RAIS SSH ANAWEZA KUWA RAIS BAADA YA 2025 AKIWASOMA AKINA BANDA

Japo siasa za mataifa jirani ya Malawi na  Zambia ni tofauti na za Tanzania, zina somo kwa Tanzania. Kwa wanaokumbuka namna mwanamama Joyce Banda alivyokuwa rais wa Malawi (7 Aprili, 2012 – 31 Mei, 2014) baada ya kufa kwa rais Bingu wa Mutharika au Rupiah (19 Agosti, 2008 – 23 Septemba, 2011) baada baada ya kufa kwa Levy Mwanawasa, watakubaliana nasi kuwa–––kama wangekuwa amejiandaa–––wangeweza kuendelea kuwa marais hata baada ya kumaliza kipindi cha watangulizi wao. Hata hivyo, hawakufanikiwa kuwa marais japo waliutaka urais. Kuna mambo mengi yalichangia kushindwa kuendelea na urais. Mosi, walishindwa kwenye uchaguzi uliofanyika baada ya kumaliza ngwe ya mtangulizi wake.
Pili, uongozi wao hakuwaridhisha wamalawi na wazambia tokana na sababu mbali mbali nyingi zikitokana na ufisadi na namna walivyotumia madaraka yao. Tutaanza na Joyce Banda ambaye alishindwa urais tokana na kuhujumiwa na kambi ya mdogo wa marehemu Mutharika, Peter Mutharika aliyemshinda na kuwa rais miaka michache tu baada ya kaka yake. Ndiyo maana, tumesema kuwa siasa za Malawi na Tanzania ni tofauti. 
Mbali na kuhujumiwa au kuzuiwa na kambi ya Mutharika, Banda alikabiliwa na kashfa ya wizi wa mabilioni ya shilingi ya fedha za umma kwenye kashfa iliyojulikana kama cashgate ambapo ilidaiwa kuwa aliuza ndege ya rais baada ya kuishusha thamani yake kwa kiasi cha dola za kimarekani milioni15 ambapo  milioni 1.5 zilikwenda kwenye ununuzi wa mahindi huku zilizobaki zikiyeyuka bila kubakiza unyayo. Kwa taifa maskini kama Malawi fedha hii si ndogo hata kidogo. Hivyo, tunaweza kusema kuwa ubadhirifu na kushindwa kusimamia fedha ya umma kulimkosesha Banda urais mbali na kuhujumiwa na makundi yaliyomuunga mkono Mutharika. Baada ya kushindwa kwenye uchaguzi, Banda alikwenda ukimbizini kuepuka kukamatwa kwa miaka minne tangu 2014 hadi 2018. Kwa mujibu wa Shirika la Habari la Uingereza (BBC, 27 January, 2014), chini ya utawala wa Banda, Malawi ilipoteza yapata dola milioni 250 tokana na malipo huduma hewa.
Kwa upande wa Rupiah Banda aliyeshindwa na Michael Sata, hakuna sababu kubwa iliyofanya ashindwe kama kutuhumiwa kuibia taifa $11 milioni ndani ya kipindi cha miaka mitatu aliyoongoza Zambia. Kashfa hii ilitokana na Banda kununua mafuta toka Nigeria ambapo hata mwanae Henry, mfanyabiashara mwenye makazi yake nchini Afrika Kusini naye alituhumiwa kuhusika na kashfa hii ya ununuzi wa mafuta toka Nigeria iliyomlazimisha kuishi ugenini kuepuka kukamatwa. Mwaka 2013, Banda alikamatwa kuhusiana na kashfa hii ya mafuta iliyolenga kunufaisha familia yake. Mbali na kashfa hii, Rupiah alikabiliwa na mashtaka ya matumizi mabaya ya madaraka jambo ambalo alilikanusha.
Hivyo, basi, somo la kwanza kwa rais SSH toka kwa marais Banda ni kupambana na ufisadi vilivyo na kusimamia fedha na mali za umma vizuri ili kukubalika kwa wapiga kura na wananchi kwa ujumla. Somo la pili ni kuepusha familia kujiingiza kwenye utawala wake ili kuepuka vishawishi. Kwani, wanafamilia hawawezi kujua dhamana, maana na ukubwa wa mzigo alio nao rais wan chi. Hivyo, wanaweza kujiingiza kwenye ufisadi kwa mgongo wa ndugu yao wasijue hatari wanayomsababishia na taifa kwa ujumla kama inavyoonekana kwenye kesi hizo mbili juu zinazowahusisha akina Banda ambao waliukosa urais tokana na kutokuwa makini na wadhifa huu.
Somo la tatu ni kwamba hata mhusika asipojihusisha binafsi kwenye ufisadi, anapaswa kuwaangalia walio chini yake. Kwa mfano, pamoja na mashtaka dhidi yake binafsi, Joyce Banda anatuhumiwa kuzembea kuwabana wa chini yake kiasi cha kusababisha hasara ya dola za kimarekani milioni 15-¬––250 kwa nchi yake; jambo ambalo liliwakasirisha sana wapiga kura na wamalawi kwa ujumla na kumtupa nje ya uringo wa kisiasa hadi akakimbia nchi yake kwa muda wa miaka minne. Ili kuweza kunusurika na kifungo, Banda alijiunga na upinzani wenye nguvu chini ya rais wa sasa Lazarus Chakwera. Hivyo, kunusurika tokana na kitendo hiki.
Somo la nne ni kwamba wananchi wanaona kila kinachofanyika. Hivyo, wanapopata nafasi ya kutoa hukumu, wanafanya hivyo kwa ukali sana kama ilivyotokea kwa marais wawili tajwa. Hivyo, rais SSH ana darasa zuri toka kwa maisha ya marais tajwa ambao waliutaka urais baada ya kumaliza kipindi cha mpito lakini wakaukosa. 
Kwa ufupi ni kwamba wahusika walikwamishwa na ufisadi na usimamizi mbaya wa fedha na mali za umma na matumizi mabaya ya madaraka yao. Hilo ndilo somo la msingi katika yote. Kama tulivyosema hapo juu, siasa za Malawi na Zambia ni tofauti na za Tanzania tokana na nchi hizi kuwa na upinzani makini na ulioshikamana. Hata hivyo, hili lisitudanganye kuwa hali ya kisiasa nchini haiwezi kubadilika. Upinzani unaweza kuimarika, kuungana na kufanya maajabu tokana na hali itakavyokuwa baada ya rais SSH kuonyesha staili yake ya utawala. Kama atayaelewa na kuyatia maanani masomo tajwa hapo juu, hana haja ya kuogopa chochote bali kujimbia ofisini na kuweza kugombea na kushinda–––jambo ambalo tunajua ana uwezo wa kufanya bila wasi wasi wala upungufu wowote. Isitoshe, mtaji aliorithi ni mkubwa kiasi cha kumwezesha kufanikiwa haraka na kirahisi. Kwa mtaji wa uchakazi na uwezeshaji ulioachwa na hayati Dk John Magufuli, SSH ana kila sababu ya kuwa mojawapo ya vigogo wa siasa nchini kama ataweza kushinda uchaguzi ujao. Hata hivyo, mwanzo wake unaanza kuonyesha hili hata kabla ya visa tajwa ambavyo naamini anavijua. Tunachofanya ni kumkumbushia tu.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema kesho.

TUONGOZE BABA WIMBO WA WIKI

 

Like Kivengere to Amin, I Dearly and Faithfully Love Museveni

Responding to my open letter to President Yoweri Museveni in the Daily Monitor, some people owlishly and iniquitously accused me of hating His Excellency. How can I, in the first place, hate a good dude like Yowe? Who am I to hate a lad of God from Rwakitura? I know. His hecklers call him a dictator, and many names. Others say he’s a bad.  Ask ‘em why. They say because isn’t good. They say he’s bad because he’s bad. For, my part, I neither call him a democrat nor dictator but the son of God. How many Ugandans and others remember the late Festo Kivengere, especially his masterpiece “I love Idi Amin?” Janan Luwum, the late prelate who defined the commitment of the men of the cloth to fighting injustice even under a coldblooded dictator like Amin?             Essentially, Kivengere wrote his book not to show his hatred to Amin. He did so to show his love for a person who misruled UG as if he’d live forever. Although in this case, Mr. Museveni, whom I love and follow dearly is different from Amin, there are some commonalities. Amin and Museveni are Ugandans, presidents who grabbed power after evidencing some weakness in the upper echelons of power. 

     Secondly, they both pulled the mass after becoming presidents; and were acclaimed like heroes on the days they pulled down the regimes of their predecessors. 

    Thirdly, they promised a lot of positive changes thereof.  Fourth, equally, though in different styles, they both didn’t make good on all of their promises not to mention not being aware about how hoi polloi viewed them.
Fouthly, the duo had connection with Julius Nyerere of Tanzania though antithetically whereas one’s cloned and the other destroyed. This connection with Tanzania’s a lot to do with the history of Uganda, especially after the Tanzanian People’s Defence Forces (TPDF) supported Amin’s opponents to wage the war that saw him going to exile after his army’s badly defeated in 1978; thus pulling his regime down unceremoniously. Another fact is: Uganda is the only country on earth that hosts many more Tanzanians than any. Similarly, many Tanzanians who visit or got to Uganda for studies and other reasons feel more at home in UG than in any country in the East Africa Community and Africa generally.
Now, let me tell why I love Museveni whose foes love to hate. Like Kivengere on Amin, Museveni’s a good guy whom many misconstrue. Do you know that even Amin’s comportments many don’t know? Ask for any Ugandan who knows how much Amin fleeced from the public coffers. You’ll get nobody. This shows how Amin’s trustworthy when it comes to public lolly. Comparably, Amin’s better than the likes of Jommy Kinyatta who used presidency to enrich himself, Joseph Mobutu, Congolese aberrant who turned the country into his private estate, Felix Houphouet-Boigny (Ivory Coast) who pauperised his country by building a basilica in his hamlet not to mention the zaniest Jean Bedel Bokassa (CAR) who crowned himself emperor spending a big chunk of the national budget on his hogwash emperorship. 
Apart from his being a wholesome guy, I love Museveni for doing Uganda a favour. Guess what. When he took over many decades ago, he promised Ugandans he’d not overstay in power. He knew how abhorrent this is. Again, for the fear that Amin and the likes would return and recapture power and terrorise UG, Museveni decided, out of great love, to soldier on to see to it that Uganda is always safe.  Instead of turning Uganda into his private estate, using office to hoard wealth, build  a basilica or anything like it in Rwakitura or crowingly unction himself Uganda’s emperor or president for life, Museveni decided to serve the people from the above-mentioned looming danger. Who wants the Amins to come back from their tombs and destroy beloved Uganda? Being a good guy, I once heard him complaining that whenever he wants to call it a day, the NRM compels him to stay on. Whoever hates him, for this revelation, the penny will drop. For, being a good guy who respects the authority, Museveni, against his will, has been in power for a while, which his detractors use to call him a tyrant, which he’s because of the NRM, without knowing the reasons why he’s been in office for such long. What’d you do if you’re him? If he were a bad guy who disrespect authority, he’d have been in retirement many years ago. Is it wrong for me to love such a democrat really?
I love Museveni for his love of everything. Have you ever hearkened or seen him  beautiful talking about his cows? The other day, I heard him saying that cattle are his relatives. Museveni loves cows dearly the same way he loves Ugandans. Knowing his love of almost everything including mama Janet and family, how can any God-fearing type like myself hate Museveni?
Another reason I love Museveni’s nothing but his mission, to be precise, the one the NRM gave him to complete not to mention the other of uniting the East and Central region to complete the message that Mwl Nyerere didn’t actualise. With such big missions and visions, can any sane person hate Museveni? I once heard Museveni telling those who want him to relinquish power to think twice. For, he doesn’t only have the mission but somewhere to retire and look after his  dear cattle. Museveni’s love for Uganda and the EAC’s caused him a lot of suffering politically.  Let me wind up with this piece by quoting Kivengere in that “on the cross Jesus said ‘Father, forgive them, because they don’t know what they are doing.’ As evil as Amin was, how can I do less toward him?”  Like any human being, Museveni will one day die or became senile to rule. Then, why hate him instead of loving him and pray that he understands this natural science?

