HUYU NDIYE MAGUFULI NILIYEMSHUHUDIA

Kila nilipomuona au kumsikiliza rais John Pombe Maufuli, mara zote nilikuwa najaribu kwa kila niwezavyo kumdurusu ili kuweza kuona kile ambacho wengi hawkukiona au kama walikioona basi kwa utofauti nami. Mara na siku zote niliona kiongozi mwenye moyo mkubwa, mawazo, ndoto, dhamira, visheni, uzalendo na uthubutu visivyo vya kawaida wala shaka katika kuisafisha nchi kutoka kwenye ufisadi, uhovyo na uzembe. Mie si mwanachama wa chama chochote na nasifika kwa kuwa na chembe nyingi za upinzani kuliko kuunga mkono. Hata hivyo, leo natoboa siri yangu kuhusiana na nilivyomuona kipenzi cha watanzania marehemu rais John Pombe Magufuli ayetutoka juzi tu na kutuacha tukilalamika. Pia nachukua fursa hii kumuombea mrithi wake Mama Samia Suluhu Hassan avivae viatu vikubwa ajabu katika wakati huu mgumu. 
        Katika kauli mbiu ya Magufuli ya Hapa Kazi Tu, niliona kiongozi anayehangaika na ndoto misheni na visheni kubwa visivyoweza kuzuilika nia ikiwa ni kutaka kuiondoa nchi kwenye utegemezi wakati imejaliwa raslimali nyingi za thamani; kiongozi ambaye hayuko tayari kukata tamaa; ambaye amedhamiria kuhakikisha visheni yake inaeleweka bayana kwa wananchi wake ambao japo si wote wanaanza kumuelewa. Ndiyo maana, niliweza kuandika vitabu viwili yaani Heko Rais Magufuli na kingine kwa kushirikiana na rafiki, ndugu, baba yangu  Mheshimiwa Dk Pius Msekwa, Spika wa Bunge mstaafu aliyekubali kunipokea kama mwanae kunilea kimawazo na kitaaluma. Hakika, nilona kiongozi ambaye uhubiri maji na kunywa maji na si kunywa mvinyo; ambaye hutenda asemayo na kusema ayatendayo; ambaye kwa weledi anaelewa hatari na ugumu wa kile anachofanya; ambaye anaonekana kudhamiria kuupoka ushindi kwenye meno ya kushindwa.
        Kusema ule ukweli wa moyoni, nilimuona kiongozi ambaye wengi walishindwa kumuelewa–––kama walimwelewa si kwa kiwango walichopaswa–––ambaye katika zama hizi za ufisadi wa kutisha ni sawa na sindano kwenye lundo la nyasi. Sina nia ya kumkweza. Niliona mtume maskini ambaye–––kama alivyowahi kusema Mwl Julius K. Nyerere–––huwa hakubaliki kwao. Rejea namna nchi nyingi zinavyomuenzi Dk Magufuli wakati watu wetu wakimng’ong’a na wengine kumkataa hata kumdhihaki, kumzushia hata kumhukumu kabla ya kumaliza kazi aliyokwisha kuianza katika uhai na mauti.  
        Hadi kifo kinamnyakua, daima, nilimuona kiongozi asiye na mzaha; aliyekataa kuwa sahihi kisiasa; ambaye kwa ukweli na uwazi, alisema kilikuwa moyoni bila kujali chochote; ambaye hakutafuta sifa na upumbao lakini kuiondoa nchi kwenye ugumu wa kimfumo uliosababishwa na bindamu; na ambaye mapenzi, nguvu na uthubutu wake kwa nchi yake, mbali na kutokuwa na kifani–––pasi shaka, havimithiliki au kuweza kutiliwa shaka. 
        Hakika, nilimuona kingozi shujaa ambaye alikuwa tayari kufia kile anachoamini; ambaye aliwachachafya na kuwatetemesha mafisadi kiasi cha kupewa majina mbali mbali mabaya na mazuri kutegemea na upande aliposimama mtu. Nilimuona kiongozi ambaye, mara nyingi, alikuwa mkweli na asiyeyumba pamoja na ugumu wa kupambana na kung’oa maovu, rushwa, ufisadi, uzembe na ukosefu wa nidhamu katika shughuli za umma; kiongozi mweye kujitoa mhanga ambaye amekuwa kwenye nafasi za juu serikalini kwa zaidi ya miongo miwili; ambaye aligahamu kujiuza kwa sababu ya fedha na vitu.  Ndiyio maana nashindwa kumpongeza au kumpa pole mrithi wake, Mama Samia Suluhu Hassan ambaye ana mtihani na mzigo mzito kichwani, mabegani hata moyoni. Mungu amsaidie lau avivae viatu vya marehemu na atoshee. AMINA.
        Tukiwaza kwa pamoja, kwa kiongozi aliyefanya kazi muda mrefu hivi angeshindwa kujitajirisha kama angeamua? Magufuli aliwahi kusema kuwa kuna wahuni walitaka kumhonga na kumwekea fedha kwenye akaunti za nje lakini alikataa kujiuza na kuwauza watu wake.
        Haswa, nilipomuona Magufuli, niliona kiongozi jasiri na shupavu anayejipambanua kwa kuondoka na ukale akilenga kuwafanya sasa iwe bora ya kesho kwa ajili ya taifa na watu wake; kiongozi ambaye mawazo yake yaliwekwa kwenye maendeleo ya watu wake na mwenye dhamira ya kuleta mageuzi pale ambapo wengi hugwaya. Naweza kukosea katika hili lakini ni kwa kiasi kidogo; naweza kuwa sahihi lakini si vinginevyo. Ukitazama mambo ambayo Magufuli amlishafanya, tena kwa muda mfupi, bila shaka yoyote naweza kusema kuwa aliwekeza vilivyo kwenye kesho njema ya Tanzania. Hata hivyo, je watanzania walielewa visheni ya Magufuli vilivyo? Mama Samia anapaswa kufanikisha hili pamoja na ukubwa na ugumu wake. Mungu amsimamie na kumuongoza. AAAMIN.
        Masihara pembeni, Magufuli alikuwa kingozi ambaye, kwa dhamira na ujasiri, aaliamini kuwa elimu ni ufunguo na muhimu katika kesho njema ya taifa; kiongozi ambaye, chini ya uongozi wake, kulikuwako ongezeko la watoto wanlioandikishwa shuleni ukiachia mbali upatikanaji wa uhakika wa mikopo kwa ajili ya elimu ya juu bila kusahau kuimarika kwa huduma kama vile afya ambapo sasa hospitali hazipokei fedha za kumuona daktari bila kupewa chochote kama ilivyokkuwa awali. Namshukuru Mungu. nilimuona kiongozi ambaye chini ya uongozi wake Tanzania imeshuhudia kurejea kwa ufanisi katika shughuli za umma, na juu ya yote, kurejea madili tunayoshuhudia kwenye ofisi za umma. 
        Zaidi ya hapo, nilimuona kiongozi ambaye kwake umuhimu wa kuunganisha miundombinu kitaifa, usafiri na usafirishaji, tena vya kisasa, kujenga barabara, madaraja, viwanja vya ndege, vivuko, reli kama vile reli ya kisasa ya Standard Gauge Railway (SGR), kusambaza umeme hasa vijijini,kupata vyanzo vipya vya nishati kama vile ujenzi wa mradi wa umeme utokanao na nguvu ya maji wa bonde la Stiegler na mengine kiasi cha kuigeuza Tanzania kuwa karakana ya ujenzi chini ya kile nikiitacho ku-Magufulisha Tanzania havina mjadala. 
        Kwa mfano, kwa mujibu wa Radio Vatican (Desemba 18, 2017), chini ya Magufuli, Tanzania iliwezea kukarabati barabara zenye urefu wa kilometa zipatazo 2,571 na kuongeza idadi ya watalii toka watalii 1,137,182, mwaka 2015 hadi 1,284,279 mwaka 2016. Sambamba na hili, mwaka 2017, serikali iliweza kuunganisha mamlaka za wilaya zipatazo 117, ofisi za posta zipatazo 71, vituo vya polisi vipatavyo 129, hospitali zipatazo 90 na mahakama zipatazo 27 kwenye mkonga wa taifa bila kusahau shule 425 a mbazo zitapata iternt bure. Hili si jambo dogo wala maendeleo kidogo.
        Kwa nyongeza, kwa mujibu wa the Maverick (Feburuari 14, 2016), Magufuli alipoingia madakani ukusanyaji mapato kitaifa ulikuwa jumla ya shilingi za kitanzania bilioni 900. Punde tu, ukusanyaji mapato ya taifa uliongezeka kufikia shilingi za kianzania trilioni 1.5. Sambamba na hili, zaidi ya wafanyakazi hewa 10,000 walibainishwa na kufukuzwa kazi na kuokoa zaidi ya dola za kimarekani bilioni 2 kwa mwezi (BBC, Mei 16, 2016); bila kusahau walioghushi na wengine kama hawa ambao nao pia wanaendelea kushughulikiwa. Je kweli hili ni jambo dogo? Kwanini tusimpongeze Magufuli kwa uMagufulishaji Tanzania? Linapokuja suala la utulivu na amani, Tanzania bado ina amani ukiachia matukio kidogo ya jinai; na yote hii inatokana na uwezo wa Magufuli wa kuunganisha umma akijibainisha kama mtu asiyekata tamaa na mwenye uwezo wa kusaka anachotaka na kukipata kwa gharama yoyote.
        Kwa ufupi, nilimuona kiongozi ambaye Tanzania ilimhitaji kwa mda mrefu baada ya kung’atuka kwa kiongozi mwingine jasiri na mzalendo wa kweli Mwl Nyerere; kiongozi ambaye vizazi vijavyo vitataja jina lake kwa kicho na kiwewe kama ataendelea na kasi, msimamo na staili hii na kama ataungwa mkono katika mipango na miradi yake bila kutetereka.
SAMAHANI, SIWEZI KUENDELEA. MACHOZI YAMEZIBA USO WANGU. MUHIMU NAMUOMBEA MAMA YETU SAMIA MUNGU AMSIMAMIE AVAE VIATU VIKUBWA HIVYO NA KUFANIKISHA MAMBO MAKUBWA HAYO. AAAMIN.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema leo.

