of surrendering to their pressure; for he made the difficult decision not to allow his army to cross the border. But then, God miraculously intervened.
God’s guidance to President Nyerere.
I was myself a witness to this “miracle”. It was one Saturday afternoon, when President Nyerere invited two of his closest political assistants: Vice President Aboud Jumbe, and myself, then Executive Secretary-General of the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi, to his residence at Msasani, Dar es Salam.
God’s guidance to President Nyerere.
I was myself a witness to this “miracle”. It was one Saturday afternoon, when President Nyerere invited two of his closest political assistants: Vice President Aboud Jumbe, and myself, then Executive Secretary-General of the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi, to his residence at Msasani, Dar es Salam.
On arrival there, he told us how, for some time now, he had been tormented by two conflicting pressures. One was the pressure from his Army Chiefs, asking to be allowed to cross the border into Uganda, in order to go to Kampala to “finish off’ dictator Idi Amin. But the other, and even more disturbing, was the pressure from his fellow African peers, urging him not to cross the border, as by doing so, he would be committing the same international crime of invading another country.
He told us further, how he had, reluctantly, succumbed to the wishes of his African peers, and had decided not to allow the Army to cross into Uganda. Whereupon, he instructed Vice-President Jumbe to travel to Bukoba the next day, and onwards to Mutukula, to inform the army about his decision not to allow them to cross into Uganda. He however appeared to be vividly disturbed. That Saturday night must have been a sleepless one for him. What follows is a paraphrasing of what Nyerere himself later told us:-
As was his usual practice, he went to church the following day, and prayed specifically for God’s guidance regarding this matter. He then revealed that that during his deep meditation and prayer he got an unusual inspiration, which told him that his decision of the previous day was WRONG; and that he should have listened to his army commanders.
As was his usual practice, he went to church the following day, and prayed specifically for God’s guidance regarding this matter. He then revealed that that during his deep meditation and prayer he got an unusual inspiration, which told him that his decision of the previous day was WRONG; and that he should have listened to his army commanders.
Thus, confidently armed with this inspiration, he reversed his earlier decision, and decided to travel to Bukoba and Mutukula himself to Mtukula to deliver the good news to the Army Commanders, who had been anxiously waiting for his reply to their request to be allowed to go to Kampala, “to finish off” Idi Amin. What happened thereafter is common knowledge. For Mwalimu Nyerere, it was “mission accomplished, and objective achieved”. Quod erat demonstrandum.
piomsekwa@gmail.com / 0754767576.
piomsekwa@gmail.com / 0754767576.
Source: Daily News and Cde Msekwa, Thursday.
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