Source: Sunday Monitor

Gideon Tosha? Hold That Thought

By Makau Mutua

Professor at SUNY Buffalo Law School and Chair of the KHRC.What you need to know:

What you need to know:

Not even the Deep State will be able to stop Mr Ruto from cannibalising Mr Moi.

Mr Ruto will chew up Mr Moi by 8am on Election Day.In Luke 12:48, the Good Book admonishes: “For unto whomsoever much is given, of him shall much be required.” If this pithy aphorism applies to Baringo Senator Gideon Moi, then we may wait for an eternity. That’s because Senator Moi, the scion of the late Daniel arap Moi — Kenya’s longest ruling dictator — doesn’t have the goods to accept greatness.

There are credible suspicions Jubilee’s Uhuru Kenyatta, the offspring of the Burning Spear himself, is plotting to anoint Senator Moi as his successor in State House. I can see how that could happen because Kenya hasn’t been particularly ruled by talented men. However, imagining Mr Moi as President Moi stretches credulity. Let’s dig deeper as I peel your eyes.
We know the narrative. Mzee Jomo Kenyatta stuck with VP Moi even as the mafia around him worked hard to knock him out of the line of succession. That’s what saved Mr Moi, who would go on to bestride Kenya like a colossus for a quarter century. It’s said Mr Moi never forgot Mzee’s loyalty. Pundits believe that’s why Mr Moi picked Mr Kenyatta, a political greenhorn in 2002, to succeed him.
Bolted from Kanu
    Left in the dust by Mr Moi were bigwigs such as then Kanu Secretary-General Raila Odinga, VP George Saitoti, and Mwingi’s ex-Kanu blue-eyed boy Kalonzo Musyoka. The trio immediately bolted from Kanu and formed Narc with DP’s Mwai Kibaki, who gave Mr Kenyatta a historic drubbing.
    Mr Kenyatta went down to Mr Kibaki and Narc’s juggernaut, but he did so fighting. I didn’t, of course, support Kanu, or Mr Kenyatta. Nevertheless, the man from Gatundu acquitted himself admirably, given that he was barely out of his political diapers. I could hear and see his fighting spirit that at times evoked memories of his famous dad. He fought admirably — and lost graciously.
    It was partially that experience and opportunity, handed to him by Mr Moi, which would later propel him to the helm of the country. Mr Moi had planted a political seed and lived to see it germinate. Mr Kenyatta shouldn’t, however, think he can replicate Mr Moi’s script. Senator Moi isn’t Mr Kenyatta’s facsimile.
Afraid of greatness
    In William Shakespeare’s Twelfth Night, it’s written: “Be not afraid of greatness. Some are born great, some achieve greatness, and others have greatness thrust upon them.” While it’s arguable whether the truism applies to Mr Kenyatta, there’s no debate — none — that it doesn’t apply to Mr Moi.
Mr Moi was born with a silver spoon in his mouth, where it has remained stuck because he’s unable to capitalise on it. He doesn’t have any embers of fire in him and is as emotionless as a Swiss banker. I don’t condemn him for these deficits, but it’s the wrong DNA for a politician.
    It’s no wonder Mr Moi has been DP William Ruto’s roadkill among the Kalenjin in the Rift Valley. Truth be told, Mr Ruto, a pugnacious and hard charging fellow, has easily eaten Mr Moi’s lunch among the children of nationalist hero Koitalel arap Samoei. The quickest route to State House for Mr Ruto is for Mr Kenyatta to choose Mr Moi as his protagonist. Mr Ruto will chew up Mr Moi by 8am on Election Day. Not even the Deep State will be able to stop Mr Ruto from cannibalising Mr Moi. Mr Kenyatta must immediately drop this bad idea and thank me later. If not, he hands Mr Ruto power on a silver platter.
Write me a cheque
    Mr Kenyatta, who’s reportedly a stubborn man, can stick to his guns and say “Moi Tosha”. In that case, he should write me a cheque now so that I can laugh all the way to the bank before the inevitable happens.
    I have a strong feeling there are others who can stop Mr Ruto. Mr Moi is an unfinished product, and shouldn’t be in the conversation.
    Just think about this: what’s Mr Moi known for? I submit to you his fame comes from three things, none of which is from the sweat of his brow.
    The first is that Mr Moi is the son of Daniel arap Moi, a dictator. The second is that he can’t pronounce Baringo, which he represents in the Senate, in any recognisable way. To him, Baringo is some alien place called Beringo as in B-E-R-I-N-G-O. That’s a failed Anglicisation of Baringo. The last headscratcher is Mr Moi’s miserable attempt to pronounce “daktari” [Kiswahili for “Dr” or “PhD”]. To him the word is “Doktari.”
I know some make fun of my pronunciation of the name Kenyatta as “Kenyarra”. That’s a relatively minor crime, and no one has argued that it indicates my being out of touch with local realities.
  @makaumutua.

Source: Sunday Nation

RIP CHARLES MANGUA AUTHOR OF TAIL IN THE MOUTH

Apart from being author, those of us who read Charles Mangua's novels, we still respect him for a job well done. Now that our hero is no more, it is our time to celebrate his marvellous life. Mangua died at the age of 82  of a well lived life though in a wee bit of oblivion. For me, PLEASE CLICK HERE.  

SI RAHISI KUMSAHAU MAGUFULI (RIP)

 

BADHI YA ALAMA ZA DR MAGUFULI KWA TANZANIA

 

ENTER UHURAILA AS UHURUTO EXITS THE SCENE

If there’s anything the title above accurately represents about the story of two Kenyans, namely President Uhuru Kenyatta and his Vice President William Ruto–––whose political marriage wasn’t only epic but also tragic or tragicomic–––is nothing but a metaphor of a labyrinth. Their story’s as fascinating as equally frustrating thanks to their fallout. I’m talking about the relationship that started as the coolest and coziest to end up as the corkiest and corniest. The said relationship’s irreparably hit the snag. Recently, the two proved this. The Building Bridge Initiative (BBI)–––Kenyatta and former PM Raila Odinga espouse–––recently sailed through smoothly despite Ruto’s camp opposition to it. That’s a big feat for Uhuru and Raila  whom I’ll call UhuRaila and a defeat for Ruto, because it’s seen as a nuanced telltale for the 2022 presidential race between Raila and Ruto. Shall UhuRaila stay firm as UhuRuto flatly flops, it is easy to tell who the next president of Kenya will be. 
        The two former friends who once enjoyed  dalliance, all along, no longer see eye to eye as they started when they shocked the world by snatching the presidency amidst indictments related to gross human rights violations in Kenya resulting from PEV-2007. They left the world gobsmacked when they survived the fangs of the International Criminal Court (ICC). They further stunned the world on how they used their indictments to win the presidency knowing that it’s the only way they’d survive ICC blitzkrieg. And indeed, they did. That’s because no Western country would like to see the president and his deputy being convicted and thereby allow such a strategic country cascade to anarchy pointlessly. Therefore, those who craftly advised the duo to take a shot at the presidency were dead right tactically. 
        Under their UhuRuto marriage, the duo stole the show thanks to their dalliance and behaving as identical twins who, to spice it up, were conjoined in the hip. However, as the days go, it seems. Soon, Ruto’ll meet his waterloo after Uhuru entered handshake with former nemesis-turned ally and buddy Odinga. Indeed, the handshake’s shaken the UhuRuto and sharpened UhuRaila.  What used to be an enviable marriage’s but conspicuously deceptive and foolhardy. Its magic ghosted away a long time ago. It’s like a tomb, which shines outwardly while it’s always full of stench within. The grandiose appearance by the duo was but a mirage sort of marriage. Their inseparability became their susceptibility. Its fortes became its faintness. In other words, what used to be UhuRuto has become UhuRaila. 

        Under UhuRuto, the duo used to don in their Sunday-go to-meeting clothes like two identical twins who happens to be menschen. That’s now long gone. The duo’s always avoiding each or send oft-off-the-cuff veiled messages to each other. One of them soon will be out of office while the other would die for it as the other occupies it if things remain as they are now. The duo’s affinity for power were converged and united when they’re seeking the office for the first and second times. Thereafter–––as it seemingly seems––they’ll go different and opposing routes. One’s fighting for a legacy while the other for largess that power brings. For Ruto, losing it out in the BBI tussle, his chickens have come home to roost as far as his aspirations for presidency are concerned. As for Raila, his eggs are in the safe basket. And Uhuru watches everything quietly so as to make many tongues wag.
        In fact, what used to be the garden of Eden for the duo’s now become the way of the cross. Angst and animosity between the duo are alive and kicking. Between the duo, the stifling political heat resulting from cunning even conning has increased recently mostly from their–––a wee too charged and edgy–––proxies as their bosses give each other wide berth. Their utterances and pure bluffs or those of their proxies have attracted much attention and controversies. For example, Ruto clandestinely opposed the BBI but pretended to defend it whenever he’s caught hand in the cook jar sometimes. 