HAIJAWAHI KUTOKEA TANZANIA HATA NYERERE HAKUFUA DAFU NAMNA MAGUFULI ALIVYOPENDWA

 

MBUYU MAGUFULI UMEANGUKA NDEGE WANAHANGAIKA NENDA SALAMA DAKTARI JOHN POMBE JOSEPH ka MAGUFULI NA MUNGU AKULIPE

 

If there’s any contemporary, eye-rolling event that powerfully defined Tanzania and Africa at large, then it was the election of Dr John Pombe Magufuli as the president of Tanzania in 2015. His style of leadership – which’s proactively unique in many areas compared to his predecessors – refreshingly amazed and wowed friends, foes, optimists and pessimists alike; and nothing like it in matters of leadership has the country ever experienced. 
        On the flipside, Magufuli’s arrival and his style of doing things made him step on economic and political landmines. His style and performance have earned him both friends and enemies.  Practically, Magufuli’s unique style of leadership is essentially the centrepiece of ‘Magufulification,’ a concept the former Speaker of the National Assembly of Tanzania, Dr Pius Msekwa, and I delved into and explored on how it sprung to life, and what it has achieved in terms of what it can offer to others facing the same problems. 
        Nuanced on its quick achievements, ‘Magufulifications’ applicability to African countries is inevitable due to the fact that the problems they face share the same nexus that can be traced to colonialism or neo-colonialism and slavery as external root causes and to bad governance, corruption, ineptness, laziness and the likes as internal root causes.
         This concept is enticing to explore, particularly for academics due to the heat it has generated since coming into being.  If anything, ‘Magufulification’ as a new concept-cum-style of leadership, has tested the international norm that revolves around the superiority of Africa’s former colonisers and the inferiority ascribed to the poor in Africa. 
        Because of such thinking, Magufuli, the man behind Magufulification, was viewed as a needle in a haystack. Given the novelty of the concept, at this stage, it is hard to tell apart between a person behind the concept and concept itself. 
        This, of course, is a little bit hard and complex thing to do; as was the case regarding the concept of “Ujamaa na Kujitegemea”, or socialism and self-reliance vis-à-vis its founder, the late Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, the founder president of Tanzania. There is no way one can analyse or interrogate Ujamaa na Kujitegemea without doing the same to Nyerere. 
        Magufuli’s unique style of leadership captured and engulfed the world like a bushfire, and his agency and mojo ignited the continent and restored its lost hope about the transformation and realignment of the continent.
        Fundamentally, those who wrongly thought that Africa would always be doomed had to rethink again, thanks to the new style of leadership Magufuli had ushered in. 
Now, he is gone. What’ll happen to the concept and the country? Nobody can actually tell. But the arrival of Magufuli rekindled a spirit that we view as a total liberation of Tanzania, particularly economically.
        Magufuli’s arrival also altered the way Tanzanians (and Africans generally) used to view themselves. And this was grounded on his manner and speed of doing things, specifically what can be achieved in a very short time. This is what ‘Magufulification’ has shown.
        It is from this background that I write this dirge for the fallen president. Will Tanzania maintain the mojo-cum-tempo as his noble commemoration? For the way ‘Magufulification’ restored sanity in running the business of Tanzania, if used as a case study, cannot just be ignored, or be left to fizzle out. 
It has addressed many nagging social and economic challenges that have been troubling the country for a long period of time. 
    Next week, I’ll explain why Africans need to employ ‘Magufulification’ in their countries.
Sources: Daily Monitor today.

NENDA SALAMA JOHN POMBE MAGUFULI

 

MERCI MONSIEUR FELIX TSHEKEDI POUR LE GRAND HONEUR POUR NOTRE PRESIDENT MAGUFULI

 

KARIBU NA HONGERA MAMA SAMIA SULUHU HASSAN RAIS WA JAMHURI YA MUUNGANO WA TANZANIA

Hongera kwa nafasi mpya uliyoaminiwa na taifa na pole kwa zigo zito kichwani na mabegani. Mzigo uliotwishwa ni mzigo. Naamini hukuuomba wala kuutegemea. Hata hivyo, binadamu hupanga na Mungu hupangua. Mungu akutie nguvu na kukujaza hekima na subra utuvushe na kutufikisha alipopanga kutufikia marehemu. Aaamini.

MUNGU MKUU AKUFARIJI WEWE NA FAMILIA YAKO JANET MAGUFULI

WANAOSINGIZIA MAGUFULI AMEKUFA KWA CORONA SOMA HII

TANGULIA MAGUFULI, DAIMA TUTAKUENZI

Kifo hakina rufani, pia hakina huruma,
Kimempoka kundini, Rais mwenye heshima,
bado ali ujanani, mudawe umesimama,
Daima tutakuenzi, Tangulia Magufuli

Kifo hakina rufani, kwa kila mja lazima,
Kwa uchungu na huzuni, natakabari Karima,
Mjao yu mikononi, Dunia ameihama,
Tanzania takumbuka, maisha ya Magufuli.

Alikuwa muumini, wa ukweli kuusema,
Wengi aliwaudhini, hakuongopa daima,
Kipenzi cha maskini, utamlilia umma,
Tanzania takumbuka, mchango wa Magufuli.

Uoza ukibaini, ukweli uliusema.
Hukuwa na ya sirini, uliuambia umma,
Bila nani wala nini, daima ulisimama,
Daima tutakuenzi, tangulia Magufuli

Liwapiga marhuni, wakakiona kiama,
Hata huko mautini, jinale litasimama,
Akiwa mja makini, aliyejaa heshima,
Tanzania takumbuka, kipindi cha Magufuli.

Rais aliyewini, ulimkubali umma,
Jabari kimakwelini, imara alisimama,
Na amefia kazini, akipigania mema,
Pengo aliloliacha, pengo kubwa kweli kweli.

Baba nenda kwa Amani, tutaonana kiama,
Wala haumithiliki, kazi yako kazi njema,
Tunalia kwa huzuni, Mungu na akupe mema,
Tanzania bila wewe, inahitaji hekima.

Mudao madarakani, umefanya mambo mema,
Kapumzike peponi, ulikuwa mja mwema,
Umetuacha njiani, tukiwa tumesimama,
Tanzania takumbuka, tunu zako Magufuli.

Maisha ya mja nini, ayajuaye Karima,
Matunda yamesheheni, kwa uliyofanya mema,
Nenda baba umewini, jinalo litasimama,
Tanzania takumbuka, mipango ya Magufuli.

Wezi uliwabaini, wakakionja kiama,
Yajayo tupo kizani, roho zinatutetema,
Mungu aliyetupeni, amechukua mapema,
Kwa akili zao waja, bado hatujakubali.

Jabari u kitandani, dunia umeihama,
Tutakuweka nyoyoni, hadi siku ya kiama,
Tunatoa shukrani, kwa yale tuliyochuma,
Mungu akupe amani, tangulia Magufuli.

