“History is past politics, and present politics is future history” said the British Historian John Robert Seely (1834 – 95). Today, being the last Thursday in the month of January, 2021; this will similarly be the last instalment of the series on “the past political events that took place in the months of January” of yester years, which was designed primarily for fellow lovers of History, but also for the information of our younger generation.
In this final installment, we will focus on the most significant political events that took place in January of the following years:-
In this final installment, we will focus on the most significant political events that took place in January of the following years:-
(i) in January 1962 (the adoption of TANU’s resolution to make Tanganyika a REPUBLIC within the Commonwealth, from its previous “DOMINION” status.
(ii) in January 1963 (the adoption of TANU’s resolution to make Tanganyika a de jure (i.e. constitutional) “One-Party State”, from its previous status of being a de facto One-party State, which it had acquired following the 1960 pre-independence general election);
(iii) in January 1976 (President Nyerere’s public demonstration of a new approach in Presidential Administrative decision-making processes; when he dismissed two of his Ministers, plus two Regional Commissioners, as punishment for what is known in law as “vicarious responsibility”. This wa punishment for offences committed by certain government National Security personnel officers who were operating in areas under their respective political responsibilities). The dismissed Ministers were: Ali Hassan Mwinyi (Home Affairs), and Peter Siyovelwa (National Security); and the two Regional Commissioners were those of Shinyanga and Mwanza Regions, in which the errant Security officers had carried out their brutal operations.
(iv) in January, 1977 (when a joint meeting of TANU and ASP National Congresses made the decision to merge the two parties, a vital decision that gave birth to the present CCM). The merger of TANU and ASP, was a major political event of unprecedented historical importance and significance.
(v) in January 2001 (CUF’s political demonstration in Pemba which turned violent, and led to the tragic death of 23 people, including a policeman who was on duty).
TANU’S resolution of January 1962.
One of TANU’s major functions as the country’s ruling party after independence, was to rapidly undertake, and oversee, the implementation of new policies and programmes for the constitutional, social, and economic development of the newly independent country. The initiatives to be taken in the area of Constitutional development were, of necessity, given top priority, simply because the Independence Constitution (which had been enacted by the British Parliament sitting in London), was seen by TANU as an alien document, and as “an embodiment of colonial (or neo-colonial) paternalism”; which therefore had to be quickly replaced by a different Constitution that was more suited to Tanganyika’s new conditions and ambitions; and which was more capable of inspiring in the people of independent Tanganyika, a sense of loyalty to their new country.
In pursuit of that objective, TANU’s National Executive Committee (the ruling party’s policy making organ), passed a resolution at its January 1962 meeting, which declared the party’s intention “to make Tanganyika a Republic within the Commonwealth as soon as possible”. The process of implementing this resolution was undertaken immediately thereafter, and Tanganyika became a REPUBLIC on 9th December, 1962, the first anniversary of the country’s independence.
TANU’s resolution of January, 1963.
In January 1963, TANU’s National Executive Committee again passed a resolution “ to make Tanganyika a de jure (Constitutional) One-party State”. It was another outstanding political decision that was taken in the process of reforming the country’s constitutional governance system, in order “to make it more appropriate for Tanganyika’s specific political environment and special circumstances”.
At that time our country was, constitutionally, a multi-party state. However it had, in fact, become a de facto ‘One party State’, as a result of the pre-independence 1960 general election results in which TANU obtained overwhelming victory, with only one TANU candidate having lost to an independent candidate, in Mbulu constituency. And, of even greater significance, was that the vast majority of the TANU sponsored candidates had been elected unopposed; which meant that the voters in their respective constituencies had been denied the opportunity to cast their votes.
In pursuit of that objective, TANU’s National Executive Committee (the ruling party’s policy making organ), passed a resolution at its January 1962 meeting, which declared the party’s intention “to make Tanganyika a Republic within the Commonwealth as soon as possible”. The process of implementing this resolution was undertaken immediately thereafter, and Tanganyika became a REPUBLIC on 9th December, 1962, the first anniversary of the country’s independence.