        Theoretically, Ruto’s in everything though practically, he chickened out a long time ago. For, when a dog wags its tail, it is a normal thing. However, when the tail wags the dog, this is a real deal. This occurred when Ruto used to attack Raila openly but fell short of doing the same to his boss who happens to be the latter’s buddy and partner in the BBI. Ruto has forgotten that Raila even without Uhuru resonates more with many Kenyans than himself. When they teamed up through handshake, Kenya’s ever since enjoyed peaceability sturdily something it didn’t cotton on for a long while.
Ruto has been opposing the government without getting out of it. Many people, especially Ruto’s enemies urged Kenyatta to fire or impeach him. Kenyatta kept mum and became a wise monkey that sees nothing, hears nothing and says nothing. His was simply to keep his foes closer and friends close. You can say. To my friends everything, to my enemies the law. That’s what’s ongoing in Kenya. 

        While Kenyatta has kept his cool and silent, Raila and Ruto have always been involved in open rancour as their tool of propaganda and schemes. While Odinga enjoys his role in the second liberation of Kenya, Kenyatta and Ruto have the same ancestor to match, namely KANU, the former ruling party that ushered Kenya’s independence, which it later tainted.
        In sum, UhuRuto has hit the rock. It is irreparably damaged. For, looking at how the two co-existed like a crash, we find that they looked like the same while they’re totally different in that one comes from the dynasty while the other from the hustler nation. A new moniker for those whose parents were not prominent in Kenyan political configuration. Now, it is not if but when the UhuRuto’ll buried and on its place sprouts UhuRaila. That’s the tragicomic narrative of UhuRaila. Again, will Ruto face his death with his usual smile? Indeed, Ruto has a bumpy and rocky road in fighting for his dear political life.  However, one thing is obvious that the death of UhuRuto and the birth of UhuRaila doesn’t wipe Ruto out of Kenya’s political landscape. As you heard him saying, he might join anyone who has what it takes to take over from Kenyatta.

Source: African Executive Magazine tomorrow.

JE WAPO KAKOKO WANGAPI HAWAJANASWA?

Kwa waliofuatilia kashfa kwenye Bandari ya Dar Es Salaam, hawana shaka kuwa hatua alizochukua rais Samia Suluhu Hassan (SSH) zilipaswa kuchukuliwa miaka mingi iliyopita. Japo bandari zetu zimekuwa sehemu za upigaji fedha ya umma kwa muda mrefu, baadhi ya madudu yaliyofanyika chini ya utawala mkali na mfuatiliaji ya tano, yana utata. Leo tutagusia kashfa inayoendelea kutukuta ya ukwapuzi wa fedha uliisababishwa kusimamishwa kazi Mkurugenzi wa Mamlaka ya Bandari (TPA) Deusdedit Kakoko–––kama ulivyoamuriwa na mheshimwa rais. Wanaokumbuka kashfa ya mwaka 2017. Kakoko alikaririwa na akisema kuwa “wapo wanasiasa wakubwa wakiwamo wabunge wananiambia kwamba vita ya flow mita kamwe sitaiweza, nawaambia sitaki kuingiliwa na mwanasiasa yoyote nitafanya kazi zangu kulingana na maagizo ya Rais John Magufuli, Waziri Mkuu (Kassim Majaliwa) na Waziri wa Ujenzi na Uchukuzi na Mawasiliano (Profesa Makame Mbarawa).” Alisahau kuwa hata Makamu wa rais wakati ule ambaye ni rais wa sasa alikuwa sehemu ya watu ambao wangeweza kumpa maagizo ya nini cha kufanya. Wengi walishangaa kwanini Kakoko alikuwa akilalamika badala ya kuwataja wazi waliokuwa wakimkwamisha kama kweli aliyokuwa akifanya yalikuwa kwenye mamlaka yake?
Tukio jingine ambalo hata hivyo sijui lilivyomalizwa, lilihusu vichwa vya treni vilivyoingizwa nchini kinyemela. Hadi sasa hatujui waliokuwa nyuma ya kashfa hii iliyouawa kinamna sawa na ile iliyohusisha upigaji wa hali ya juu uliofanywa na kampuni ya Lugumi Enterprises iliyopewa tenda ya shilingi bilioni 37 kinyemela kufunga mashine za kutambua alama za vidole nchi zima bila kufanya hivyo.  Tuchukue nafasi hii kumkumbusha rais SSH kuwa na hili ni jipu analopaswa kutumbua ili kutoa onyo kwa waliodhani atakuwa legelege wakati anao uwezo kufanya makubwa hata zaidi ya mtangulizi wake tena bila kutuhumiwa kukandamiza haki za binadamu.
            Kwa vile Kakoko aliwahi kulalamikia wanasiasa waliokuwa wanamkwamisha kwenye suala la mita, ni wakati muafaka kutwambia liliishaje na huu ukwapuaji wa fedha za umma nao anamshutumu nani. Kwa namna serikali ya awamu ya tano ilivyokuwa ikifuatilia, tunashangaa ilikuwaje pesa husika ikakwapuliwa. Hata hivyo, wanaojua alikochomolewa Kakoko, hawashangai kwanini aliweza kupona na kuendelea na wadhifa alio nao wakati alionyesha wazi kupwaya tangu alipoteuliwa. Ama kweli, kila zama na kitabu chake. Aliwahi kusema ustaadh Ali Hassan Mwinyi.  
            Waliofuatilia tuhuma za Kakoko na namna zilivyomalizwa, kwa kuangalia kashfa inayomkabili, hawatashangaa. Kwani, alipotoa madai bila kuyathibitisha, alithibitisha utatanishi na kutoaminika. Kisheria, mtoa madai huwajibika kuthibitisha madai yake kwa kutoa ushahidi. Je hao waliomtishia Kakoko kutaka kulinda ufisadi kwenye mita za kupimia mafuta ni akina nani na ndio waliosababisha wizi wa hii fedha iliyosababisha asimamishwe kazi? Kakoko anapaswa kuwataja ili watanzania wawajue wanaotaka kuwakwamisha ukiachia mbali rais kuwajua na kuwatumbua haraka iwezekanavyo?
            Kwa vile sasa kashfa imegusa ulaji wake, Kakoko awataje haraka ili kuondoa mazoea ya baadhi ya wakubwa kutumia dhamana ya umma kutoa madai mazito juu ya mambo nyeti bila kutoa ushahidi; mbali kuokoa ulaji wake. Kipindi alichotoa madai husika sawa na wengine, yalianza kujengeka mazoea ya ajabu ambapo baadhi ya watu walijiona kama wasiogushwa. Bila kutoa maelezo na ushahidi, Kakoko anatukumbusha kilichotokea wakati fulani aliyekuwa Mkuu wa Mkoa wa Dar Es Salaam Paul Makonda alidai kutaka kuhongwa milioni 50 kwa mwezi ili aruhusu shisha liuzwe ukiachia. Mpaka anaondolewa ofisini, Makonda hakuwahi kuwataja waharifu waliotaka kumhonga; akashindwa kuwachulia hatua wakati sheria iko wazi: atoaye  na apoekeaye rushwa ametenda kosa la jinai; anapaswa kuchukuliwa hatua kisheria. Hata hivyo, kwa wanaojua watoa madai walivyofumbiwa macho kufikia kiasi cha kujisahau, hawashangai kwanini hakuchukuliwa hatua. 
            Mbali na Makonda, Waziri aliyeshughulikia  ardhi naye aliyewahi kutoa madai kama haya bila kutoa ushahidi kuwa kuna walanguzi wa ardhi walitaka kumhonga mabilioni ya shilingi bila ya wahusika kuwataja waliotaka kufanya hivyo. Kama Makonda, vyombo husika havikumbana mhusika kutoa ushahidi ili kuwashughulikia wahusika. Nadhani hili linapaswa kubadilika mara moja. Tuache kufanyia kazi mazoea wakati mambo yanaweza kubadilika wakati wowote kama ilivyotokea na kuanza kuonyesha.  Ni ajabu kuwa hata vyombo vinavyoshughulikia jinai kama hizi vilikaa kimya bila kutoa maelezo ni nini kilifuatia na nani walitaka kutenda makosa haya. Je hawa wakubwa waliotoa madai bila kutoa ushahidi si washirika wa wale waliowatuhumu hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa waliamua kuficha majina yao kwa faida wajuazo? Je ni vibaya kumkumbusha rais SSH kuwaangazia macho au kutowaweka au kuwabakiza kwenye serikali yake? 
            Je kuna akina Kakoko wangapi kwenye mashirika yetu ya umma ambao bado kashfa zao hazijafikishwa kwa mheshimiwa rais? Lazima tujulishwe wizi huu ulivyoweza kufanyika tangia lini na unahusisha akina nani hawa ambao ni wanjanja kiasi cha kuipiga chenga serikali iliyosifika kwa kupambana na ufisadi? Hili ni muhimu ili kujua mbinu na sababu zilizofanya wasichukuliwe hatua  mbali mbinu walizotumia. Je pamoja na ushupavu wake, kuna mahali ambapo serikali ya awamu ya tano ilikuwa ikizidiwa kete au kuna namna? Ilikuwaje akina Kakoko wakanusurika; na je wako wangapi na wameishalisababishia taifa hasara kubwa kiasi gani? Haya ndiyo maswali tunayopaswa kujiuliza na kujibu kwa usahihi haraka sana ili kuweza kufichua uoza mwingine ambao ulishindikana kwenye awamu iliyopita.
Kwa wanaokumbuka kashfa ya Chavda wakati wa utawala wa awamu ya pili, watakubaliana nasi kuwa kuna wakati mwingine kunakuwa na watu wachache wanaoweza kujihusisha na kashfa na kuwapiga chenga wakubwa wao. Tuchukue fursa kuionya awamu ya sita kujufunza tokana na kashfa kama hizi ili kuepuka kurudia makosa. Je hawa waliosababisha wizi wa mabilioni yanayodaiwa kuibiwa ni wale wanasiasa wakubwa ambao Kakoko aliwahi kuwatuhumu bila kuthibitisha madai yake ima kwa hiari au kwa kulamishwa na sheria? Je ilikuwaje alipotoa madai kama haya, Taasisi ya Kupambana na Kuzuia Rushwa (TAKURURU) ilizuiliwa na nani au nini kumhoji? Je bado TAKUKURU ambayo ilishindwa kumhoji Kakoko bado ina udhu na uwezo wa kumhoji na ikaufikia ukweli bila kupata kigugumizi kama ilivyokuwa pale alipotoa madai? Hili nalo rais anapaswa kuliangalia na kujua ni kwanini TAKUKURU ilishindwa kumhoji Kakoko ili awataje waharifu waliotaka kumkwamisha.
          Madai ya Kakoko, sawa na ya Waziri na Makonda, kwa wakati ule, yaliweza kuonekana kama poroja za kisiasa za kutafuta umaarufu. Maana, wahusika waliendelea na nyadhifa zao pamoja na kutoa madai mazito  ikiwamo kukalia taarifa nyeti ambazo zingeweza kusaidia mamlaka kupambana na ufisadi.  Tunaamini kuwa rais SSH anajua kadhia hizi vizuri ikizingatiwa alikuwa sehemu ya awamu ya tano ingawa hakuwa na mamlaka ya kuweza kuwashughulikia wahusika sawa na ambayo anayo sasa. Sijui kama rais au wasaidizi wake walisoma au wanakumbuka kashfa hii. Je kama wanaijua, watangoja au watazuiwa na nini kuchukua hatua ili kuepusha dhana ya kulindana? Sitaki niamini hivyo. Hata hivyo, tokana na unyeti wa kashfa husika, naamini wahusika wote watapata taarifa juu ya namna umma tunavyofanyia kazi madai yao. Haiingii akilini kwa watendaji wanaojua wazi kuwa walichoambiwa kufanya ni jinai kukaa kimya bila kuwa na maslahi binafsi au mapungufu kiutendaji. Hata kama wahusika walikuwa vipenzi na jamaa za waliowateua, wanapaswa kushughulikiwa ili kuuonyesha umma wenye watu wenye akili kuwa tunatenda haki kwa wote. Wahusika wanapaswa kujua umma wa wa-Tanzania si mazuzu wala wasahaulifu. Ndiyo maana makala kama hii inatoka ili kumpa fursa adimu rais kuyajua mawazo ya watu wake ambayo kuna kipindi hayakuwa na nafasi ya kusikika tokana na sababu mbali mbali.
            Tumalizie kwa kumuonga rais SSH kuzidi kupiga kurunzi ili awanase akina Kakoko wengine ambao wengine wamo kwenye ofisi yake mbali na wale walioko nje lakini wakiwa wamenufaika na fedha za umma kupitia rushwa au wizi kama ilivyowahi kudaiwa bila kutolewa ushahidi. Je wahusika walikatiwa chao wakaamua kunyamaza? Je walikuwa wakitafuta kiki? Je ilikuwa haki kufanya hivyo bila kuvunja sheria? Kwa vile kesi za jinai huwa hazifi, tunashauri wahusika wabanwe wawataje wahusika na waleze ni kwanini walishindwa kuwataja wakati wakijua fika walikuwa wakivunja sheria. Pia wachunguzwe utajiri walio nao kama unalingana na stahiki yao. Muhimu, tunamshauri rais awe mwepesi wa kuwatumbua watendaji ambao bado wako serikalini waliotoa tuhuma bila kuzithibitisha kwa vile inaonyesha walikatiwa kitu wakaamua yaishe. Pia kuna haja ya kuitaka TAKUKURU ijieleze ni kwanini haikushughulikia kashfa hizi wakati zilikuwa na harufu ya wazi ya rushwa na vitendo vya kibadhirifu. Inabidi, ikiwezekana tubadili sheria zetu ambazo zinaumiza vibaka huku zikiwaendekeza mibaka.  Wakati wa kuwashughulikia akina Kakoko wengine ni huu. Shime rais SSH. Tunakuamini.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema kesho.