RIP OUR HERO JOHN POMBE MAGUFULI

Je ni Manispaa na Halmashauri Ngapi Zina Madudu Kama Temeke? HILI NI AGIZO KATI YA MAWILI YA MWISHO ALIYOTOA MAGUFULI

Kuna clip ya video iliyozagaa mtandaoni ikimuonyesha Rais John Pombe Magufuli akisikiliza ombi na baadaye aki’mtandika’ Mbunge wa Temeke Dorothy Kilave baada ya kumuomba serikali yake iilipie Manispaa hiyo deni la shilingi bilioni 19 ilizokopa toka Benki ya CRDB kwa ajili ya kulipa mafao ya wale waliobomolewa maeneo yao ili kupisha miradi ya maendeleo ambayo Mbunge hakutaja. Hata hivyo, pamoja na kum’tandika’ Mbunge huyu,  Rais alimtetea kuwa yeye hakuwa sehemu ya ufisadi huu wa kutisha na wa kijinga. Hivi unachukuaje fedha kwenye taasisi binafsi kufanya shughuli za umma bila kufuata taratibu husika halafu unataka Serikali ikulipie kana kwamba ndo ilifanya haya madudu? Maana kama Manispaa ya Temeke ingefuata utaratibu, Serikali ingekuwa na taarifa ya deni husika. Je huku siyo kukiuka taratibu na sheria ukiachia mbali kuwa uchochoro mzuri wa ufisadi? Je miradi inayodaiwa kutekelezwa ni mingapi na inalinga na fedha tajwa?
        Jambo la kufurahisha ni kwamba, kwa ukali na uwazi wake, Rais alisema Serikali katu haikuhusika kwenye kutafuta na kupata mkopo husika. Hivyo, haina sababu za kulilipa bila kujua namna lilivyopatikana, kutumika na mengine kama haya. Mbali na msimamo wa Serikali, Rais alisema wazi kuwa anadhani kuna ulaji hasa ule utokanao na kuwekeana aslimia fulani kwenye mkopo au almaarufu cha juu. Tokana na mashaka haya, Rais alitaka miradi inayodaiwa kujengwa kwa fedha husika ikaguliwe kuona kama ina thamani ya fedha tajwa au kuna upigaji. Tokana na uzoefu wake, Rais alisema kuwa pia kuna haja ya kujua waliolipwa fidia ni akina nani, wangapi isijekuwa nao waliongea na Manispaa ili kufanikisha ulaji huu. 
        Katika kuonyesha Rais alivyo tayari kuwasaidia Manispaa ya Temeke kujua namna ya fedha ilivyotumika, alisema anachoweza  kuwasaidia ni kutuma wakaguzi wa mahesabu ili wawasaidie kufichua madudu ambayo ni dhahiri yatakuwapo tena mengi na makubwa. Kwa wanaomjua Rais Magufuli, hawatashangaa kusikia wale wote waliohusika wakipambana na kesi za uhujumu taifa ambazo ni stahiki yao. Maana, kama alivyoahidi rais wakati akiingia madarakani, zama za Tanzania kuwa Shamba la Bibi kwa kila Bwege kujiibia zilikwisha zamani.
        Sakata la Manispaa ya Temeke na deni lake lina maswali mengi zaidi ya majibu. Mfano, je Serikali ingelipaje  deni wakati haikutumia fedha husika wala haikuombwa lau ushauri wakati wa kuchukua mkopo huu wa kipigaji? Eti Manispaa ya Temeke imekuwa ikilipa shilingi bilioni nne kila mwaka na bado, kwa mujibu wa Mbunge, deni ni zaidi ya bilioni 12.195. Je walikuwa wakilipa nini hadi deni halipungui? Je waliingia lini kwenye mkataba wa deni na ulipaji wake? Je Manispaa ya Temeke wanatozwa riba kiasi gani? Na je riba husika ni stahiki na inangia akilini kiutaratibu? Je masharti ya mkopo husika yanaingia akilini?
        Si vibaya kusema kuwa Manispaa ya Temeke hawamheshimu hata Rais wao. Ilikuwaje na kwanini wahusika walitaka kumuingiza mkenge? Ni kwanini hawakulichelea hili kuwa mtu yeyote mwenye akili angehoji mantiki ya Serikali kulipia deni bila kuhusika na kulitafuta wala kutumia fedha husika? Je ni Manispaa na Hmashauri ngapi zinayo madudu kama haya ambayo hayajafichuka? Je Manispaa na Halmashauri kama hizi zimejifunza nini tokana na kujilipua kwa Manispaa ya Temeke japo haikujua kuwa ilikuwa ikifanya hivyo? Je mamlaka husika yatachukua hatua gani mujarabu ili kutoa somo kwa wengine? Je ni mbalioni kiasi gani ya fedha za umma yameishatafunwa namna hii na kwa muda gani? Je hili halitoi somo kuwa Serikali zichunguze mamlaka zote za halmashauri nchi nzima kubaini madudu hata kama yamefanyika miaka 20 iliyopita ili wahusika warejeshe chumo hili la wizi na kushughulikiwa kisheria ili haki itendeke na liwe somo kwa wezi wengine?
        Kutokana na kukithiri kwa ufisadi kiasi cha walioushiriki kutaka hata kuiingiza Serikali mkenge, tunashauri Rais aamuru Manispaa na Halmashauri zote  nchini zinazodaiwa fedha za mikopo toka kwenye taasisi binafsi zifanyiwe uchunguzi na ukaguzi ili kujua kilichoko nyuma ya pazia ambacho wengi hawakijui. Hii, licha ya kutoa onyo kwa wahusika, itaokoa fedha nyingi za umma ukiachia mbali kunasa mapapa wengi wa mchezo huu. Uchunguzi huu usiishie kwa wakopeshwaji bali hata wakopeshaji. Hii itasaidia kuona kama kweli wanafuata sheria za mikopo na kufanya biashara na taasisi za umma. Madudu ya namna hii yamekuwa donda ndugu kwenye Nchi za kiafrika ambacho ndicho chanzo kizuri cha umaskini wa nchi nyingi ambazo zimekosa umakini katika kuyatokomeza. Juzi, Nchini Kenya, kulitoka taarifa ya mtu aliyepewa tenda ya mabilioni na mtu ambaye hata hawakujuana ilmradi mhusika amtumie kuliibia Taifa. Haya mambo yapo na ni mengi kuliko unavyoweza kufikiri.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema leo.

Will the Coming Kenyan CJ decolonise the Judiciary?

When reformer Chief Justice Ndugu Willy M. Mutunga (PhD) took the reins of Kenya’s Judiciary, as its first president, ushered in many reforms. For the first time, the Judiciary saw almost nippy decolonisation of almost everything up to the scratch. His was radical change that saw some of  wrongly time-honoured colonial carryovers being demolished for the first time in the history of Kenya’s Judiciary. Under his watch, there was no he goofed off in any manner as it used to be. For example, white periwigs–––as colonial carryovers that the Kenyan Judiciary among many African Judiciaries inherited from colonial government–––were abolished and thereby replaced with Kenyan dress code.  However, it is possible to temporarily decolonise some minds while it is impossible to decolonise other permanently.  For, right away after Mutunga left office, his successor, David Maraga, recolonized the Judiciary by returning to old colonial traditions of which is the salvaging of white wigs that made our black judges ironically, presume they look like ‘white ones.’ Despite loving colonial dregs, those behind this love failed to appreciate the fact that they have looked like those they mindlessly ape. Experience shows that we still have people among us who love to willingly be colonised as is the case in Kenyan Judiciary before and after Ndugu Mutunga radically and successfully introduced in some radical changes that died soon after he retired. Thus, his successes were short-lived. Thus, the Judiciary was back to the drawing board as far as its desired decolonisation was concerned. It had a few too many of colonial dregs systematically and systemically.

