KK ONE OF THE BEST AFRICAN PRESIDENTS

Kenneth Kaunda was born at Lubwa in Chinsali District on 28th April, 1924, to a Church of Scotland missionary father David Kaunda from Malawi. Kaunda became Zambia’s first president on 24th October, 1964 till November 2nd, 1991.

Kaunda was a record breaker in several ways. He was one of the last two living first African presidents along Sir Dawda Jawara, Gambia’s first president. He was the first sitting president in Africa to concede defeat, quit office and vacate office right away after losing in elections. He didn’t attempt to rig or change the election results. Ironically, some African presidents are amending the constitutions of their countries to remain in power. 
    Although Kaunda was not as vocal as Nkrumah and Nyerere, he managed Zambia responsibly and diligently despite presiding over a one-party rule. Venter & Olivier (1993) note that “Kaunda became renowned as a passionate proponent of human rights in Africa and was sometimes depicted as conscience of Africa” (p. 25). His humanism philosophy that others call Kaundaism is in actual sense Ubuntu, the guiding principle in all societies in Central, East and South Africa region. Ubuntu is misconstrued to have originated from South Africa; See Mbigi & Maree 1995; Gade 2013) while it actually was practiced by all Bantu people.  
Under his humanism philosophy, Kaunda coined the One Zambia, One Nation slogan which has since differentiated Zambians from non-Zambians. Under, and, after Kaunda’s watch, Zambia remained one nation.  Power never got into Kaunda’s head. Vengeance never became his weapon of silencing dissenting voices. 
    Kaunda tried as much as he could to be as transparent and as humane as he could. He was not an angel or a know-it-all person. He knew that power was like a coat on somebody’s back. He knew that power rested in citizens; hence when citizens voted against him, he conceded defeat.  
    Before going to elections, he told Zambians that he still had something to offer to Zambia. He told them  that if they voted him out, he would not turn back. After Chiluba mismanaged the country and Zambians clamored for Kaunda, he did not seize this opportunity to make a comeback. He was a man of his own words.  He never groomed his son or any protégé to take over after relinquishing power.  This move helped Zambia to create a precedent and change leadership harmoniously.
    Press (1991) quoting the Africa South of Sahara World Tables (1991) notes on the day Kaunda was defeated quoting him as saying “you win some, and you lose some elections.” Kaunda knew that elections were not the end in themselves. There is life out of the state house. 
    Three years after Kaunda exited power honourably, in the neighbouring Malawi, a long-time dictator, Hastings Kamuzu Banda found himself facing the same predicament.  Banda was defeated in the elections; and unexpectedly though, conceded defeat. Arguably, after evidencing peaceful transition in Zambia. Coincidentally, Malawi is Kaunda’s ancestral land whose politics after Banda seems to be identical to Zambia’s. The same was replicated in Kenya in 2002 when a long-time dictator, former president Daniel arap Moi, agreed to step down; and let his party field another person other than himself. In the same elections, Moi’s protégé, Uhuru Kenyatta, was defeated by the opposition; and Moi had to concede the defeat of his person who was known as Moi’s project or project Uhuru. 
    Africa has witnessed many replications of conducting transparent, free and fair elections in some countries such as Nigeria in 2015 where the incumbent president Goodluck Ebele Jonathan was defeated by opposition candidate Muhamad Buhari. So, by underscoring such replications in various Africa countries, one can say that Kaunda did not only transform himself from a one-party dictator to the father of democracy of Zambia but also created a precedent in the whole continent.
    Before the tumble of copper prices, Zambia’s chief export, Kaunda and his wife, the late Betty, used to bike and appear in public without any security details. At the time, Zambians used to enjoy copper money. Kaunda understood that the love that Zambians showed him had strings attached. The love revolved around positive economic performance. He knew that this love would quickly evaporate when things took a slump. And indeed, after the economy tanked, it evaporated. Kaunda told Zambians that they would not see him anymore in the streets freely biking with his wife as he used to do. 