Bashiru, Heri Kunyamaza Ule Vinono Kimya Kimya

Kitendo cha Mheshimiwa rais  hayati Dkt John Pombe Magufuli kumpata mtu wa kuziba nafasi ambayo kilikuwa kikimnyima usingizi kwa kumteua Balozi Dkt Bashiru Ally tena muda mfupi, kama alivyokiri Marehemu.  Hii inaonyesha namna mteuliwa anavyofaa au kuaminiwa na mamlaka husika. Japo kuteua na kutengua uteuzi ni wajibu wa kawaida wa Rais, nafasi husika siyo lelelmama tukizingatia umuhimu wake kwa taifa hasa kumuunganisha Rais na kila anayetaka kuonana naye. Kimsingi, nafasi hii ni dirisha au mlango wa kuingilia Ikulu. Hii ni nafasi inayohitaji mtu makini na mwaminifu ambaye anaweza kusema hata hapana kwa mtu ambaye hukumtegemea. Inahitaji mtu anayejua kupima mambo na kutoa majibu kwa kuzingatia mizania ya haki.
         Tukiangalia aliyeteuliwa kushika wadhifa huu mzito na kuvaa viatu vikubwa vilivyoachwa na marehemu Balozi John William Kijazi–––ambaye aliutosha vilivyo wadhifa huu kiasi cha kuwa vigumu kupata wa kumrithi hadi kifo kinamchukua–––kinaonyesha namna Magufuli alivyomuamin Balozi Ally. Maana viatu alivyovishwa ni vikubwa mno kwa mtu ambaye hana historia kubwa ya utumishi wa umma. Isitoshe, wengi walidhani Balozi Ally angekataa uteuzi huu kama tutamkumbusha nadhiri yake mbali na kutokuwa na uzoefu ingawa hakufanya hivyo. Hata hivyo, kwa sasa anaweza kujiengua ili aendelee kuaminika kwa watanzania kama kiongozi wa umma. Tunajua, huenda alilazimika kukubali cheo hicho tokana na woga wake kwa hayati Magufuli. Ndiyo maana, tunamshauri afikiri mara mbili chini ya rais Samia Suluhu Hassan (SSH) ili kulinda heshima yake na ya rais. Ni ushauri tu tena wenye nia nzuri toka kwa mwananchi wa kawaida ambaye anaweza kuwakilisha namna wanavyomuona wananchi wengine wa kawaida.
Hata hivyo, tangu alipoteuliwa kuwa Katibu Mkuu wa Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM), Balozi Ally ameonyesha ujasiri na umakini wa hali ya juu kiasi cha kujizolea sifa hadi Rais Magufuli kumpandisha cheo kwa kumteua kuwa Balozi na Katibu Mkuu kiongozi. Hivyo, Balozi Ally aliteuliwa kunaziba nafasi ambayo  Rais alisikika wakati wa maombolezo ya Balozi Kijazi akikiri kuwa alitaka kumteua mtu mwingine baada ya  Balozi Kijazi kufikia umri wa kustaafu lakini hakumpata hivyo kumuongezea muda Marehemu Kijazi.
Kama alivyomueleza Rais, Balozi Kijazi hakuwa mpayukaji wala mtu wa kujisemea bali kuchapa kazi kimya kimya kwa kuzingatia viwango. Alikjuwa simba mla nyama na siyo mbwekaji. Kwa kukopa maneno ya Mheshimiwa Jaji Mkuu, Profesa  Ibrahim Hamis Juma, Balozi Kijazi alikuwa ni mtu wa kufuatilia hata mambo madogo madogo ambayo mtu asingeyapa umuhimu asijue ni ya muhimu. Jaji Mkuu alisema kuwa alipomwambia kwa kiingereza kuwa the devil is in the details yaani shetani yuko kwenye vitu vidogo vidogo, Balozi Kijazi alisema God is in the details akimaanisha kuwa hata kwenye mambo tunayoona si muhimu kwa Mungu yanaweza kuwa makubwa na muhimu. Mbali na hiyo, Rais Magufuli alifichua siri kuwa alipomfahamu Balozi Kijazi, aligundua kuwa alikuwa mtu mwaminifu na mwenye kujua namna ya kuwasimamia wa chini yake na fedha za umma. Hizo ni tunu ambazo Balozi Ally anapaswa kuanza kuzifanyia kazi. Kwa kuzingatia umakini na sifa za Balozi Kijazi–––kama mrithi wake ataamua kuzifanyia kazi–––hana haja ya kupewa pole bali hongera. Hivyo, hapa sijui nimpe hongera au pole. Sijui. Ngoja tuone utendaji wake.
Najua Balozi Ally siyo Balozi Kijazi hasa nikizingatia historia za utendaji wao. Utendaji wa Balozi Kijazi ulielezwa vizuri na Rais pamoja na Jaji Mkuu. Utendaji wa Balozi Ally mbali na ule uliotajwa kwa kutukuka hapo juu, unaelezewa na yeye mwenyewe. Kwa mfano, alipo teuliwa kuwa Katiba Mkuu wa CCM, Balozi Ally alisikika akiutangazia umma kuwa katu hangegombea au kukubali uteuzi wowote. Alisema “cheo hiki ni kikubwa mno [Ukatibu Mkuu]heshima hii niliyopewa ni kubwa mno. Ndiyo nafasi yangu ya kwanza na ya mwisho katika uongozi wa nchi hii. Sitagombea  nafasi yoyote na sitakubali uteuzi wowote baada ya nafasi hii. Huu ndiyo utamaduni wa CCM.” https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qiI_bAVXrec 

        Ushahidi wa maneno haya umejaa kwenye mitandao baada ya kurushwa punde tu alipotangazwa kuteuliwa kuwa Katibu Kiongozi. Hatujui kama Balozi Ally alijisemea kwa utani au kwa sababu ya furaha ya kupata nafasi ambayo hakuwahi hata kuifikiria wala kuipigania. Kimsingi, Balozi Ally alisahau kuwa Rais ana mamlaka ya kumteua au kumtuma yeyote wakati wowote katika kazi yoyote kwa mujibu wa sheria.  Hata hivyo, kauli hii inamuweka pabaya linapokuja suala la kuaminiwa na umma tena tokana na maneno yake mwenyewe bila kulazimishwa na yeyote. Kama mhusika hayuko tayari kama alivyowahi kuapa, basi, kistaarabu anaukataa uteuzi. Je hapa mhusika alijesemea, kupitiwa, ‘kupayuka’ au kuonyesha uanagezi na kutokujua kwake? Je atakaposoma makala hii atakuwa tayari kutoa ufafanuzi wa kutangua nadhiri yake au kujinyamazia ili kufunika kombe? Je hii inamuonyesha kama kiongozi wa aina gani mbele ya jamii? Je hii inatoa taswira gani kwa vijana wetu ambao ni warithi wetu karibu katika kitu ukiwemo uongozi? Je tumejifunza nini?
        Hata hivyo, Balozi Ally ni binadamu tena mwanasiasa japo hataki kuitwa au kujulikana kama mwanasiasa asijue kuwa kila mwanadamu ni mwanasiasa ima kwa kutaka au kulazimika. Kimsingi, Balozi Ally  hakujua kuwa alikuwa akijipalia mkaa na kuingia kwenye anga ambazo, kimsingi na uzoefu, hazikuwa zake. Ndiyo maana tunamkumbusha maneno yake na kumtaka ajiwajibishe ili kulinda ithibati yake kama kiongozi wa umma.  Aliuambia umma wazi wazi kuwa siyo sifa ya CCM kuwa wala kukubali wala kutamani vyeo vingi. Hapa lazima Balozi Ally akubali kuonja adha ya kuramba matapishi yake baada ya kujisemea kana kwamba angekufa kesho yake. Wakati mwingine, ni bora kujinyamazia na kula vinono kimya kimya kuliko kupiga kelele au kukufuru usijue ya kesho. 