There is good news so far. However, all depends on how things will turn out. We wait for the new CJ hopefully but everything kitchen sink.  Provided that this year Kenya will uneventfully, hopefully, have a new CJ after the outgoing David Maraga reached his retirement age and thereby retired, should Kenya expect the decolonisation of the Judiciary or just the maintaining of the status quo as it happened after Mutunga’s term in office came to an end? It is not easy to tell given that, up until now, we don’t know who will be picked. However, one of Maraga’s haunting legacies will be his willy-nilly loopy fervour in recolonising and politicising the Judiciary. Refer to how he used to wrangle with politicians on various issues that the CJ was not supposed to be involved in. For those interested in true freedom and independence of the Judiciary and the country, the exit of Maraga is an opportunity that Kenyans and their new CJ must seize is to radically and truly decolonise the Judiciary in order to perfect the independence of the country. Times of the lack of self-confidence for Africans are supposed to be long gone. The Judiciary can become the harbinger of this very change that the entire Africa deservedly needs. 
        When it comes to the dress code, we need to be careful about it. For example, why should an African country import or fabricate wigs for its magistrates and judges without underscoring the fact that altering their faces destroys their identity? This is what we call cultural imperialism that some African countries are imbuing willingly in their people and systems.  Why’d dress code and other important aspects of Judiciary–––some African countries still willingly ingurgitate––––depend on the person taking the helms of the institution instead of having an institutional policy blueprint of running this important arm of the government without necessarily depending on who his at the helm? The decolonisation of the Judiciary, among others, must limit the powers of those at the helms since they are fallible mortals. 
        Before Mutunga became the CJ of Kenya, lawyers with dreadlocks were not allowed to appear before the court. That is because they were viewed as improperly dressed. Thanks to the changes that Mutunga ushered in, lawyers with dreadlocks are now allowed to appear before the court without any worry about being asked to properly appear before the court. Instead of considering one’s meticulosity and profundity in law–––because of coloniality and myopia, the courts dwelt on how a person is dressed as if our dresses help us to argue our cases.
        Nonetheless, despite such decolonisation and reform, Mutunga in his academic article titled Dressing and Addressing the Kenyan Judiciary: Reflection on the History and Politics of Judicial Attire and Address (2017) notes that “the Supreme Court has continued to wear the green robes, and nobody seems bothered by that these days. The judges have added a green sash with golden embroidery, but they are not particularly happy with the robes” (p.  155). This shows how abhorrent the situation was so as to need decolonisation. As it seems, judges were happy with and about colonial dressing code their colonial masters handed down to them. Thus, rebelling against such backward practices, for those who still buy into them, was unacceptable. Thus, when Mutunga left the office, the judiciary was sent back to where it used to be before. Sometimes, I wonder. How can truly educated people fail to see such obvious things? How don’t they want to accept that every society has its dress code that needs to be respected and upheld especially when conducting the business of its judiciary?
        Without decolonising judiciary, justice, too, will be colonised. Such a justice system can’t adequately and competently accommodate and serve the interests of the people. Actually, this is one of the reasons why, in many African countries, people have never enjoyed or gotten justice. Kenyans, just like any other Africans, need a decolonised judiciary system whose practices and standard need to be grounded in Kenyan  morals mores. Simply put, Kenyan judiciary and those serving in it need to look like Kenyans but not otherwise. Everything needs to fall in place as far as Kenyan traditions and values are concerned.
        In a nutshell, just like other arms of the government in Kenya and other African countries, the Judiciary needs to be decolonised to see to it that it reflects on and resonates with the citizens. Colonial dregs that still hauntingly hunt our Judiciaries such as wigs and other need to fall henceforth. We are in the 21st century as we mark almost sixty years of our independence that has not been fully enjoyed by our people. The coming Kenya’s CJ must be made to appreciate the decolonisation of the Judiciary. This to be done, there must be clear blueprint stipulating for the decolonisation as one of the things the new CJ has to practically and swiftly accomplish. 

Source: African Executive Magazine tomorrow.

WAPINZANI WANAPO MMISS MAGUFULI!

 

Kuna usemi maarufu kuwa siasa ni mchezo mchafu. Kuucheza vizuri, wakati mwingine, inahitaji kila mbinu za uchafu na uchafuzi kama ilivyojibainisha hivi karibuni. Gazeti la the Daily Nation la Kenya limekuwa likimnukuu naibu Mwenyekiti wa Chama cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo (CHADEMA) Tundu Lissu anayeishi Ubelgiji akitoa madai na taarifa hata bila ya hata chembe ya ushahidi kuwa rais John Pombe Magufuli yu mahututi na alikuwa amelazwa nchini Kenya na baadaye India kabla ya kupelekwa Ujerumani. Hata kuku na ubongo wake mdogo, hawezi kukubali kusema eti Magufuli alipelekwa Kenya nchi ambayo tuna ugomvi nayo kibiashara ukiachia mbali kutumiwa na mabeberu tangu uhuru. Hili la India linachekesha. Magufuli ambaye amekuwa akipiga kelele na kuhakikisha anajenga mahospitali ili kupunguza gharama na kashfa ya kupeleka wagonjwa India aende India? Kwanini hakumpeleka mkewe au mama yake wala dada yake walipoumwa. Hawa inaonekana hawamjui Magufuli vizuri.  Japo kuugua ni jambo la kawaida kwa binadamu na rais kutoonekana hadharani, kwanini sasa Lissu ameamua kumtambua Magufuli ambaye aliapa hatamtambua baada ya kumbwaga kwenye uchaguzi? 

            Kwanini Magufuli amekuwa lulu kwa Lissu na washitili wake kipindi hiki ambapo tunaambiwa na wasaidizi wake kuwa ni buheri wa afya? Marais kutoonekana hadharani ni jambo la kawaida. Wapo wanaoshindwa kuonekana hadharani kwa sababu ya kuumwa. Wengine hufanya hivyo kupima imani ya wananchi kwao. Wengine huwa wako kwenye shughuli binafsi mbali na utawala ambazo, hata hivyo, haziwazuii kuongoza nchi kikatiba.
            Kutoonekana kwa Magufuli kwa takriban wiki moja mbona si mara ya kwanza? Mwanzoni wa mwaka jana alijichimbia kijijini kwake kwa kitambo na watu wakaanza kuzusha kama kawaida. Rais wala hakujitokeza hadi muda wa kufanya hivyo ulipowadia. Hata ukimya na kutoonekan kwa sasa kwa Magufuli kusiwasumbue bure wapinzani. Ataibuka wakati ukifika na kuwafanya watafute jingine la kushikilia. Muhimu, nawashauri akiibuka basi akina Lissu wafanye uungwana, wamtambue kwa vile kwa sasa wanaonekana kummiss. Kama kweli anauma, akipona au lolote kutokea, kwani kuna atakayeishi milele? Tumuombee apone kama anaumwa na kama ni mzima basi tumuombee ila ukimya nao unachosha. Hapo ndipo wapinzani wana hoja kuwa rais si binadamu bali rais ambaye ni mali ya kila raia.

COVID KILLS TWO PM IN ONE COUNTRY AND TWO PRESIDENT IN ANOTHER

 

 

Ivory Coast goes to the annals of history as a country whose two Prime Ministers died in a short time from each of Covid-19 not to mention Sudanese Sadiq el Mahdi. The first to go was Amadou Gon Coulibary on 8th July, 2020. Then, five months after,  on 10th March Hemed Bakayoko breathed the last because of Covid-19. Apart from those, five former Presidents, Valéry René Marie Georges Giscard d'Estaing (France), Pierre Nkurunziza and Piere Buyoya (Burundi),  Joachim Yhombi-Opango (Congo Republic) and  Somalian Ali Mahdi died of Covid-19.

MOM IS MOM HOWEVER SMALL SHE MIGHT BE

POWER OF PERSUASION VERSUS BARREL OF GUN WHERE DOES THE ACTUAL POWER LIE?