    The plunge in copper prices should not be solely blamed on Kaunda. Press (Ibid.) notes that Kaunda sacrificed much by imposing economic sanctions against the secessionist white Rhodesian Government of Ian D. Smith at a great cost to the Zambian economy and its prime product, copper. 
    Like his great friend Nyerere, Kaunda contributed immensely to the liberation of Southern African countries that were still under the grip of colonialism in Angola, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa and Zimbabwe. There was nothing eminently dangerous for Zambia’s security like Kaunda’s decision to allow the Umkhoto we Sizwe (MK) or the spear of the nation, the African National Congress’ (ANC) military wing to establish its headquarters in Lusaka from where it carried out its attacks on South Africa. This action put Zambia in more danger than Tanzania which does not share a border with South Africa.  
    The editorial of Tumfweko Zambia News & Entertainment (2013) noted that “the ANC was headquartered in Roma while members of the military wing of ANC, MK, were based in Lilanda area.” Looking at the proximity, Kaunda’s decision was the result of a daring and fearless leader who was not afraid of taking risks. 
    The fall in copper price became a straw that broke the camel’s back. Zambia had much on its table than it could chew. Kaunda faced Zambians and told them to brace for tough times. If Kaunda did not tell them the truth, Zambians would not have prepared themselves to take up the challenge as they heroically did for the whole period their country supported the struggle in South Africa. Kaunda told the Zambians the bitter truth that he knew many people would hate him due to the predicaments they were facing; and the hard times that would follow thereafter. What straightforwardness! 
    As an honest, trustworthy and straightforward person, Kaunda left Zambians and the world at large wondering when he publicly said that one of his sons, Masuzgo Gwebe Kaunda, died of HIV/AIDS (Dec. 21st, 1986). Kaunda cited in Campbell (1987) notes that he did not how his son got AIDS. He would have treated this as a secret for fear of embarrassment. He had the power to coerce doctors to write a favourable report on the death of his son, but he did not. He wanted his people and the world to know that HIV/AIDS was not a respecter of persons or office.     Thereafter, another prominent son of Africa, Nelson Mandela, did exactly the same by openly saying that his elder son, Makgatho Lewanika Mandela, died of HIV/AIDS. Mandela cited in Wines (2005) notes that his son died of AIDS.  
   Kaunda’s leadership skills kept Zambia united and harmonious for the whole time he was in power. Zambia is among a few African countries that have never been under military junta. All this tranquility, and of course, stability is credited to Kaunda’s charisma and skills as a manager of state affairs. The foundations he laid are firm.
    Kaunda was not afraid of openly showing his true self, hobbies and aversions. Many Zambians remember his love for soccer and music that gave Zambia National Football Team a moniker of KK or Kenneth Kaunda. His song Tiende pamodzi ndi mtima umwe or Let’s Walk Together in One Spirit has never escaped the hearts and minds of Zambians. 
    Some quarters accuse Kaunda of being undemocratic. Easterly (2001) maintains that Kaunda discriminated against Bemba, one of the biggest tribes in Zambia for sympathising with the opposition, by favouring his Nyanja speaking tribe. Whether this is true or not depends on how one looks at Kaunda. 
    Arguably, despite such accusations, there is no recorded time at which Zambia tangibly suffered from any tribalism under Kaunda’s watch. I remember; sometimes, in Tanzania, his friend, Mwl Julius Nyerere was accused of favouring Roman Catholics simply because he was one of them. When research was conducted, it came to light that he was the only practising catholic in his government; and the second was his minister who had already acquired a second wife as opposed to Catholic diktat.  To gauge the truth and just accusations, Sklar (1983) differs with Easterly (Ibid.) observing that:
    In Zambia, the concept of participatory democracy was introduced as a national goal by President Kenneth D. Kaunda (1968, p. 20) in 1968. Subsequently, Kaunda (1971, p. 37) construed the concept to connote democratic participation in all spheres of life, so that “no single individual or group of individuals shall have a monopoly of political, economic, social or military power (p. 16).    
    Looking at Sklar compared to Easterly, one can notice a schism in analysing Kaunda. This is normal in social sciences given that claims must be substantiated. To avoid confusion and misleading allegations, there is a simple barometer that one can use to gauge whether a former leader. You just look at how they are treated by the successors after relinquishing power.  When Chiluba humiliated Kaunda, many Zambians condemned it. Kaunda’s personal integrity and clean records enabled him to live comfortably after exiting power which is rare in Africa. 
    Few former presidents lived honourably and without any disturbance thanks to their integrity. These are Kaunda, Mandela, Nyerere and Leopold Sedar Senghor.  However, there were other honest and diligent leaders who were maltreated by their successors despite having committed no crimes whatever. Such are former and first president of Cameroon Ahmadou Ahidjo who died in exile in Senegal and his remains have never been returned home to be reburied honorably by the person he ceded power to, Paul Biya, Cameroonian long-time dictator.     Another victim of political uprightness was Somali’s first president, Aden Abdullah Osman Daar, after being defeated in election by his former Prime Minister; Abdirashid Ali Shermarke in 1967. Daar lived a normal life up until he was imprisoned in 1990 for expressing his views against the former tyrant Mohamed Siad Barre. Daar was released after the fall of Barre a year after and lived a normal life until he died in Somalia at the age of 99 years old. Those were the lucky ones. Most of the founders of African countries were toppled and other killed.
Kaunda’s legacy
    Kenneth Kaunda (KK) will be remembered as the manager of public affairs who did not rob his country. No corruption allegations were put on him. Kaunda united Zambia under his slogan of One Zambia, One Nation which made the country peaceable despite being surrounded by countries that were still under colonialism. Like Nyerere, Kaunda turned Zambia into a hub for freedom fighters in Southern African region by providing headquarters to many liberation movements.  
    Kaunda’s leadership was guided by the philosophy of collectively running of the business of the state. His famous song Tiende Pamodzi or Let us Walk Together  speaks volume not to mention his love of football which resulted to calling Zambia’s national football team KK the initials of his name. Also, Kaunda left another indelible mark on fashion. His Kaunda suit will always be called so and worn by many in Africa not to forget his white handkerchief that has always been in his hands as a symbol of peace for the man and his mission not to forget the nation. One Zambian once said that Kaunda was more than a president. He was a marque, especially if we consider what came to be Kaunda Suit, a simple suit unique and that started to surface after Kaunda invented it. Indeed, even this is his legacy for future generations.
    Kaunda will also be remembered as the leader who wanted to see Africa united. His vision for Zambia was huge, mainly thwarting tribalism without using force. He will always be a point of reference vis-à-vis conceding defeat as he did in 1991 when he lost in the general elections that saw his exit from power. So, too, Kaunda will be remembered and honoured for not interfering in the government of his successor something he would have done if he wanted.
    Just like anybody else, Kaunda was no angel. One of the weaknesses is that he left power unwillingly, as noted above, after being defeated in the general election in 1991. Furthermore, Kaunda will be remembered for his inability to conceal his emotions. When anything that would trigger his tears happened, contrary to African beliefs that a man should not cry, Kaunda would not subdue or conceal his emotion even where he is supposedly expected to “tough it out” as an African man who should not show his weakness like a woman. Such a trait depends on how you look at it. Sometimes, it can be seen as a sign of sincerity and openness or weakness. 