        Wahenga wetu walituasa: Hujafa hujaumbika. Ombaomba hata machinga anaweza kuwa lolote hata mteule.  Licha ya nadhiri tanguliwa za Balozi Ally kuwa somo na onyo kwake asijisemee tena, ni somo kwa walio wengi ambao hufanya au kusema mambo bila kuangalia kesho. Balozi Ally si wa kwanza wala wa mwisho katika kadhia hii. Rais Yoweri Museveni wa Uganda, mwaka 1986 akiingia madarakani alisema kuwa tatizo la Afrika siyo wananchi bali viongozi wanaong’ang’ania madarakani. Miaka karibia 40 tangu aseme haya, muulize hali ikoje. Kila mtu anajua pia hata mhusika.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema kesho.

RAIS SSH, WANAOHOJI ITHIBATI YAKE ANGALIA ANAVYOANZA KUNG'ATA

 

Is death of Magufuli the end of ‘Magufulification’? (Part II)

Methinks that because of its centrality, practicability and workability, Africans have every reason to explore, and if possible, employ ‘Magufulification’ in their countries, particularly on how to accountably, competently and positively run public affairs.
It has clearly emerged that ‘Magufulification’ energised and fired up Tanzanians by enabling them become true players in their affairs, yet before they were helpless witnesses.
     Since independence, as is the case in many African countries, common people were generally excluded from running business of the state. Instead, this business was left to politicians and elites, who’ve lorded it over the majority citizens, who are invited to the table when the national cake is being eaten.
        Ordinarily, common people participate in the business of the State mainly through paying taxes and voting, something fallen Tanzania leader John Pombe Magufuli debunked by involving almost everybody by managing and distributing natural resources and funds. This makes many African governments look like their colonial predecessors. 
        As witnesses and thinkers, the ‘Magufulification’ narrative needs to be told loudly and proudly. Like Africans and the victims of colonisation, international conspiracy, ignorance and plot against Africa, methinks I have what it takes to tell this successful story.
        Learning from Magufuli’s courage and love, I, as well, have courage and love to tell this story as the commemoration of the fallen hero. I do not make any apology or fear anything to tell this very captivating story that Africa needs to hear about, listen to and learn from.
        Storytelling has cohering power when it comes to informing the society of what it went, or is going, through. And, definitely, if we aren’t telling our story, who else will? 
Denying people representatives is what colonialism did to dehumanise, demean, discredit and ill-use Africans and other Black people for many generations, despite the existence of the concepts of equality and human rights.  
        ‘Magufulification’ through its deeds and words has sought to decolonise and deconstruct this absurdity in order to create an accountable leadership of the people, by the people’s representatives, in the interests of all the people.
It is a kind of magic that made the world pay close attention to the late Magufuli so as to force some of us to tell this story with the aim of seeing to it that it can be further studied; to see how it can help Africa out of its superimposed developmental and economic impasse. 
        As noted above, Africa’s problems don’t only share the nexus, but also are similar in one way or the other as far as corruption, embezzlement of public funds and resources, its past, poverty and the likes are concerned. 
 In summary, while many African leaders have sought to expand their shares of the national cake, ‘Magufulification’ sought to expand the cake through installing accountably, and distributing and managing national resources for the purpose of inviting everyone to the table. 
        This has been a missing link in African post-colonial politics. Instead of benefiting the masses, the pie benefited the vultures, namely the elite who always remain in the kitchen to bake the cake. 
        Although Tanzania’s experience has been different from that of other African countries, thanks to the Ujamaa na Kujitegemea (socialism and self-reliance) policies, it still needs to see to it that its national cake is distributed equally to all citizens. 
Considering the size and extent of the natural resources Africa is endowed with, the national cake’s surely big enough to feed all Africans. If there’s anything that ‘Magufulification’ teaches us, it is justice for everybody. 
Nenda Salama; farewell; Hamba kahle John Pombe Joseph Magufuli. 

Source: Daily Monitor today.

         By Makau Mutua

Professor at SUNY Buffalo Law School and Chair of the KHRC.What you need to know:

I think Mr Ngunyi tries to predict what he thinks is going to happen.
On the other hand, my crystal ball isn’t strictly a tool of prognostication. I am not a seer. I recently read an intriguing article with a strange title, ‘Is Mutahi Ngunyi the oracle of Kenyan politics?’ [Daily Nation, March 2, 2021]. In the piece, writer Chris Orwa purported to handicap my ability versus Mr Ngunyi’s to predict political events.
Mr Orwa clothed his opinion in the garb of erudite academia. He presented his conclusions as “research”. I was flabbergasted. Not because I am a political prophet, but due to Mr Orwa’s manifest sleight of hand. It was obvious the author was simply out to get me. Or put more bluntly, intent on discrediting my “famous” crystal ball. Well, I have news for him – my crystal ball isn’t a medieval mystical mystery. Leave my crystal ball alone.
        Let me give the devil his due. Mr Orwa got one thing right. In the time period he considered, Mr Ngunyi’s predictions were accurate 69 per cent of the time. He drew blanks 31 per cent of the time. In contrast, according to him, I toiled in futility 81 per cent of the time, and only hit bullseye 19 per cent of the time.
On the face of it, the math would show that Mr Ngunyi gave me a shellacking. They say numbers don’t lie. However, don’t they? One thing I know is that you can interpret data in many ways to get to any desired result. That’s why Mr Orwa’s stats must be interrogated. I wasn’t going to take this lying down.
        Let’s dig deeper. The first fatal error Mr Orwa made was to compare apples to oranges. No competent researcher would make such a colossal error. Apples aren’t oranges, and oranges aren’t apples. You can only contrast them, not compare them. Any such comparison would skew the outcome and present a false narrative.
I'm not a kamuti worker
        You see, I only eat apples when I want to eat them, but not when I want to eat oranges. In fact, it’s folly to eat both at the same time. What’s my point? I think Mr Ngunyi tries to predict what he thinks is going to happen. On the other hand, my crystal ball isn’t strictly a tool of prognostication. I am not a seer.
        If I was a witchdoctor, or a kamuti [Kamba magic] worker, I would peer into my cowrie shells and other assorted tools of the trade and see the future. However, I am not, although I disclose here I am descended from a great African “medicine man”. Maybe that’s what Mr Ngunyi does when he “faces Mt Kenya”. Maybe Mutahi, the son of Ngunyi, “sees”. I don’t, and have refused to claim my hereditary kamuti powers.
        My crystal ball is a tool that complexifies life – it educates, advocates, teases, entertains, promotes and annoys. It’s reviled and loved in equal measure. It leaves half of my readers infuriated. That’s how I like it – to get your blood pumping.
While the crystal ball is based on facts – and nothing else but facts – it’s not meant to be taken literally. Only simpletons would do so, if they’ve been reading me for decades. 
        Often, the crystal ball is satirical. It sometimes caricatures. It can be an attempt at faint praise that’s really oblique criticism, or even condemnation. 
Progressive purposes
        Alternatively, it may be just a way of me giving you a topic of conversation on a boring Sunday. In any case, I just want to tickle your brain and seduce you with ideas – sometimes by putting out the unthinkable.  Mr Ngunyi, in contrast, does none of the above. Most of the time, he’s actually trying to “predict”, or misdirect the hoi polloi.
        The second non sequitur offence that Mr Orwa committed was to compare actual writing in a column to tweeting. I mean – no offence intended, and I hope none is taken – Mr Ngunyi tweets more than he writes. Most of Mr Ngunyi’s predictions are in tweets. They are catchy one-liners, usually in bold caps. He has a large following on Twitter and he milks his tweeps for all they’ve got. They are addicted to his bombs. They drink his tweets like mama’s milk. Good for him. Usually, he predicts what’s obviously in the mind of the status quo. That’s why it’s not rocket science. He knows what the Deep State might do, and he gladly feeds it to you.
        Lastly, Mr Orwa acknowledged – but downplayed it – the fact that my “predictions” are numerous whereas Mr Ngunyi’s are puny. Why is this important? That’s because your “error” rate goes up with more predictions. Mind you, I am not validating Mr Orwa’s “comparison” of our metrics by making this point. I am simply pointing out the “apples-to-oranges” problem again. 
        Therefore, my crystal ball isn’t from the Middle Earth, or the Lord of the Rings. It’s not even from the Book of Revelations. It’s rather a political device employed for progressive purposes. Its agenda is to advance democracy, not to give aid and comfort to cartels, public thieves, Mafioso, and the devil-knows-who. 
Makau Mutua is SUNY Distinguished Professor and Margaret W. Wong Professor at Buffalo Law School. He’s chair of KHRC. @makaumutua.

Source: Daily Nation tomorrow.