OPEN LETTER TO YOWERI MUSEVENI

Dear President, Yoweri Museveni, Mr. President, Sir,
I unassumingly seek your leave to address you as following:
First of all,  Mr. president, I am one of your staunch fans who is now thinking about abandoning you. I used to like your way of saving face before it became monotonously abhorring and de trop. Most importantly, when I remember your revolutionary ardour, those olden golden days after one, Idi Amin, lorded it over Uganda, I feel redolent as I wish you could become what you vowed to become. I wish you’d live up to the promises you offered instead of replicating the ills-cum-mess those you overthrew created. Under Amin, many blameless Ugandans died just like those who died recently simply because they supported your opponents. I remember your nuggets of wisdom and a firm stand, particularly when you told the world, by then,  that “the problem of Africa in general and Uganda in particular is not the people but leaders who want to overstay in power” (Museveni, 1986). Who were these leaders you meant? Were you serious or it was just holier than thou, especially when the shoe is on the other foot? Remembering such words compared to what I am evidencing now, I see two Musevenis; a promising, sharp young revolutionary and the scatty old man. Your mentor, Julius Nyerere, Tanzania founder agrees with you that “we spoke and acted as if, given the opportunity for self-government, we would quickly create utopias. Instead, injustice, even tyranny, is rampant” (Lamb, 1985).
        Mr. president, I know as you know. When you came to power, Tanzania was under Ali Hassan Mwinyi in power for just a year. He did his five-year two terms and nobly retired. While Mwinyi, a democrat per se, read the signs of time, you soldiered on. Although Mwinyi and other knew and tasted the melodiousness of powers, they had to remember the saccharinity of being respected out of the power. Your democratic story goes on. As you were hunkering about how to cling unto power, Tanzania welcomed the late Benjamin Mkapa as Mwinyi’s successor; and, as well, did his five-year two terms and gregariously retired. As any cliff hanger, Mr. President you soldiered on as if Uganda is barren of leaders so as to depend on one old man. Is there anything that you didn’t do then that you can do now? This makes the world either laugh at you or Ugandan women for failing to produce capable boys and girl to run their country.
        Mr. President, bear with me. Although the story of Tanzania might become tedious for you, still verily has a lot to teach you individually and Ugandans collectively. When Nyerere relinquished power, a year before you came to power many years ago, some people made a goof thinking that there couldn’t be peaceable and prosperous Tanzania without Nyerere. Many begged him to stay on. He forlornly chided them for harbouring dictatorial jabber. He openly told them that Tanzania was bigger than him and has many more competent souls than him. It came to pass. Tanzania, for as long as your stay in power, is well and alive. Everything is spiffy so to speak. 
        Mr. president you know as I do. After Mkapa who was instrumental in the post Amin period, there came Jakaya Kikwete who did his five-year two terms and now is in his sixth year of retirement just as his successor John Magufuli is in his final second term in office. Overall, you have already seen four presidents of Tanzania in your capacity as president as they come and go while you’ve hanged on.  I know as you know. You are a good friend of Tanzania if not its creature. You, thus, have a good rapport with almost all Tanzania’s presidents. Let me humbly implore you to touch base with the retired two. They’ll tell, if not teach, you about the boons and admiration of retirement timely as the former heads of state. I recently heard Kikwete telling journalists that he has put on weight after relinquishing power. He said that it is because, in power, things were arduous for him. Sleepless nights and many issues to tackle slimmed him.
        Mr. president, if I count the US president you have already seen as president, the number becomes bigger than that of Tanzania. For, up until now, you have already ruled along with seven US presidents. The same number applies to Zambia. You have already served with all seven of them similarly to Zambia’s from the founder Kenneth Kaunda to the current one Edgar Lungu. As for Malawi, you have already served with six presidents from the founder Hastings Kamuzu Banda to the current Lazarus Chakwera. The same applies to Mozambique, among others.
        Mr. president, apart from the presidents of various countries you have served with, I am told that over fifty per cents of your electorates only knows one president, namely Yoweri Tibuhaburwa Kaguta Museveni whom some acerbically view as president for life like the one Malawi once had. Maybe, they must learn something from Malawi in that the so-called president for life ended up being booted out of power before his Maker called him to let others rule. Nobody thought Banda would relinquish power. However, when the chips were down thanks to aging that is inevitable for every mortal, Banda became history and a pictogram of abomination for his country and Africa at large.
        In sum, allow me to humbly sign off entreating that you remember times. The times when revolutionary ideas were gold, especially when one uttering them had his marble intact. Please remember the time when every hope was pinned on you. Do so as you do the needful as far as accountability, democracy and making good on the promises you made those times (1986) are concerned. As you can see, you have served with many presidents in other countries. Take a leaf from them and thereby learn how post-presidency look like. Of all, your mentor, Julius Nyerere offers a great lesson. There is life after the statehouse. What is important is to go at the right time instead of waiting to be told toka.

Source: Daily Monitor, Uganda.

REMEMBERING MELITON PABLO 'ABOM' FROM EQUATORIAL GUINEA

Three years of your demise have created a big hole to music fraternity and  your fans including me.

 

PHOTO OF THE WEEK

When enemies are put in the prospect. Whatever happened and whoever made this has captured the attention of many. For, as for Kiiza Besigye we know he is the one. However, for Museveni, we don't know which Museveni of the many. Photo from Justin Amedot's blog.

A TRIBUTE TO MAALIM SEIF SHARIF HAMAD, THE LATE ZANZIBAR FIRST VICE PRESIDENT.

In  the  light  of  President  Magufuli’s  recent  directive  which  puts  new  emphasis  on  the  teaching  of   the  country’s  history  in  all   our   Secondary  level  educational    institutions;   I  am  encouraged  to  suggest  that  the  late  Maalim  Seif   Sharif’s  political  leadership  legacy   deserves  to  be  given    some  prominent  space   in  the  new  history  teaching  materials  that  are  presently  under  preparation. The  united  Republic  of  Tanzania  is  still  engulfed  in  bereavement,  following  the  death  of  Zanzibar’s  First  Vice  President,  Maalim  Seif  Sharif  Hamad,  on  17th  February, 2021. Much  has  already  been  said,  or  written,  by  various  commentators  about  this  iconic   departed  leader,  who  advanced  the view  that   “his  political  legacy  is  worth  emulating”.  I   fully   support  that  view.                                                    

        This  is  because,  I  happen  to  be   among   those  persons  who  got  to  know  Maalim  Seif  pretty  closely.   My  first  contact  with  him  was  when  he  was  a  student  at  the  University  of  Dar es Salaam  during  the  years  1972 – 1975,  at  the  time  when  I  was  that  University’s    founder   Vice Chancellor.   He   was  a  brilliant  student.   After  graduation  he  joined  politics,  as  a  member  of  the  ruling  party  CCM,  wherein  he  soon  got  elected  to  the  party’s  Central  Committee.   He  quickly  demonstrated  his  leadership  talents.   And   because I  was   also   a  member  of  the  Central  Committee  myself,   I   was  in  a  position  to  witness  his  brilliant  performance;  as  him  and  I   were  sometimes  given  the  same  assignments,  by  being  put  on  the  same  Taskforce  working   groups.   

Maalim  Seif  Sharif’s  rich  political  legacy.   
It  is  my  humble  submission,  that   Maalim  Seif’s  political  legacy  richly  deserves  to  be  included  in  the  written  History  of  Tanzania,  basically  because  it  uniquely  combines  both  the  negative  aspects   (of  a  politician  whose strategies  are  distinctly  divisive  and  destabilizing);  and  the  more  positive  aspects  (of a  leader  who  is  capable  of  correctly   assessing  a  difficult   situation,  and  willingly  accepting  a  reasonable   compromise,  in  order  to  avert political   turmoil).  
        There  is  this  little  story,  that  was  told  by  former  President  Ali  Hassan  Mwinyi,  on  his  return  to  Dar es Salaam,  after  a  short  private  visit  to  Pemba;  when  he  was  sharing   with  a  small  group  us   regarding  what  he  termed  as    his  ‘real  surprise’,  at  what  he  had  been  told  by  the  driver  who  was  assigned  to  drive  him  around,   on  a  sight-seeing tour  of  Pemba  Island.  This  is  what  mzee  Mwinyi  said:-  “At  one  stage  during  our  slow  drive,  I  expressed  my   sincere  admiration  of  the  new   infrastructure  development  projects  that  had  been  put  in  place  by   Zanzibar  President  Amani  Abeid  Karume.  But  my  driver’s  surprise  response  was :  ‘Mheshimiwa,   we  don’t  care  about  new  projects  being constructed,  because  that  is  the  responsibility  of  every  government.  What  we  really   want  is  to  see  Maalim  Seif  sitting  on  the  chair  of   the  Zanzibar   Presidency.  That  is  our  main   interest,  and   that  is  what  we  are  anxiously  waiting  for’.  This  little  story  helps  to  demonstrate  the   huge  extent  of  his  followers’  unshakable  commitment  to   him  personally,  and  to   his  cause.   But,  perhaps  even  more  important  for  the  peace  and  unity  of   our  nation,   it  also  enhances  the  value  of  his  willingness  to  accept  a  reasonable   compromise, in  order  to  avert   turmoil. 

        The   ‘books  of  authority’  on  the  general  subject  of  leadership  also  have  the  following  provision:-  “Some  people  become  leaders  because  they  possess  certain  talents,  charisma,  or  passions.  Others  become  leaders  because  they  possess  great  minds  or  ideas;  and  yet  others  just  stumble  into  leadership  because  of  the  times  they  live  in,  or  the  circumstances  in  which  they  find  themselves.  But   no   matter  how  people  becomes    leaders,  no  one  can  really   claim  to  be  a  leader  without   having   willing  followers”.                                       

        The  late  Maalim  Seif,  Zanzibar’s  First  Vice   President,  was,  undoubtedly,  a  charismatic  and  talented  leader  who  had  the  ability  not  only  to  rally  many  followers  in  the  sense  envisaged  by  the  books  of  authority  cited  above,  but  also  to  commit  them  absolutely  unshakeably  to  his  cause,  as  revealed  by  the  driver  in  former President  Ali   Hassan  Mwinyi’  little  story.           