Abridged from  Chapter Five of the Book  Africa's Best and Worst Presidents: How Neocolonialism and Imperialism Maintained Venal Rules in Africa- Langaa RPCIG, Bamenda Cameroon, 2016 By Nkwazi Mhango.
Source: African Executive Magazine today.

Je Sabaya Ni Mwanzo Kuwashughulikia Wengine Waliotenda kama Yeye?

Japo sina mpango wa kujadili suala ambalo liko kwenye mikono ya vyombo vya upelelezi na utoaji haki, kwani ni kinyume cha sheria. Hata hivyo,  nina kila sababu ya kutumia suala hili kujifunza hata kufundisha wengine kama ambavyo niko tayari kufundishwa nao. Hivi karibuni, tuliona picha za aliyekuwa mkuu wa Wilaya ya Hai, Lengai ole Sabaya akiburuzwa mahakamni, pingu mkononi, kichwa chini na aibu isiyo kifani. Hayo ndo maisha. Hata hivyo, kuna somo ambalo watanzania hawawezi kuepuka kujifunza. Hili si jingine bali ukweli kuwa mwanzo wa utawala wa awamu ya sita kufanya mambo tofauti kama njia ya uboreshaji uwajibikaji kwa viongozi wa umma inafungua ukurasa mpya wa uwajibikaji wa umma na watanzania kwa ujumla.

            Hakuna ugomvi kuwa Hayati  Dk John Pombe Magufuli rais wa awamu ya tano alipendwa sana na wanyonge tokana na kuwapigania na kupambana na uoza pale alipoweza. Pamoja na nia yake njema na thabiti, baadhi ya wateule wake walimuingiza mkenge kwa kuwanyanyasa wanyonge hao hao huku wakijitahidi kumfurahisha ima kwa unafiki, kujipendekeza ua kung’ata na kupuliza. Hapa ndipo sakata zima la nani aliwahudumia wanyonge vizuri au vibaya na kuwatumia kujihudumia badala ya kuwahudumia–––kama ilivyodaiwa kwenye sakata la Sabaya–––linapochomoza likiacha maswali mengi kuliko majibu huku umma ukingojea kuona wengine kama yeye wakichuliwa hatua za kisheria ili kutenda haki na kuleta tabia ya uwajibikaji kwa umma.

            Hakuna ubishi kuwa Hayati Magufuli ataingia kwenye vitabu vya historia ya Tanzania kama kiongozi si aliyepigania wanyonge tu bali pia aliyewateua vijana wengi kwenye nafasi za juu tena wengine hata bila sifa stahiki. Leo tutaangalia namna baadhi ya vijana walivyomtumia Magufuli kujifanyia mambo walivyotaka tokana na ukosefu wa uzoefu, ujinga, ulimbukeni na ujana ukiachia mbali ulevi wa madaraka. Wakazi wa mkoa wa Dar wanajua fika jinsi mmojawapo wa vijana hawa wapya kwenye ngazi za juu–––aliyekabiliwa na tuhuma za kughushi elimu na kutumia majina bandia na kunyamaziwa na Magufuli–––alivyoendesha mkoa kama mali yake au ya baba yake kama siyo mama yake. Tunajua aliwahi kusema maneno mazuri juu ya rais SSH wakati wa mchakato wa katiba mpya iliyouawa. Hata hivyo, hii haimpi kinga ya kushtakiwa pale alipokosea. Waliwaangusha waliowateua na pia hawakujua mwanzo wala mwisho wa mamlaka yao ukiachia mbali ubabe, ubinafsi na upogo na upofu wa kutoona mbali. Mfano, mteule huyu alifikia mahali hata kuvamia studio, kutesa, kunyanyasa hata kudhalilisha mawaziri. Rejea kisa cha kutumbuliwa Nape Nnauye aliyekuwa Waziri wa Habari, Utamaduni, Sanaa na Michezo Katibu  baada ya kuhoji uchavu wa mteule huyu aliyesifika kwa akujipendekeza kwa hata kumuabudia Magufuli jambo ambalo naye alipenda na kumvumilia hadi arobaini zake zilipoisha na akamtumbua. Rejea kutishiwa kuuawa kwa bastola kwa Nnauye kwa sababu ya kutaka kujua uoza wa kijana huyu ambaye kwa sasa si mteule bali mkulima mwenye kumilki mali ambayo sijui kama anaweza kuitolea maelezo ukiachia mbali kuwa na muhanga wengi. Je hawa walioteswa na kuhujumiwa chini ya kijana huyu wako tayari kujitokeza ili serikali ichukue hatua kama ilivyofanya kwa Sabaya? Hapa hujagusia waliokimbilia kwenye siasa wakaukwaa ubunge. Hata hivyo, historia yao haiwezi kufutika wala kukimbiwa. Lazima nao walipie madhambi yao ili haki ionekane inatendeka sawa kwa kila mtanzania.