TANU’s resolution of January, 1963.
In January 1963, TANU’s National Executive Committee again passed a resolution “ to make Tanganyika a de jure (Constitutional) One-party State”. It was another outstanding political decision that was taken in the process of reforming the country’s constitutional governance system, in order “to make it more appropriate for Tanganyika’s specific political environment and special circumstances”.
At that time our country was, constitutionally, a multi-party state. However it had, in fact, become a de facto ‘One party State’, as a result of the pre-independence 1960 general election results in which TANU obtained overwhelming victory, with only one TANU candidate having lost to an independent candidate, in Mbulu constituency. And, of even greater significance, was that the vast majority of the TANU sponsored candidates had been elected unopposed; which meant that the voters in their respective constituencies had been denied the opportunity to cast their votes.
In other words, they had effectively been disenfranchised; which was bad for democracy for denying the people of those constituencies their inherent democratic right to vote, in the selection of his leaders.
Thus, in President Nyerere’s considered opinion, a constitutional, or de jure One party State, was what would solve that ‘democracy deficit’ problem of disenfranchising the vast majority of the country’s population; because then, provision could be made in a new electoral system, which would enable members of the same party (TANU) to compete in all elections, thus enabling all the people to cast their valuable votes.
It is on the basis of that reasoning, that TANU’s National Executive Committee meeting in January 1963, unanimously adopted a resolution directing the Government to “take all necessary measures which will effectively facilitate the establishment of a constitutional One-party State, as soon as may be practicable”.
Having thus been given the necessary mandate, President Nyerere lost no time in appointing a Presidential Constitutional Commission, which was tasked to prepare recommendations for the envisaged One-party Constitution. This was eventually enacted, and took effect from 10th July, 1965. That Constitution continued to operate until July 1992, when it was substantively amended in order to pave the way for the re-establishment of the multi-party political system.
In his defense and justification for the constitutional “One-party” political system, President Nyerere argued thus:- “Where there is only one political party which is open to all, i.e. which is identified with the nation as a whole, the foundations for democracy are firmer than they can ever be in situations where there are two or more parties, each representing only a section of the population”.
President Nyerere’s decision of January, 1976.
This was when President Nyerere publicly introduced a new factor in Presidential administrative decision making, namely, the matter of giving consideration, and due weight, to the hidden aspect of the public leaders’ responsibility in the discharge of their ordinary duties and responsibilities, which is legally known as “vicarious liability”.
It is on the basis of that reasoning, that TANU’s National Executive Committee meeting in January 1963, unanimously adopted a resolution directing the Government to “take all necessary measures which will effectively facilitate the establishment of a constitutional One-party State, as soon as may be practicable”.
Having thus been given the necessary mandate, President Nyerere lost no time in appointing a Presidential Constitutional Commission, which was tasked to prepare recommendations for the envisaged One-party Constitution. This was eventually enacted, and took effect from 10th July, 1965. That Constitution continued to operate until July 1992, when it was substantively amended in order to pave the way for the re-establishment of the multi-party political system.
In his defense and justification for the constitutional “One-party” political system, President Nyerere argued thus:- “Where there is only one political party which is open to all, i.e. which is identified with the nation as a whole, the foundations for democracy are firmer than they can ever be in situations where there are two or more parties, each representing only a section of the population”.
President Nyerere’s decision of January, 1976.
This was when President Nyerere publicly introduced a new factor in Presidential administrative decision making, namely, the matter of giving consideration, and due weight, to the hidden aspect of the public leaders’ responsibility in the discharge of their ordinary duties and responsibilities, which is legally known as “vicarious liability”.
The expression ‘vicarious liability’ means the ‘state of being legally responsible for offences committed by persons who are under your administrative, or political, supervision’.