        We  will  discuss  both  these  aspects  a  little  later  in  this  article,   starting  with  the  positive  aspects.   Indeed,  the  most  visible  positive  aspect  of  Maalim  Seif’s  leadership, was  his  willingness  to  participate,  and  indeed  to  play  a  vital  role,  in   the  serious  negotiations  which  eventually  led to  the  Agreement (MUAFAKA)  between  his  party,  at  that  time  the  Civic  United  Front (CUF),  and  the  ruling  party  Chama  cha  Mapinduzi (CCM),  to  form  the  stabilizing   ‘government  of  national  unity’  (GNU)  in  Zanzibar,  way  back  in  2010.

        Many  young  generation  Tanzanians   may  be  aware  only  of  Maalim  Seif’s  recent  demonstration  of  his  willingness  to  join  the  ‘government  of  national  unity’ (GNU)  of  President  Hussein  Ali  Mwinyi  after  the  2020  general  election  in  Zanzibar.   But   there  is  a  useful  background  to  this latest  action,  which  should   also  be   known  in order  to  reveal  the  full  picture  of  Malimu  Seif’s    commendable  contributions  in  respect  thereto.  The   relevant   story   is  told   briefly   in  the  paragraphs  which  follow  below.                                              

The  genesis  of  the  ‘government  of  national  unity’ (GNU).

As  we  shall  presently  see,  the  ‘government  of  national  unity’  was  the  product   of  lengthy  negotiations  that  had  taken  place  between  the  two  parties, namely  the  Civic  United  Front (CUF)  and  the  ruling  Chama  cha  Mapinduzi (CCM);  aimed  at  finding  a  more  lasting  solution  to   the  constantly   recurring   Zanzibar   election  and  post-election  disputes.  These  negotiations  actually  commenced  soon  after  the  first  multi-party  general  election  of  1995.   The  said  negotiations  had  produced  in,  1999,  the  first  Agreement,  popularly    known  as  MUAFAKA I ,  to  the  disputes  which  had  arisen.   But  alas,  this  Agreement  was  soon  frustrated,  when  the  post-election  disputes  re-occurred  following  the  2000  general  election;  after  which,  new  negotiations  were  started  again  between  the  two  parties,  which  successfully  produced  MUAFAKA II  in  2005.   But  even  this  MUAFAKA  II   was  soon  frustrated,  when  the  2005  post-election  disputes  re-surfaced.                    

          However,  never   willing  to  give  up hope, negations  were  again  restarted  between  the  two  parties;  which   eventually   led  to  MUAFAKA III,  which  was   the  Agreement  that   produced  the  ‘government of  national  unity’.  MUAFAKA  III   was  subsequently incorporated  in  the  State   Constitution  of  Zanzibar,  and  became  effective  in  time  for  the  2010  general  election;  and  Maalim  Seif   willingly  joined  the  ‘government  of  national  unity’  which  was  formed  by the  then   Zanzibar  President,  Amani  Abeid  Karume
         Thus,  in  order  to  appreciate  his  vital  role  in  these  negotiations,   it  is  important  to  remember  that  Maalim  Seif  was,  at  the  material  time,   the  top  leader  of  the  Civic  United  Front,  the   main  opposition  party  in  Zanzibar;  and  was  therefore  in  a  position  to  influence,  and  determine,  his  party’s responses  to  these  negotiations.  He  could,  for  example,  have  chosen  to  boycott  them;  just as  he  was  instrumental  in creating  the  recurring  post-election  boycotts in  Zanzibar. But,  commendably,  he   very   wisely   avoided  doing   that.  Therein   lay   his   unique   political   strength,   which   must  be  appreciated.                      

        The  lengthy   negotiations  actually   commenced  immediately  after  the  first  multi-party  general  election  of  October  1995, because  CUF  had   refused  to  recognize  the  results  of  the  Zanzibar  Presidential  election,  arising  out  of   valid   suspicions  of  foul  play  allegedly   committed  by  the  Zanzibar  Electoral  Commission (ZEC).   To  start  with,   CUF  had   protested  against  ZEC’s   undue  delay  of  four  days   in  announcing  the  Presidential  election  results,  although  the  results  relating  to  members  of  the  House  of  Representatives  had  been  announced.                          

        This  created   understandable  suspicion,  that  the  Presidential  results  were  probably  being  “doctored’   in  order  to  give  victory  to  the  CCM  candidate.  This  suspicion   was  intensified  when  the  results  were  eventually  announced,  which  gave  the  CCM  candidate  a  razor-thin  majority  of  only  0.4%.                                                                                              

         In  these  suspicious  circumstances,  CUF  refused  to  recognize  the  said  results,  and  further  decided  to  boycott  participation  in  the  proceedings  of  the  Zanzibar  House  of  Representatives  as  well  as  of  the  Union  Parliament,  which  its  candidates  had  won  handsomely.    This  immediately  led  to  a  political  impasse  in  Zanzibar,  which  lasted  for  the  next  four  years, until  it  was  temporarily  resolved   with  the  first   Agreement  between  CUF  and  CCM  in  1999,   known  as  MUAFAKA I;  whose  process had  been  assisted  by   the  intervention  of  the  then  Commonwealth  Secretary  General,  a  Nigerian  citizen  called   Emeka  Anyaoku. Similar  boycott  repeated  after  the  2000  general  election.

        Unfortunately,  the  2000  general  election  was  again  marred  by  serious  irregularities,   which  included  a  unexplained  unavailability  of  ballot  papers  on  election  day,  in  all  the  16  constituencies  of  the  Urban  West  Region  of  Zanzibar,  prompting  ZEC  to  nullify  the  results  in  all  these  constituencies,  and  set  a  new  date  for  the  election  re-run  in  those  constituencies.   Dissatisfied  with  ZEC’s  decision,   the  Civic  United  Front,  supported  by  most  of  the  other  opposition  parties,  imposed  a  similar  boycott  on  the  re-run  election;  and  subsequently  refused  to  recognize  the  results  of  the  entire  general   election;  followed  by  an  imposition  of   similar  boycotts  of the  proceedings  of  the  two  Legislatures,  by  forbidding  its   duly  elected  members  to  attend  them.                                        

         In   the   aftermath  of  this  non-recognition   of  the  results  of  the  2000  general  election,   an  extraordinary  act  of  violence   occurred    in  Pemba, on  26th  and  27th  of  January  of  the  following  year  (2001).   What  happened  is  that  CUF  had  organized  a  mammoth  ‘protest   demonstration’,  but   which,  unfortunately,  turned  violent;  causing   the  killing  of  a  policeman  who  was  on  duty  guarding  the  said  demonstration.  Thereafter,  the  demonstrators  moved  towards  the  nearest  police  station  which  had  an  armoury,   shouting  threats   that  they  were  going  to  capture  the  arms  stored  there.    Hence,  most  probably  in  self- defense,  and   in  order  to  protect  the  armoury  from  being  captured;  the  small  police  contingent  at  the  said  police  station,  opened  fire  against  the  demonstrators,  which    resulted  in  the  killing  of  more  than  twenty  people.  

        The  nasty   political  impasse  which  had  seemingly  been  resolved  with   MUAFAKA  II ;  was   effectively   re-enacted.   Thus,  once   again,  and  very  wisely  too,   CCM  and CUF  agreed   to  resume  serious  negotiations between  them,  and  this  time  without  any  outside  intervention,  aimed  at  resolving  this  new  impasse.  These  new  negotiations  successfully  led  to  the  signing,  during  2005, of   MUAFAKA  III   between  the  two  parties.                        

         It  is  this    new  MUAFAKA,  that  brought  about  the  Government  of  national  unity (GNU)  which,  it  was  agreed,  would  be  put  in  place  after  the  next  general  election  in  2010;   after  the  Zanzibar  Constitution  had  been  suitably  amended  to  accommodate  this  Agreement.          