            Kama azma ya serikali ya awamu ya sit ani kutenda haki na kurekebisha mapungufu yaliyotokea kwenye utawala uliopita, tunaamini haitaishia kwa Sabaya bali kuanzia kwake. Magufuli alikuwa binadamu ambaye asingeweza kila kitu. Ndiyo maana wahusika walimzidi kete na kufanya mambo yao na kujineemesha bila yeye kujua. Hata baba wa taifa haya yalimtokea. Kwani si wote waliokuwa wakiimba ujamaa walikuwa wajamaa kama yeye. Hivyo, tusione aibu wala kuogopa kufichua uoza uliotendekeka chini yake sawa na ambavyo utatokea chini ya utawala huu. Mfano mzuri ni toka kwenye utawala Hayati Benjamin Mkapa aliyekiri wazi kuwa baadhi ya watendaji aliowaamini walimuangusha na kumhujumu sawa na hawa waliomuhujumu Magufuli. Watu hawa wanajulikana. Vitendo, ukwasi hata uovu wao vinafahamika kwa watanzania wengi. Hivyo, ni wakati muafaka kutenda haki na kuwashulikia kwa mujibu wa sheria ili liwe funzo kwa wengine. Rais Samia Suluhu Hassan ambaye amejitofautisha na uonevu hana haja ya kusita kuwachukulia hatua ili asionekane anatumia sheria kibaguzi na kiupendeleo.

            Ukiachia huyu wa Dar, yupo mwingine wa Arusha ambaye naye alijigeuza muung mtu akinyanyasa, kuvunja sheria na kujifanyi alivyotaka asijue cheo ni dhamana. Hawa si watu wa kufumbia macho wala kuvimilia. Lazima walipie madhambi yao kama kweli tumedhamiria kutoa haki na kufanya mabadiliko yenye lengo la kuleta mabadiliko yanayolenga kuheshimu mamlaka kama dhamana ya umma. Sheria ya Tanzania iko wazi kuwa hakuna aliyeko juu ya sheria. Hivyo, wahusika wanapaswa kushughulikiwa kisheria ili kuweka mambo sawa na kuondoa dhana kuwa sheria inatumia kibaguzi na kwa upendeleo.

            Tumalizie kwa kumtaka rais SSH kutenda haki sawa kwa wote. Wote wanaofahamika kuwa walitumia madaraka vibaya ima kwa faida binafsi kiasi cha kutokea kuwa matajiri wenye utajiri usio na maelezo au kuwaumiza wengine lazima washughulikiwe bila ubaguzi wala upendeleo. Tanzania ni ya wote kama ambavyo rais SSH amekuwa akisisitiza mbali na kuwaamuru wateule wake kuwaheshimu wananchi ambao kimsingi, ndio wenye madaraka waliyokasimu kwa viongozi ukiachia mbali kuwa viongozi wote wa umma wanaendesha maisha yao na kulipa mishahara yao tokana na kodi za wananchi wa kawaida wanaopaswa kuwatumikia na si kuwatumia kama ilivyo kwenye kadhia tajwa.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema leo.