PICHA YA WIKI

Waraka wa Nkwazi kwa Rais Mama Samia Suluhu Hassan (SSH)

Mpendwa Mama Rais,
Niruhusu kwa taadhima:
Kwanza nikupe pole binafsi kwa kufiwa na rais wako ambaye kufariki kwake, kumekulazimisha kupokea nafasi hiyo kwa majonzi–––kama ulisema baada ya kuapishwa kama itakavyo katiba ila siyo wewe–––kuwa umekula kiapo hiki tofauti na vingine vyote ukiwa na majonzi. Kimsingi, kiapo chako haikuwa sherehe bali msiba.
        Pili, wewe si mgeni katika uongozi japo si mwenyeji katika urais. Kuwa makamu wa rais na kuwa rais ni vitu viwili tofauti. Unayajua mengi kuliko sisi ingawa si yote. Nasi tunayo tunayoyaona na kuyajua ambayo unaweza kusahau baada ya kutwaa ukubwa.  Kwa unyenyekevu naomba univumilie na unisikilize. Chonde mama chama chako usikidharau wala kuruhusu wasaka ngawira wakirejeshe alikokitoa marehemu John Pombe Magufuli. Maana hakuna chama hakuna urais. Magufuli ameicha CCM pazuri. Zidi kuing’arisha. Magufuli–––licha ya kusafisha chama, alikitia adabu na kuacha kimeshikana–––jambo ambalo lilimpa amani ndani ya chama na kuweza kufanikisha mambo mengi kwa muda mfupi kiasi cha kuwapiku waliomtangulia kwa miaka mitano tu aliyokaa madarakani.
        Tatu, Mama Rais, tafadhali tekeleza si kutelekeza mema yote yaliyomfanya Magufuli awe Magufuli aliyependwa na kuheshimika dunia nzima. Sisemi ung’ang’anie timu yake au kila kitu. Ila unawajua mliokuwa mkifanya kazi nao. Unajua wabovu na wanaofaa. Muhimu, unajua kuwa kujiamini na kutoogopa lawana, kusema ukweli na uchapakazi ndiyo siri iliyomfanya marehemu ang’are Tanzania, Afrika na dunia nzima.
        Naomba nikukumbushe mambo yaliyompaisha marehemu Magufuli kama ifuatavyo:
        Mosi, kumbuka kupambana vilivyo na ufisadi bila kumuangalia nyani usoni. Mafanikio na uzoefu wa muda mfupi kama taifa, vilituletea matumaini na kujiamini kuwa kumbe tunaweza tukiamua. Katika hili, wewe ni shahidi sawa na waathirika na wanyonge ambao mrithi wako aliwapambania vilivyo na wazi. Nawe Mama usiruhusu ufisadi ushike kani kama zamani. Nakuomba chonde chonde. Jifunze kwenye baadhi zama ambapo nchi ilifanyiwa majaribio mbali mbali kubwa likiwa ruksa iliyoanzisha kila mwanya wa ufisadi ingawa mwanzilishi wake alikuwa na nia nzuri wakati ule.
        Pili, mtangulizi wako alikuwa mkweli na muwazi katika utawala wake. Unajua namna alivyofanya maamuzi bila kusitasita wala kumuongopa mtu hata kama siku zote hayakuwa sahihi. Hata mifano ya marehmu Magufuli inaonyesha kuwa walio wengi  wanapenda ukweli hata kama unawaudhi wachache wenye mamlaka
        Tatu, alisifika na kupendwa kwa kupigania haki za mwananchi wa chini huku akijitenga na magenge ya wafanyabiashara na wala na watoa rushwa. Wengi wataanza kukutafuta kwa udi na uvumba hasa sasa baada ya miaka mitano ya kubanwa kila kona.
        Nne hakikisha hutovumilia ubabaishaji, ufisadi, uharibufu wa fedha na mali vya umma, uzembe, wizi na mengine kama hayo. Wengi waliokumbwa na panga la Magufuli watakuwa wakisherehekea na kuandaa mikakati ya kurejea kwa kishindo. Usiwape nafasi.
        Tano, Magufuli alihakikisha kila mradi anaoanzisha unafanikiwa. Hapa siri ni rahisi. Kufuatilia kila jambo kwa ukaribu. Alitaka kuona thamani ya miradi kwa fedha aliyokuwa akilipa.  Hili nalo si gumu kama utaamua kuchapa kazi ukijua kuwa malipo si duniani bali huko mbinguni.
        Sita, usiue maono na visheni na kiu ya kujitegemea na kuionyesha dunia kuwa tunaweza hata bila ya wafadhili wawe halali au haramu. Ndiyo maana, tangia mtangulizi wako alipochaguliwa, hakuwahi kuonekana na makundi ya wafanyabiashara matapeli na wabaguzi tuliozoea huko nyuma wakiwazunguka viongozi wetu ingawa wengi hawakuchagua wala kuwa raia.
        Saba, hakuna jambo lilimpa sifa kama vile kubana matumizi akapiga maarufu sherehe,warsha na ziara visivyo na tija kwa taifa bali ulaji wa wahusika. Aliondoa uzururaji huu kwa fedha ya umma hasa ughaibuni ambao ulishakuwa donda ndugu. Maendeleo yako nyumbani na si ughaibuni. Fedha iliyookolewa iliekezwa kwenye miradi ya baadaye na kudumu ya kijamii kama barabara, madaraja na mengine mengi. Aliweza kupunguza hata mshahara wake. Simaanishi upunguze wako. Ila kama unataka kuendelea kuongoza baada ya ngwe hii, haya mambo ni muhimu kuyazingatia na kuyafanya. Hivyo,  si uwekeze tu kwenye mirand bali hakikisha unamalizia miradi aliyoanzisha marehemu huku ukipanga kubuni mipya.
        Nane, Magufuli hakuwa mwoga wala mnafiki. Alimtanguliza Mungu kwa kila alichofanya. Hivyo, mama inapokuja kupambana kwa ajili ya wanyonge, usiogope mtu wala lawama bali kutenda haki. Najua unaweza. Na kama utafanikisha hili, ile dhana kuwa akina mama hawawezi utakuwa umeipatia jawabu mujarabu. Siri moja, kama utafanikisha ahadi za Magufuli, sina shaka, utaongoza hadi 2035. Ni juu yako kuangalia karibu au mbali kulingana na ulivyoamua kuwa. Kimsingi, watanzania wanataka rais anayewapa matumaini na kuwainua wanyonge akijitenga na wale wanaowadharau au kuwadhulumu wanyonge walio wengi.
Kabla ya kumaliza ngoja tugusie mambo mengine ambayo, kwa kiwango fulani, marehemu hakuweza kuyafanya japo yanao umuhimu kwa taifa. 
        Mosi, taifa linahitaji katiba mpya ambayo itajenga mfumo unaojitegemea wa kuendesha nchi badala ya huu wa sasa unaotegemea nani yuko madarakani. Kimsingi, mema yote aliyofanya Magufuli yangekuwa kwenye katiba na mfumo wetu wa uendeshaji, usingekuwa na changamoto zinazokungojea baada ya kuapishwa. Tunahitaji mfumo wa kuwajibika unaojitegemea badala ya kutegemea rais pekee kama ilivyo sasa.
        Pili,Tanzania inahitaji mfumo unaomlazimisha kila mtanzania kutangaza na kutoa maelezo ya mapato yake kila mwaka. Hii ndiyo siri iliyozifanya nchi za magharibi kuendelea na kutajirika na kuepuka ufisadi wa kutisha. Kwani, mfumo huu wa kisheria unaomtaka kila mwananchi na mkazi atoe taarifa za mapato yake kila mwaka unaua motisha wowote wa watu kuingia kwenye jinai zinazowawezesha kupata utajiri wa haraka.
        Tumalizie kwa kukutakia kila la heri na fanaka katika kazi yako mpya.  Mungu akusimamie, akushauri na kukupa kila ujasiri na weledi unaohuitaji katika kutekeleza majukumu yako kama rais kwa mujibu wa viapo ulivyokula. Tunakuombea ufanye makubwa ili hata kwenye uchaguzi ujao chama chako kiweze kukupendekeza kugombea tena uweke rekodi nyingine. Kama ambavyo wanawake wameweza kuwazaa wanadamu wote, tuonyeshe kuwa wanaweza kuwaongoza. Akina Margaret Thatcher, Mary Robinson na  Angela Merkel huko Ulaya waliweza kulithibitisha hili bila shaka yoyote. Nakuomba mama Samia. Anzisha mchakato wa kutengeneza African Iron Ladies (AILs). Mama, natamani uwakosoe wale wanaosema mwanamke hawezi, uvunje hata rekodi ya Magufuli kama utaamua. Cha mno ni kuwa rafiki wa maskini hata kama matajiri watakuchukia kama ilivyokuwa kwa hayati Magufuli. Natanguliza shukrani. Kazi kwako.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema kesho.

DAIMA TUTAKUKUMBUKA CHUMA NA JIWE LETU LA THAMANI SHUJAA WA AFRIKA JOHN POMBE MAGUFULI (RIP)

 