        Thus,  being  himself  the  top  CUF  leader  in  Zanzibar,  Maalim  Seif  once  again   played  a  positive  and  very    vital  role,  in  facilitating  the  achievement  of  this  Agreement.  Thus,  after  the  2010  general  election,  CUF,  which  had  secure  the  second  place  in  the  number  of  votes  obtained  at  that  election;    became,  under  the  terms  of  the amended  Zanzibar  Constitution,    entitled  to  join  the  government  of  national  unity  in  Zanzibar;    and   Maalim  Seif  was   accordingly  appointed  First  Vice President.                                                           

         His   demonstrated  willingness   to  join  the  government  of  national  unity,  firstly  in  2010   (when  he  was  the  top  leader  of  the  Civic  United  Front  CUF) ;    and  repeated  this  willingness  after  the  2020  general  election   (when  he  had  migrated  from  CUF  to   his  current  party,  ACT-WAZALENDO);    made  a  huge  contribution  to  the  peace  and  political  tranquility  in  Zanzibar;  which  we  all   should   highly  cherish.  May  his  departed  soul  rest  in  eternal  piece.  AMEN.

piomsekwa@gmail.com  /  0754767576.

Source: Daily News Today.

RIP BUNNY WAILER

Bunny Wailer is no more. Iconic this reggae maestro as was, will always be remembered for the contribution he made to liberation of many countries in the world. RIP BUNNY WAILER.

For more info, PLEASE CLICK HERE.

KUSIMAMISHWA KUCHANGIA KWENYE NIPASHE JUMAPILI

Wapendwa wasomaji wetu,
Tokana na mgogoro wa kisheria baina yetu na Kampuni ya IPP juu ya kutolipwa malipo ya miaka mitatu, leo nimepokea taarifa kuwa makala zangu za kila jumapili hazitachapishwa tena kwenye gazeti la Nipashe Jumapili hadi mgogoro wa madai haya utakapotatuliwa. Hivyo, tunasikitika kuwataarifu kuwa makala husika, kwa muda, hazitakuwapo kwenye blogu hii. Hata hivyo, tutakuwa tukichapisha makala za jumatano zinazotoka kwenye gazeti la Raia Mwema. Habari ndiyo hiyo.

NIGERIAN GIRLS KIDNAPPING–WHAT DO YOU DO WHEN ONE OF YOUR KIDNAPPERS IS YOUR FATHER

 

According to Al Jazeera March 1, 2021, one of the kidnapped girls was shocked to find that one of the bandits that kidnapped them was his father. This tells the story of the failure in Nigeria where people who used to earn their lives earnestly have decided to involve themselves in kidnapping so that they can make quick bucks thank to the government negotiations with the bands and its readiness to pay ransoms. I won't wonder to find that government officials will be part of this syndicate. Wherever there is a dollar to be made, no Nigerian can turn it down. Oh Nigerians!

Massacre of Italy Ambassador: A Precursor to Genocide?

The death of Italy’s Ambassador to the DRC, Luca Attanasio (44) on that ill-omened day of 21st  February, 2021sickened and shocked many. First of all, it was unexpected. That’s because most of the victims of this bald-faced criminality in the region are locals and the neighbouring country of Rwanda. Secondly, it is a barbaric and chicken act of crime. Thirdly, this needless death unearths what Rwandan authorities have nagged and forewarned about for a long time to no avail. Now that the world has seen what the authorities in Rwanda have seen that other didn’t–––it is time to decisively act–––to see to it that the culprits are brought to justice quickly.  When the authorities in Rwanda said the Hutu militias–––currently based in the DRC were a regional menace–––nobody took them seriously. Those who did, thought it was a Rwandan problem. As usual, many thought it were political gimmicks whose bloopers and slackness thereof have now cost innocent lives of the diplomats who were working on the solution. 
        Essentially, sad as they are, the deaths of these diplomats have vindicated Rwandan authorities and proved the international community iniquitous, for ignoring this real menace. Now, what should be done? There are a couple of options. Firstly, regional countries need to put their heads together to address this menace. This will avert the possibility of sucking in superpowers such as Italy whose ambassador was butchered to step in. It is easy for such powers to step in under whatever opportune grounds such as the killing of Italy’s diplomats. Once they ensconce themselves in rickety country with such humungous sources or resource of value, it become hard to tell them to leave. Refer what is ongoing in the Maghreb where France and its allies are busy smoking out terrorists.  Secondly, the international community needs to seriously rethink about its stance on the DRC and the Great Lakes region. Fourthly, time for diplomacy has lapsed. Instead, military muscles must be applied on the conflict to see to it that it is contained before much harm is done. Fifthly, the authorities in Rwanda must be supported to fight these criminals who have been at large for over twenty years now since they committed heinous crimes in Rwanda in 1994 whereby approx. one million innocent people, mainly Tutsis, were coldheartedly and cowardly butchered.
        It must be clearly comprehended that those involved in this criminality are more of  heartless banditti who are hellbent to see to it that the region becomes a tinderbox. For them, if the region becomes a warzone, they have nothing to lose except getting more time to avert the long arm of justice to catch up with them.  Importantly, for them, the instability of the region is the gift they are looking for in order to survive. Therefore, the region and the international community should avert falling into their trap by ignoring the conflict. These desperados aim at destabilising the DRC and the region at large in order to get more time to prepare another genocide–––God forbid. Thus, neutralising and vanquishing such criminals don’t mean helping Rwanda to make its political agenda but, instead, make the region safe and stable. This appeals to every peace lover and the rest. We all know how rich is the DRC that many Western countries have always depended on for the supply of natural resources. If this goes on, where will such resources come from? I know. There are international carpetbaggers who would like to see the DRC and the region sink into conflict so that they can get cheap supply of resources. Importantly, this is doable and possible for a short time. In the long run, the destabilised Great Lakes Region is nothing but a cul-de-sac not only for the region but also for the international community.
        Considering the nature and number of these criminals, the region–––if decisively decides–––has what it takes to address and arrest the problem. Imagine, if all countries of the region would bequeath at least two thousand soldiers a piece. What’d this contingent do in tracking and neutralising these criminals? Although this can be overlooked or viewed as a mindboggling solution, what has been ongoing in the region and other regions facing this terrorism is the lack or unreadiness of reunifying Africa. It is the jinx of Africa’s disunity that started in 1884 when European colonial powers divided and partitioned Africa in order to weaken it for easy colonisation, exploitation and occupation. That’s why the trepidation about slurping such forces in the DRC is bigly real. If this happens, there’s no way the intruders will be told to leave by any means. Remember. When African countries fought for their feeble and political independence, the colonisers were a few in numbers. This time the number will be big. To make matters worse, most of foreign occupiers will be soldiers with all arsenals under their disposal. Who wants such an imbroglio-cum-jeopardy at this moment many fickle and feeble African countries are suffering from insecurity, poverty and proliferating maladministration?
         It is easy to deal with the crisis in the DRC. Rwanda has rich intelligence on the problem. If shared and well used, the task of resolving this conflict militarily is not only high but practical. Therefore, instead of making the conflict in Eastern DRC exclusively Rwanda’s or DRC’s problem, the region and the international community should seize this opportunity quickly and finish the business once and for all for the benefit, prosperity and the stability of the region and the world. What’s been ongoing in Afghanistan and the Middle East must provide a lesson on how a conflict can slog on and subvert the region and the world at large. Instead of waiting for the conflict to become bigger and more full-blown than anybody can imagine as was the case of genocide in Rwanda, we mustn’t allow the genie to get out of the bottle. Better prevention than cure must guide us. What’s been ongoing in the Eastern DRC is the result of the international community failing to learn from history. Had it learned from the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, nobody would be talking about this. Similarly, the blood of innocent Congolese, Rwandans and now diplomats wouldn’t have been shed. This blood will always be on our heads shall we maintain our negligence about the conflict we’re able to resolve quickly and timely shall there be political will for the region and the international community altogether.
        In sum, the peril posed by Hutu militia in the Easter DRC and the county in general plus Rwanda mustn’t be pooh-poohed again for the jeopardy of the region. Western countries such as Italy–––whose diplomats have been butchered–––must now unfalteringly chastise and support the Great Lakes region to wake up and collectively put heads around this problem. Shall they resolve the problem, they’ll prove not only how mature Africa’s become but also how it has learnt from its mistakes so as to resolve its problems without wantonly depending on the West for everything even where it has what it takes. The deaths of innocent diplomats must produce the reasons and the tempo for taking the criminals in the Eastern DRC on now. Just now. Enough is enough. Fool me once, shame on you. Fool me twice, shame on me. I am sure the region is not the fool who is bitten twice in the same hole.

Source: African Executive Magazine Tomorrow.

Wakati Mwingine Waziri Mollel Anaaibisha Serikali kwa Majibu Yake.