Wizi Ndani ya Wizi, Unaiba Bilioni 309 na kurejesha 26

Taarifa kuwa mtuhumiwa wa kashfa ya Escrow ambapo ulifanyika wizi wa dola 22,198,544 sawa na shilingi bilioni 309 (Mwananchi, Julai 16, 2021) unaodaiwa kufanywa na mmilki wa Independent Power Tanzania Limited (IPTL) Harbinder Seth Singh pamoja na mbia mwenzake James Rugemalira hapo mwaka 2014 amefanya majadiliano na serikali na kuamriwa kulipa shilingi bilioni 26 zinachanganya na kutisha.  Hata hivyo, vyanzo mbali mbali vinaonyesha kuwa fedha iliyoibiwa ni kubwa kuliko iliyoripotiwa na gazeti tajwa hapo juu. Kwani, kwa mujibu wa Shirika la Habari la China, Xinghua (June 20, 2017) fedha iliyoibiwa ni dola za kimarekani miloni 122.  Kwa wanaokumbuka kashfa nzima ya Escrow, ilizamisha kati ya dola za kimarekani  takriban  milioni 250 hadi 800 na hadi sasa hakuna waliowajibishwa ukiachia mbali na hawa wawili wa IPTL. Kwa taifa maskini kama letu, huu ni ukatili kwa watu maskini.

            Habari kuwa Mahakama ya Kisutu imemuamuru Singh kulipa shilingi bilioni 26 ilinistua, kunishangaza na kunisikitisha. Haraka haraka nilikumbuka tashtiti na utabiri wa kitabu cha Pepo ya Mabwege. Nadhani ni wengi waliostuka na wakataostuka kadri habari zinavyozidi kuenea na kutafakariwa. Sina ugomvi na mahakama kama sheria zetu zilizotungwa na mkoloni na kubariki ujambazi mkubwa huku zikipatiliza udokozi zilitumika kufikia hukumu hii. Kama ni sheria na siyo mkono wa mtu, basi inapaswa kujiuliza kama hizi sheria zimetungwa kututumia au watu tuzitumie? Je sheria zinafanya hata bongo zetu ziache kufanya kazi kiasi cha kufanya vitu ambavyo hata machizi hawawezi kufanya? Je namna hii tutakomesha wizi wa fedha za umma? Je nani ananufaika na sheria kama hizi zenye kutuletea umaskini huku zikiwachochea majizi wakubwa kuendelea kutusikinisha? Je hakuna namna ya kukata rufaa hata kwa mtanzania binafsi ili kuepuka kupoteza haya mabilioni ya fedha?

            Ushahidi wa kimazingira unaonyesha kuwa hakuna mtu mwenye akili timamu achilia mbali nchi nzima anayeweza kuibiwa shilingi bilioni 309 akakubali kurejeshwa bilioni 26 hata kama angekuwa ni bilionea wa kwanza duniani au taifa tajiri kuliko yote. Hapa swali la kujiuliza, hii hasara ya shilingi bilioni 283 nani atailipa au inawekwa kwenye kundi gani? Je ni msamaha? Je ni rushwa? Je serikali ilitoa taarifa za uongo kuhusiana na kiasi cha fedha kilichokuwa kimepotea? Je hukumu hii imezingatia ni faida kiasi gani mtuhumiwa alipata kwa kukaa na mabilioni kama haya kwa miaka yote kama angetozwa riba hasa ikizingatiwa kuwa fedha nyingi za serikali hutokana na mikopo tena yenye riba kubwa? Je hili linahitaji uwe mchumi au uwe na PhD kulifahamu? Je hapa nani anamdanganya nani na kwanini? Je umma unachukuliaje uchokozi huu wa wazi wa kimfumo? Je nini kifanyike japo kama taifa tuonyesha tuna akili na tunajili mali za umma mbali na kuonyesha dhamira ya kupambana na ujambazi huu wa wazi? Je hiyo pesa ingejenga barabara, reli, shule au zahanati ngapi? Ingeweza kununua madawa au vitabu na huduma nyingine muhimu kiasi gani? Je huwa hawa wanaoridhia wizi huu wa wazi huwa wanajiuliza maswali rahisi lakini muhimu kama haya? Maswali ni mengi kuliko majibu.