DARASA TOKA KWA HAYATI JOHN POMBE MAGUFULI

Japo si mara ya kwanza kwa Tanzania kupoteza kiongozi wake, kifo cha rais hayati Dk John Pombe Joseph Magufuli kina masomo mengi ambayo ni nadra kuyadurusu kwa makala moja au kitabu kimoja. Mara ya kwanza, tulipata msiba wa baba wa taifa Mwl Julius Kambarage Nyerere (1922––1999). Msiba huu ulivunja rekodi kwa waombolezaji. Hii ni kutokana na mchango aliotoa kwa taifa letu ukiachilia mbali uadilifu, uchangamfu, uchapakazi, ushupavu na weledi wake. Kwa waliokuwapo kipindi kile wanakumbuka mitaa jiji la Dar Es Salaam ilivyofurika watu wakati wa kuuaga mwili wake. Mara ya pili, taifa lilimpoteza rais wa awamu ya tatu hayati Benjamin Wiliam Mkapa (1938––2020). Majonzi yalikuwa makubwa japo si kwa kiwango cha Mwl Nyerere. Miezi michache, ilikuja funga kazi alipofariki ghafla rais Magufuli (1959––2021).
Pamoja na kuwa rais aliyewahi kutawala kwa kipindi kifupi nchini, Magufuli atakumbukwa kama rais aliyefanya mambo mengi katika kipindi hicho kifupi huku taaswira yake itambaa taifa zima na dunia nzima. Umati wake umevunja rekodi. Kwani, ilikuwa mara ya kwanza kuona akina mama wakitandika khanga na vitenge vyao barabarani ukiachia mbali akina baba kutandika T-shirts na masharti yao barabarani ili gari lililobeba mwili wake lipite juu yake kama alama ya heshima, kumbukizi na upendo kwa Magufuli.
Yafuatayo ni masomo muhimu yatokanayo na maisha na urais wa Magufuli ambayo, kimsingi, yanamtofautisha na watangulizi wake:
Mosi, kama nilivyodokeza hapo juu,  Magufuli aliweza kufanya mambo makubwa na mengi yaliyowagusa watanzania wote ndani ya kipindi kifupi cha miaka mitano kiasi cha miradi aliyoanzisha ima kuzidi au kuwa karibu sawa na yale yaliyofanywa na watangulizi wake, kwa pamoja. Mfano, rais Magufuli atakumbukwa kwa kujenga miundombinu mingi nchini kuanzia barabara, reli ya kisasa  (SGR), madaraja, flyovers mijini, meli, kununua ndege mpya 11, kulifufua Shirika la Ndege la Tanzania (ATC), kufumua na kufuta mikataba ya uwekezaji ya kinyonyaji, kupambana na ufisadi, kutimua walioghushi vyeti vya kitaaluma, kupanua bandari, mashule, hospitali, zahanati, viwanda, kuongeza bajeti za afya na elimu na maendeleo na mengine mengi. Hii ni mojawapo na mambo yaliyofanya apendwe na kuheshimika sana. Kwani, kila mwananchi alimuona kama mwenzake na mkombozi wake. Akina mama waliokuwa wakijifungulia barabarani walijengewa zahanati karibu nchi nzima huku watoto wao wakijengewe mashule na elimu kutolewa bure kuanzia shule ya msingi hadi sekondari.
Pili, Magufuli alikuwa mfuatiliaji si kawaida. Katika muda mfupi, nadhani aliweza kutembelea nchi karibu kuliko rais yeyote. Ili kufanikisha hili, Magufuli aligoma kusafiri nje ya Afrika kwa kipindi chake chote. Alikuwa akitumia muda wake kutatua matatizo ya raia hata yaliyokuwa madogo. Umma utamkumbuka alivyokuwa akiwapa fedha maskini waliomlilia shida huku akiamuru wasaidizi wake kushughulikia matatizo ambayo asingeweza kupatia ufumbuzi pale pale. Ni kutokana na ufuatiliaji wake, Magufuli alikuwa mgeni kila sehemu Tanzania kila alipopata fursa ya kufanya hivyo ima kwenda kusikiliza matatizo ya wananchi au kufuatilia ahadi zake.
Tatu, Magufuli alikuwa na sifa ya kutopenda makuu. Aliwasumbua sana wasaidizi mara kwa mara akishuka kwenye gari lake kwenda kujiunga na wananchi ima kucheza nao, kutembea nao, kusalimiana nao au kuwasikiliza hata pale ambapo waandaji wa ziara zake walithubutu kuwaficha wasimfikie kumueleza matatizo yao. Ndiyo maana akapewa jina la Mtetezi wa Wanyonge. Na hakika. Alikuwa Mtetezi wa Wanyonge. Magufuli alikuwa mnyenyekevu wa kweli si kwa maneno tu hata matendo.
Nne, Magufuli alijaliwa kipaji cha kujieleza. Kila aliposimama kujieleza, alitumia lugha rahisi na kuhakikisha ujumbe wake unamfikia yule aliyemlenga. Mbali na kuzungumza lugha iliyoeleweka kwa wananchi, Magufuli alikuwa na matendo yaliyowateka watanzania. Mojawapo yalikuwa ule ujasiri wa kufukuza wasaidizi wake walizembea; kukamata mafisadi; kukemea hata wakubwa mbele ya wadogo huku akisisitiza kuwa kazi ya serikali haikuwa kuwatumia wananchi bali kuwatumikia. Alihakikisha kura alizopigiwa zinaleta matumaini na kukidhi matarajio ya wapiga kura na wananchi kwa ujumla. Katika kuthibitisha alivyokuwa amejitenga na umangimenza, Magufuli alisifika kwa mtindo wake wa kutumbua majipu ambao wakubwa wengi serikali hawakuupenda kwa vile ulikuwa unawanyang’anya tonge mdomoni.
Tano, Magufuli alikuwa akisema mara nyingi kuwa alikuwa amejitoa kafara na sadaka kwa Tanzania. Hivyo, hakuogopa kufa au kuuawa. Mara zote alikuwa akisema hili huku akimtanguliza Mungu kwa kila kitu. Na aliishi kana kwamba atakufa kesho huku akifanya mema na uwekezaji kana kwamba ataishi milele. Hakuwa muongo wala mbinafsi na mchoyo wala mlevi wa madaraka. Hakika, Magufuli aliishi kile alichohubiri na kuhubiri kile alichoishi. Katika kuonyesha kuwa kweli alikuwa kafara, hakusita kufanya maamuzi hatarishi na magumu kama vile kuzuia kuendelea kujengwa bandari ya Bagamoyo ambayo mtangulizi wake alikuwa ameithinisha wakati mradi wenyewe haukuwa na maslahi kwa taifa. Kila mtu anajua nguvu ya taifa la China kwa sasa. Ni Magufuli pekee aliyelitolea nje wazi wazi akisema kuwa ule mradi usingeweza kupitishwa hata na mwendawazimu.
Sita, Magufuli alikuwa mchapakazi hakuna mfano. Rais Samia Suluhu Hassan aliyemrithi alisema kuwa masaa 24 hayakuwa yakimtosha. Alisema kuwa Magufuli alifanya kazi sana hadi wasaidizi wake wakawa na hofu kuwa angeweza kudhuru afya yake. Pamoja na ushauri wa kupumzika, mara nyingi alikataa akaendelea kuchapa kazi. Hivyo, aliposema Hapa Kazi Tu, aliishi kauli mbiu hii ambayo ilimfanya akubalike kwa watanzania aliowahimiza kuchapa kazi na kujitenga na njia ya mkato katika maisha hasa akizingatia alikotoka kuwa mwalimu wa kawaida wa sekondari hadi akawa rais wa nchi.
Mwisho, kama nilivyoanza, si rahisi makala moja wala kitabu kimoja kuelezea mambo aliyofanya Magufuli ndani ya miaka mitano na miezi miwili ya urais wake. Tokana na staili yake ya uongozi, wapo wanaosema kwa kukata tamaa kuwa viongozi kama hawa hutokea mara chache katika nchi. Kuna ukweli japo wasemayo haya wanaonyesha hofu na wasiwasi kuwa hakuna wa kuvaa viatu vyake vikubwa. Kumbuka marehemu Thomas Isdore Sankara wa Burkinabe au Samora Moses Machel wa Msumbiji? Kwa hiyo, tusianze kuomba na kungoja atokee Magufuli mwingine Tanzania bali tujifunze masomo aliyotoa ili tuyarudufu katika kulikomboa taifa letu na bara letu. LALA MAHALI PEMA DK JOHN POMBE JOSEPH MAGUFULI rais wa awamu ya tano aliyetutoka.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema kesho.

KATUNI YA WIKI JUU YA UZUSHI DHIDI YA HAYATI MAGUFULI NA WATANZANIA

THE MAGUFULI THAT I USED TO SEE AND ANALYSE

When I revisit President John Pombe Magufuli’s life, I try, in inch-meals and details, as much as I can, to see through him, so that I can see what many seem to have failed to see. I see a man with big heart, ideas, dreams; mission-cum-vision, and insurmountable patriotism; the man who wants to sweep clear the country of corruption and ineptness. Under Magufuli’s mantra Hapa Kazi Tu, any eye could see a man who’s struggling with big and unstoppable dreams, mission and vision of freeing his country from dependency while it sits on immense resources of value; the man who isn’t ready to give in or give up; a determined one struggling to radically make his mission and vision clearly understandable to his people, whom, though not all, it has begun to dawn on them. Sincerely, in Magufuli, I used to see the man, who didn’t preach water and drink wine; that talked the talk and walked the walk; who conscientiously understood what he’s into; its dangers, intricacies and snags; the man who determinedly sought to snatch the victory from the jaws of defeat.
        Undeniably, I verily saw the man many failed to understand, who–––at this age of mega corruption is rare to get-equate to a needle in the haystack. I saw a poor prophet who, like Mwl. Julius K. Nyerere, once asserted he wasn’t accepted in his town. Refer to how other countries emulate Dr. Magufuli while some of our people lampoon him.
Actually, in Magufuli I used to see a no-nonsense man who refused to be politically correct; who honestly and openly spoke his mind regardless of what; who’s not after fame or jollification, but, pulling the country out of systemic and manmade miseries; the man whose love, oomph and tenacity for his country, apart from being second to none, are sans doute unparalleled or unquestionable.
        Verily, in Magufuli I used to see an intrepid man who’s ready to die for what he believed in; the one who made corrupt and lazy elements in the country feel a shiver down to their spines; the man many gave many names, bad and good, depending on where one stands. I used to see the man who, now and then, time and again, unperturbed and truthfully, led his people despite the hardship of fighting and stumping out corruption, graft, ineptness, laxity and lack of discipline in public business; a selfless man who had been in the upper echelons of power for over two decades before becoming president; the man who knew the corridors of power like the back of his hand; and who refused to sell his soul for material things. Let’s reason together. For such a long time, if Magufuli wanted to become rich what would have stopped him? He once said that some crooks tried to deposit some money in offshore accounts for him, but, totally refused to sell his people including himself.
        Indeed, when I saw Magufuli, I used to see a formidable and forthright leader aspiring to detach from the past in order to make the better present for the best future of his people; the man whose mind was pinned on development of his people with the determination to bring about change by daringly plodding where many fear to. I might be wrong, but not totally wrong. I might be right, likely but not otherwise. Looking at what Magufuli achieved within a short time, I can comfortably say that the man heavily invested in the bright future. Again, did his people understand his mission-cum-vision? Methinks the hoi polloi did. Consider the thousands who braved the element to bid him farewell.
        Jokes aside, Magufuli was the man who resolutely believed that education is not only key but also a key to the perky future of the nation; the man who, under whose watch Tanzania has seen school enrolment triple as the government support doubles, thanks to free education and the affordability of loans for higher education, not to mention the hospitals that are now offering services instead of offering nothing but claiming fees; the man who under whose watch Tanzania has actually witnessed the return of efficacy in public services and, above all, code of ethics that’s now evident in public services.
        More so, in Magufuli, I used to see the man to whom connectivity, mobility; centrality of infrastructures, advance ones, airports, bridges, ferries, flyovers, planes, railways (SGR), roads, ships–not to mention turning Tanzania into a modern workshop for modernisation; or call it the Magufulification–are non-negotiable. For instance, according to Radio Vatican (Dec., 18, 2017), under Magufuli, Tanzania saw 2,571 kms of road being repaired, the increase of tourists from 1,137,182 in 2015 to 1,284,279 in 2016. Further, in 2017, the government was able to connect 117 local government offices, 71 postal offices, 129 police stations, 90 hospital and 27 courts to the optic fiber networks, not to mention 425 schools that will get free internet.
        Moreover, according to the Maverick (Feb., 14, 2016), when Magufuli came to power, country’s revenue collection was Tshs. 900 billion. Henceforth, Tanzania saw revenue collection swell to Tshs. 1.5 trillion. Additionally, over 10,000 ghost workers were purged saving the government over $2 billion monthly (BBC, May 16, 2016); not to mention the forgers and the likes. Is this a small feat really? When it comes to the equanimity and peaceability of the country, Tanzania still is peaceful, thanks to having such a unitive, but polarising figure; a go-getter per se who never throws in the towel come shine come rain.
        In sum, in Magufuli, I used to see a person that Tanzania, for many years, yearned for after Nyerere retired; a martinet many future generations will mention with awe and howl even if he did not finish his projects and vision of seeing Tanzania through as an example for other African countries that they have what it takes shall they decide to do right thing in a right way and time. It is sad that Magufuli left the scene as fast as he came.