On January 30th, 1976; a Mwanza resident, one Masanga Mahula Mazengenuka died, as a result of a marathon four days barbaric torture inflicted upon some persons in Shinyanga and Mwanza Regions of the United Republic, by a contingent of national security personnel who were carrying out a security crackdown, following a number of mysterious deaths of several people that had occurred in those two Regions; reportedly caused by persons using witchcraft. Police investigations later revealed that the said officers used pepper, lashes, and barbiturate injections of methedrine, plus starvation; as their tools of interrogation. The late Mazengenuka was only one of the many persons who had been arrested during that crackdown.
On January 30th, 1976; a Mwanza resident, one Masanga Mahula Mazengenuka died, as a result of a marathon four days barbaric torture inflicted upon some persons in Shinyanga and Mwanza Regions of the United Republic, by a contingent of national security personnel who were carrying out a security crackdown, following a number of mysterious deaths of several people that had occurred in those two Regions; reportedly caused by persons using witchcraft. Police investigations later revealed that the said officers used pepper, lashes, and barbiturate injections of methedrine, plus starvation; as their tools of interrogation. The late Mazengenuka was only one of the many persons who had been arrested during that crackdown.
Thus, upon revelation of this brutality through police investigations following Mazengenuka’s death, President Nyerere terminated the appointments of two Ministers, Ali Hassan Mwinui (Home Affairs) and Peter Siyovelwa (National Security); as well as the Regional Commissioners of Mwanza and Shinyanga Regions, in which the errant officers had carried out their brutality.
The officers concerned were also arrested and arraigned before the High Court, on charges of manslaughter. Other Security officers, including the then Shinyanga District Security Officer Augustine Lyatonga Mrema, were forced to resign on accountability, for the callous deaths through suffocation, of reportedly more than thirty persons who had been arrested and dumped into a tiny remand cell, during the said operation. Lesson to be learnt: Public leaders should always beware of this legal liability.
The 1977 merger of TANU and ASP.
The 21st day of January, 1977; was the day on which the Constitution of the proposed new political party, Chama cha Mapinduzi ( CCM), was adopted by a joint meeting of the National Conferences of the two political parties, namely the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) and the Afro-shirazi Party. That joint meeting also elected the new party’s first Chairman (Julius Nyerere) and Vice Chairman (Aboud Jumbe). CCM was inaugurated on 5th February, 1977, of which I was appointed the first Executive Secretary General. The joint congress was the successful culmination of a long process, which had started in 1975 when, on 22nd September, 1975; President Nyerere (who was also the President of TANU), in a formal address to the TANU National Conference, made the historic proposal that TANU should consider merging with Zanzibar’s Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP), in the following words:- “Our country is legally, and constitutionally, a One-party state. But, in reality, we have two parties. I believe that this is a constitutional anomaly, and it is my sincere belief that we should now give serious consideration to this matter, and find a way of removing this anomaly. I am personally convinced, that we will greatly strengthen the unity of our people, and give ourselves greater capacity for carrying our revolution forward, if we now agree to merge our two parties, in order to form one strong, revolutionary party, which will lead our revolutionary nation”.
The officers concerned were also arrested and arraigned before the High Court, on charges of manslaughter. Other Security officers, including the then Shinyanga District Security Officer Augustine Lyatonga Mrema, were forced to resign on accountability, for the callous deaths through suffocation, of reportedly more than thirty persons who had been arrested and dumped into a tiny remand cell, during the said operation. Lesson to be learnt: Public leaders should always beware of this legal liability.
The 1977 merger of TANU and ASP.