 Hii ni mara ya pili naandika makala kwenye gazeti hili juu ya mtu yule yule tokana na na sababu na mazoea yale yale tokana na kile ambacho waingereza kitu fulani kufanyika for all the wrong reasons. Dk Godwin Mollel, Naibu wa waziri ya Afya, Maendeleo ya Jamii, Jinsia, Wazee na Watoto amekuwa maarufu for all the wrong reasons (sina Kiswahili chake kuepuka kuharibu maana iliyokusudiwa). Mollel amejizolea umaarufu kwa sababu zisizo kutokana na kushindwa kutoa majibu ya maswali anayoulizwa na kujibu maswali ambayo hakuuliza.  Najua. Kwa nafasi yake, ana haki ya kuisemea wizara yake. Lakini hana haki ya kupotosha na kudanganya. Halipwi mshahara wa umma kwa hili hata kidogo. Kitendo cha waziri kushindwa kutoa majibu yanayoingia akilini, kwa msomi wa daraja lake, inatia shaka kuhusiana elimu yake. Mfano, hivi karibuni kulitolewa clips mbili zilizosambaa kwenye mitandao ambapo Mollel aliulizwa juu ya ongezeko la vifo kama vilivyoripotiwa na baadhi ya viongozi wa dini ambao walishiriki mazishi mengi ya wananchi kuliko kawaida. Mollel alijibu “Kikubwa kwanza mimi mimi nawapenda…..inanifanya nikipata likizo… tukauombee ufukizo wa nguvu za roho kwa baadhi ya watumishi wa mungu. Kwa sababu sisi hatuna la kuwasaidia… wanapotaka kutwambia waangalie mazingira kwa kutumia akili zao.” Kimsingi, badala ya kujibu swali, Mollel aliendelea kuelezea namna ambavyo ‘nabii’ mmoja mwenye kutia shaka toka taifa fulani linalosifika kwa utapeli alivyosema kuwa mambo yanayofanyika Tanzania si ya kibinadamu bali ya ki-Mungu. Inakuwaje wanadamu watende mambo ya ki-Mungu wakati wakati wa kufanya miujiza uliisha miaka elfu nyingi zilizopita?

Majibu mabovu ya waziri yanafanya ionekane kuwa kuna kitu taifa linaficha kuhusiana na Covid-19 wakati rais John Pombe Magufuli alishatamka wazi kuwa hana ubishi na uwepo na janga hili. Ambacho wengi wanashindwa kuelewa ni ukweli kuwa rais alisema hataweka taifa kwenye lockdown. Hili ni gumu kwa nchi zisizo na uwezo wa kuwazuia watu ndani na kuwahudumia jambo ambalo kwa nchi maskini linaingia akilini. Kwanini wanamzushia rais na kumwekea maneno mdomoni? Kama Covid-19 haipo na haiuwi, kwanini rais alipendekeza wananchi kuchukua tahadhali na kufunga na kuomba? Wanajitahadhari, kufunga au kuombea nini wakati ugonjwa tajwa haupo? Kama tutakuwa wakweli, rais hakanushi kuwapo kwa Covid-19. Anachokataa ni a) kupangiwa na mataifa ya kigeni juu ya nini afanye, b) anashauri tuwe makini katika kuingiza barakoa na kinga toka nje wakati tunao uwezo wa kupambana kwa njia zetu ukiachia mbali kuweza kuuziwa feki kama ilivyobainika hivi karibuni nchini Marekani ambako mamilioni ya barakoa feki toka China yaligundulika, c) Rais amesikika mara nyingi akiwasihi wananchi kuacha woga na kutulia. Maana, woga unaua pia. Kwani, magonjwa haya ya kupumua yamekuwapo na yatakuwapo tu. Mfano, rais alihoji ni kwanini kila anayekufa tunaambiwa ni Covid-19 wakati magonjwa mengine kama malaria na homa za nyumonia vinaua watu wengi kuliko Covid-19? Kimsingi, swali analouliza rais ni je magonjwa mengine yameacha kuua? Si lazima waziri ajibu maswali haya.

Tukio la pili ni pale waziri alipoulizwa ni kwanini wizara yake haitoi takwimu za walioambukizwa, kupona au kufa. Badala ya kutoa jibu alidai kuwa kutoa takwimu alisema “watu wanasema Tanzania haitoi data. Data nataka niwafundishe watu. Data kazi yake si waziri wa Afya kutoka kila siku na kwenda kukaa kwenye TV kusema waliokufa, waliougua, waliozikwa ni ujinga mtupu.” Waziri aliendelea kusema kuwa kazi ya data siyo kutolewa bali kuchakatwa. Kwa mtu yeyote aliyewahi kufanya utafiti, anajua fika kuwa jibu hili si sahihi na haliingii akilini. Takwimu siyo mali ya maabara bali umma. Kwa waliowahi kufanya utafiti, wanachotafuta kwanza ni kujua ukubwa wa tatizo; na pili kuchapisha ili kilichoibuliwa au kazi zao zisaidie wengine. Hatufanyi utafiti kwa kujifurahisha au kuufanya mali binafsi. Utafiti ni mali ya umma na ndiyo maana–––kwa wale wanaofanya utafiti kwenye taasisi za umma kama mashirika, makampuni na hata vyuo vya umma, hugharimiwa na umma kwa sababu data au takwimu zinazopatikana hulenga kuunufaisha umma na si vinginevyo. Hata makampuni binafsi kama vile ya mitandao yanayokusanya data, wakati mwingine yanalazimishwa na baadhi ya sheria za baadhi ya nchi kuhakikisha zinatumika kwa manufaa ya umma.

Kwanini waziri asikubali kuwa hana majibu ya maswali badala ya kupingana na vitu ambavyo viko wazi? Mfano, waziri anaposema kutoa takwimu ni upuuzi kwa sababu kazi ya takwimu ni kuchakatwa na kutafuta majawabu? Kazi ya takwimu kitaalamu si moja. Mojawapo ya kazi ya takwimu kweli ni kuchakatwa na kuonyesha aina na ukubwa au udogo wa tatizo. Pia waziri afahamishwe kuwa kazi ya takwimu ni kuelimisha umma juu ya ukubwa au udogo wa tatizo. Kimsingi, takwimu, hutumika kuelimisha umma kuhusiana na tatizo. Mfano, huwezi kusema kuwa kazi ya sensa ni kusaidia serikali kutoa huduma huku ukipuuzia ukweli kuwa kazi nyingine ni kuujulisha ulimwengu ukubwa wa idadi ya watu.

Kama kweli kutoa takwimu ni upumbavu­­–––kama anavyodai waziri–––kwanini idara mbali mbali za umma hutoa takwimu kwa umma kama vile kuhusiana na mfumko wa bei, ongezeko la uhalifu, mifugo na mambo mengine kama haya? Waziri anamdanganya nani ili kupata nini wakati taaluma siyo kificho? Kwanini kupingana na kuiita vitu ambavyo viko wazi vya kijinga? Kwanini waziri na wizara yake wasiajili wataalamu wa mawasiliano badala ya kuendelea kupotosha na kutia aibu? Na kwanini waziri kamili anamruhusu mdogo wake avurunde kiasi cha kutia aibu wizara na taifa?

Nafasi haitoshi. Muihmu, niiombe wizara na waziri husika waache kujiaibisha na kuliaibisha taifa kwa kutoa majibu yasiyofanyiwa utafiti wala kuingia akilini. Kama mtu hajui, si vibaya kusema sijui au nipe muda nitakupa majibu. Usomi siyo kujua yote bali kujua namna ya kupima hoja na kupambana na matatizo. Kusema sijui ni usomi kuliko kusema najua wakati hujui ambao ndiyo huo ujinga hasa. Pia kutojua si dhambi. Mbona mara nyingi rais amekuwa akiulizwa maswali anapokuwa kwenye ziara zake na kukiri kuwa hajui na badala ya kutoa majibu yasiyoingia akilini, huwataka wataalamu wajibu. Kuna haja ya wizara kuajiri msemaji mwenye taaluma yake ili kuondosha hii aibu. Ni ushauri tu.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema Kesho.

IF IT WERE IN AFRICA, SARKOZY WOULD BE AN HONOURABLE RETIRED PRESIDENT

 

Former French President Nicholas Sarkozy was recently found guilty of an offence. He was convicted of the offence and jailed for two suspended years. If Sarkozy were an African former president, he'd be an honourable man enjoying fat retirement perks on top of honour and other beauties that go with power. First of all, his offence–––of trying to bribe a judge–––is not that serious in African countries. While French authorities took this offence seriously, in Africa, even if one kills or robs public coffers billions, he/she will go scot free. For more info PLEASE CLICK HERE.

TWO YEARS WITHOUR PROFESSOR PIUS ADESANMI

Pius died in the Ethiopian Airline Accident in Ethiopia as he was heading for an academic conference in Kenya. He was a professor at Carleton University Toronto. For more PLEASE CLICK HERE.