Source: African Executive Magazine tomorrow

Waraka wa Nkwazi kwa Watanzania na Wanyonge Dunia Nzima

Ndugu watanzania, wapendwa, kwanza nitoe salamu za rambi rambi kwa familia ya marehemu Rais John Pombe Magufuli aliyetutoka hivi karibuni na taifa kwa ujumla. Hakuna ubishi. Hiki ni kipindi kigumu na cha pekee kwetu kama jamii na taifa. Tuna changamoto nyingi kubwa ikiwa ni kama kweli mema yote aliyotenda yataendelezwa ikiwamo miradi mikubwa na utetezi madhubuti wa wanyonge.  Pia ni mara ya kwanza kwa taifa letu kupoteza kiongozi wake akiwa ofisini ingawa sisi si wa kwanza kupata balaa hili. Tunayo mifano ya mataifa jirani kama vile Kenya alipofariki mwanzilishi wake Jomo Kenyatta mwaka 1978, Zambia ambapo rais wake wawili, Levy Mwanawasa, 2008 na Michael Satta, 2014 na  Malawi ambapo rais Bingu wa Mutharika alifia madarakini 2012, makamu wao walichukua madaraka. Nchini Msumbiji, alipokufa Samora Machel, mwanzilishi wa taifa hilo, waziri wake wa mambo ya nje Joachim Chisssano aliapishwa kushika madaraka. Pamoja na wote, ni mwanamke pekee aliyechukua nafasi ya urais aliyekuwa makamu wa rais. Huyu si mwingine bali Joyce Banda ambaye alimalizia kipindi cha mtangulizi wake lakini akashindwa kujijengea ushawishi wa kuchaguliwa alipogombea baada ya kumaliza kipindi husika. Mwingine aliyeshindwa kufua dafu ni Rupia Banda pale nchini Zambia. Naye aliongoza baada ya kifo cha Mwanawasa akakimaliza na kushindwa katika uchaguzi uliofuata.
            Je hili linatufundisha nini? Ni mambo mengi kubwa likiwa onyo kwa rais wetu mama Samia Suluhu Hassani aliyerithi nafasi ya hayati Magufuli. Naamini na kumpa angalizo kuwa kama atataka kwenda mbali zaidi ambayo ni haki yake na anastahili, ahakikishe anavaa viatu vya marehemu na kutimiza yale waliyokuwa wakiyafanya pamoja hasa kuipeleka nchi kwenye uchumi wa viwanda. Hili linahitaji kujitoa mhanga na kupambana kweli kweli. Hivyo, tumsaidi atufikishe huko. La pili, kama wananchi, tuhakikishe tunachapa kazi na kudumisha mshikamano wa kitaifa ili taifa letu liendelee kuwa kisiwa cha amani. Tukifanya hivi, hatutajiletea maendeleo tu bali tutamuenzi hayati Magufuli ambaye wanyonge wengi walimpenda kutokana na kuwapa matumaini na wengine kuwainua kwa kuhakikisha wanatendewa haki.
            Kama taifa, nawaomba tumpe ushirikiano kiongozi wetu mpya kuhakikisha tunashikamana na kushirikiana katika kumuenzi rais Magufuli aliyetokea kupendwa hata zaidi  baba wa taifa Mwl Julius Nyerere. Sipigi chuku. Ukiangalia umati uliofurika kumuanga Magufuli ukalinganisha na ule uliomuaga Nyerere na namna vilio vilivyotawala, utajua nisemacho. Sijui kama hata waliompokea Yesu kule Jerusalem walivunja rekodi hii. Mapenzi yetu tuyaonyeshe kwa mrithi wake na kuhakikisha tunamkumbusha pale anapotokea kusahau jambo bila ya kulazimika kuleta vurugu.
            Kama taifa, nawaomba na kuwasihi tuhakikishe kasi ya kupambana na ufisadi inaongezeka. Kama taifa hasa umma wa wanyonge, tusikubali kuona miradi ya maana aliyoanzisha Magufuli kama vile ufufuaji wa Shirika la Ndege Tanzania kwa kununua ndege mpya kwa kutumia fedha yetu, kujenga reli ya kisasa ya SGR, kupanua bandari zetu, kujenga meli na barabara na mingine mingi vinauawa.  Naomba nieleweke kuwa sina maana kuwa vitu hivi vitakufa. Ila ikitokea kukawa na dalili za kufanya hivyo, tusiogope lolote bali kuhakikisha tunavisimamia na tunavitunza kwa uaminifu mkubwa.
            Kama taifa, naowamba mhakikishe mali na raslimali zenu zinawanufaisha wote na si wachache. Kimsingi, hakuna miujiza aliyotenda hayati Magufuli ila kusimamia mali na raslimali za umma kwa uadilifu na usawa. Kama jamii, lazima hili mhakikishe linafanyika ili kuondoa mianya ya kunyonyana na kuweza kusababisha ukosefu wa amani na haki. Hili si jambo la kuomba au kupewa kama hisani. Hayati Magufuli alilionyesha hili kwa vitendo. Hivyo, kila mtu asimamie haki si kwa ajili yake tu bali hata wengine hasa wanyonge ambao ndiyo walio wengi. 
Magufuli alikuwa rais wa wanyonge duniani
             Japo alichaguliwa na kuongoza watanzania bila hata kwenda nje kuzurura, hayati John Pombe Magufuli hakuwa rais wa Tanzania tu. Kisheria alikuwa rais wa Tanzania. Kimsimamo, alikuwa rais wa Afrika nzima. Ukizingatia nchi Jirani zilivyompa heshima ya kwa kutangaza siku za maombolezo, haijawahi kutokea. Uganda wametangaza wiki mbili za maombolezo, rais wa Jamhuri ya Kidemokrasia ya Kongo (DRC) Felix Tshekedi alisitisha kila kitu na kuhutubia taifa kulitaarifa siku tatu za maombolezo. Magufuli ameombolezwa karibu dunia nzima kwa namna tofauti. Mfano, wapo watu waliotoka sehemu mbali mbali duniani kuja kuungana na watanzania katika msiba huu mzito.
            Kwa watanzania na dunia nzima, mambo aliyoweza kuyafanya kwa muda wa miaka mitano–––kama angekuwa sawa na wahubiri matapeli wanaotangaza kufanya miujiza wakati ni utapeli–––basi angeweza kuyaita miujiza. Hakuna kitu kilichomfanya Magufuli kukubalika na kuheshimika duniani kama kuwajali wanyonge, kupambana wazi wazi na ufisadi, kujiamini, uzalendo na uchapakazi usio na mfano. Aligusa maisha na nyoyo za wengi duniani hasa watu wa tabaka la kawaida. Nakumbuka rafiki yangu kiongozi wa kata alipokaribishwa ikulu kukutana na rais, aliniambia kuwa alitoa machozi na si yeye pekee bali wengi wa kada yake. Kwani, kwa maisha yao yote, hawakuwahi hata kuota kuwa wangeingia ikulu achia mbali kuwa kikao na chakula na rais wa nchi. Lakini Magufuli–––mtoto wa mkulima ambaye hakusahau alikotoka–––aliweza kuwafanya watu wa chini kama hawa kukaa ikulu na kuongea na rais bila woga wala kusumbuliwa. Nadhani, hakuna rais aliyewahi kuipeleka ikulu kwa wananchi kama Magufuli. Hakuna rais zaidi yake aliyewahi kushuka kwenye gari na kwenda kuwasikiliza wasiojiweza tena akikaa nao kwenye mavumbi na kuwasikiliza kama Magufuli. Hakuwa mtu wa makuu wala majivuno zaidi ya ubinadamu na unyenyekevu. Ndiyo maana akapendwa duniani nzima has ana wanyonge.
            Mie na mzee Pius Msekwa, Spika mstaafu wa Bunge la Muungano, tuliandika kitabu kinachoweza kutafsiriwa kama Umagufuli, nadharia inayoweza kueleza msatakabali wa Afrika na Magufuli afanyaye mambo kutokea au kwa kimombo Magufulification, the Concept That Will Define the Future of Africa and the Man Who Makes Things Happen ambacho kilitoka mwezi mmoja kabla ya mauti kumfika.
            Baada ya kutangazwa msiba wake, pamoja na mstuko na ngoa, niliweza kutumia muda kwenye mtandao nikidurusu namna dunia ilivyoupokea. Nilisika maneno yaliyoelezewa kama makufuru ya msanii mmoja aliyeamua kumtukana Mungu kwa vile alimuombea sana marehemu neema lakini akamchukua. Nilisikia mshairi toka Afrika Kusini, mama aliyetoka Kenya kuja kuomboleza na wananchi mbali mbali wa mipakani ukiachia mbali marafiki zangu toka pande zote za dunia walionipa salamu za rambirambi na kuelezea namna walivyomkubali Magufuli. Nilisomakwenye mitandao wasiwasi juu ya kutekelezwa miradi aliyoanzisha Magufuli na kuendeleza mema na staili yake ya kutawala hasa ukweli, uwazi, upendo na kutoogopa ukiachia mbali utabiri wake juu ya kifo chake. Kwani, mara nyingi alikuwa akiwaandaa watanzania kuishi baada ya yeye kuondoka duniani kana kwamba alijua kifo chake.

            Kwa ufupi ni kwamba rais Magufuli hakuwa wenu peke yenu bali dunia nzima. Ndiyo maana msiba wake ni wa dunia nzima hasa ikizingatiwa alionyesha njia ambayo­­­–––kama Afrika kweli inataka kujikomboa–––kila nchi ikizurudufu, inaweza kusonga mbele ndani ya muda mfupi. Namaliza kwa kuwaomba viongozi wetu wasituangushe wala kumuangusha Magufuli kama alivyopenda kusema mara nyingi kila alipohutubia taifa. LALA PEMA SHUJAA WETU JOHN POMBE MAGUFULI.
Chanzo: Raia Mwema leo

LET US FACE IT MAGUFULI WAS TRULY LOVED

Looking at Khanga and Vitenge were spread on the road for his casket to drive over, I am convinced that the late President John Magufuli was truly loved. Nothing like this has ever Tanzania evidenced or experienced in its history. Indeed, Tanzanians loved their late President who goes to history books as the president who ruled for the shortest time but did a lot of development compared to his four predecessors combined. RIP JOHN POMBE MAGUFULI.

'MARAFIKI' WA HAYATI MAGUFULI WALIOSHINDWA KUMZIKA

Waswahili husema: Akufaaye kwa dhiki ndiye rafiki. Je asiyekufaa ni nani? Pumzika kwa amani shujaa wa Afrika John Pombe Magufuli.