The 21st day of January, 1977; was the day on which the Constitution of the proposed new political party, Chama cha Mapinduzi ( CCM), was adopted by a joint meeting of the National Conferences of the two political parties, namely the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) and the Afro-shirazi Party. That joint meeting also elected the new party’s first Chairman (Julius Nyerere) and Vice Chairman (Aboud Jumbe). CCM was inaugurated on 5th February, 1977, of which I was appointed the first Executive Secretary General. The joint congress was the successful culmination of a long process, which had started in 1975 when, on 22nd September, 1975; President Nyerere (who was also the President of TANU), in a formal address to the TANU National Conference, made the historic proposal that TANU should consider merging with Zanzibar’s Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP), in the following words:- “Our country is legally, and constitutionally, a One-party state. But, in reality, we have two parties. I believe that this is a constitutional anomaly, and it is my sincere belief that we should now give serious consideration to this matter, and find a way of removing this anomaly. I am personally convinced, that we will greatly strengthen the unity of our people, and give ourselves greater capacity for carrying our revolution forward, if we now agree to merge our two parties, in order to form one strong, revolutionary party, which will lead our revolutionary nation”.
After this proposal was formally endorsed by the relevant organs of both parties, the process for its implementation was quickly commenced, and was completed when this joint national congress, at its meeting on 21st January, 1977; made the final decisions for the establishment of the new, revolutionary, political party; which was appropriately named “Chama cha Mapinduzi”.
The 2001 political demonstration in Pemba.
In his memoirs which were published in November 2019, in a book titled “My Life, My Purpose: A Tanzanian President Remembers”; the late former President Benjamin Mkapa gives the following description of the tragedy that occurred in the course of that demonstration:- “In late January, 2001, a tragedy occurred which shook me to my core: the police shooting dead twenty-two people in Pemba. I was at that time attending the World Economic Forum in Devos. But, as President of the United Republic, even though I wasn’t in the country when this calamity happened, I accept full responsibility for it, and I acknowledge that this will always be a black spot on my Presidency”. Indeed, it will always be a black spot on the country’s political history as well.
What happened is that the Opposition CUF political party (which was predominant in Pemba, and its supporters had been riled up because they had lost the 2000 Presidential election in Zanzibar), decided to stage a huge protest demonstration there; which, however, turned violent when the protesters beheaded a policeman who was on duty; and then started marching towards a Police station which had an armoury, chanting that: “we are going to collect weapons”.
The protesters actually reached the police station; and the frightened small police contingent which was there, responded by firing at the protesters, causing the 22 deaths. Indeed, that calamity remains a black spot in the political history of our country.
Subsequently, the President appointed a multi-party Commission under the chairmanship of Brigadier General Hashim Mbita, to investigate the matter. The Mbita Commission recommended compensation for the families of those who died in the tragedy; which the Government agreed to do.
piomsekwa@gmail.com /0754767576.
In his memoirs which were published in November 2019, in a book titled “My Life, My Purpose: A Tanzanian President Remembers”; the late former President Benjamin Mkapa gives the following description of the tragedy that occurred in the course of that demonstration:- “In late January, 2001, a tragedy occurred which shook me to my core: the police shooting dead twenty-two people in Pemba. I was at that time attending the World Economic Forum in Devos. But, as President of the United Republic, even though I wasn’t in the country when this calamity happened, I accept full responsibility for it, and I acknowledge that this will always be a black spot on my Presidency”. Indeed, it will always be a black spot on the country’s political history as well.
What happened is that the Opposition CUF political party (which was predominant in Pemba, and its supporters had been riled up because they had lost the 2000 Presidential election in Zanzibar), decided to stage a huge protest demonstration there; which, however, turned violent when the protesters beheaded a policeman who was on duty; and then started marching towards a Police station which had an armoury, chanting that: “we are going to collect weapons”.
The protesters actually reached the police station; and the frightened small police contingent which was there, responded by firing at the protesters, causing the 22 deaths. Indeed, that calamity remains a black spot in the political history of our country.
Subsequently, the President appointed a multi-party Commission under the chairmanship of Brigadier General Hashim Mbita, to investigate the matter. The Mbita Commission recommended compensation for the families of those who died in the tragedy; which the Government agreed to do.
piomsekwa@gmail.com /0754767576.
Source: Daily News and Cde Dr Msekwa Himself.
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