            Kwa wanaokumbuka kashfa nzima ilivyoshughulikiwa, watakubaliana nasi kuwa kulikuwa na watu wakubwa nyuma ya wizi huu. Kwani, pamoja na ukali wake, hata Hayati Dk John Pombe Magufuli alipoambiwa afukue makaburi lau taifa lipate haki, alichelea kukubaliana na ushauri tokana na uzito wa suala lenyewe.  Hata hivyo, kama tutaendelea na uzembe na urushi huu, kuna siku wanyonge tunaohalalisha kuibiwa wataamka na kudai chao kwa namna ambayo haipendezi. Nikiangalia kinachoendelea nchi ya jirani ya Msumbuji ambapo kuna tishio la ugaidi unaofanywa na wananchi walikata tamaa baada ya kuachwa nyuma kimaendeleo, naogopa kusikia habari kama hizi ambazo ni juu ya dhuluma ya wazi kwa wananchi. Je rais anaweza kuingilia na kuwauliza wasaidizi wake mantiki ya kuibiwa fedha nyingi kiasi hicho na kuamua kufuta kesi na kuwaacha watuhumiwa waende kumbua na kutumia fedha zetu? Je hii haitachochea na kutoa motisha kwa wengine kupanga kutuibia wakijua wazi kuna sheria au mazingira ya kuwawezesha kuponyoka au to get away with murder kama wasemavyo waingereza? Je kuna mengi ambayo hatuyajui hadi watuhumiwa wanakiri na kufanya majadiliano na serikali juu ya namna ya kuiibia? Je mtu aliyevunja nyumba anaweza kuruhusiwa kujadiliana na aliyemvunjia nyumba au mbakaji na aliyembaka? Je sheria zetu zimetungwa kumtumikia nani na kumtumia na kumnyonya nani? Inakuwaje kesi ya makosa ya uhujumu uchumi ambayo yana mahakama yake maalumu iamriwe Kisutu?

            Tumalize kwa kushauri na kusema wazi kuwa viongozi wetu wanaposimamia ofisi za serikali na mali za umma, wajue kuna kesho na maisha baada ya kuwa nje ya madaraka. Pia tunashauri rais achunguze sababu zenye kuingia akilini za uamuzi huu ambao hata kama unatokana na sheria mbaya, nao ni mbaya na ni tishio kwa usalama wa taifa letu. Je tuibiwe kiasi gani ndiyo tujue sisi ni shamba la bibi ambapo nyani wanaweza kuingia na kujifanyia uharibifu watakavyo kwa vile bibi hana uwezo wa kupambana nao? Haiwezekani mtu akaiba tembo akatozwa faini ya kulipa kuku au sungura na hii ikaitwa haki. Hii ni kuibaka, kuibemenda, kuichafua, kuidhihaki, kuidhalilisha na kuitukana haki. Kama taifa, tusijiruhusu kufanya hivyo, tutaumiza wengi–––tena wasio na hatia tunaodai kuwatetea ambao watamkumbuka Hayati Magufuli kwa uchungu kwa kuachwa yatima–––nasi tukiwamo.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema leo.

Whereas the world is moving towards nomocracy, Africa is moving away

Combination photo (L-R) Paul Biya, Muhoozi Museveni, Cristel Sassou, Teodorin Obiang

Recently, Congolese President Denis Sassou-Nguesso appointed his son Denis-Christel Sassou-Nguesso minister of a newly created international cooperation and public-private partnerships. This didn’t shock many since nepotism in the upper echelons of power is slowly normalised so as to be accepted in some, if not many, African countries. With this barefaced appointment, once again, Africa added another son of the big man who strategically has started the journey of skulking close to his father’s power.  This shows–––shall anything happen to the big man as was the cases in the DRC, Gabon and Togo and just recently in Chad, the legatee apparent may take over from the father. Call these political spongers princes.  For reminder, when Laurent Kabila’s liquidated in 2001, his son Joseph, then a major-general in his father’s army and deputy Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of DRC, filled the vacuum to mark the beginning of a parasitic family rule in the highest public office in the country already ravaged by violent civil wars and tin-pot dictatorship under thuggish Joseph Mobutu.

Apart from Joseph Kabila, four years thereafter, another prince, Faure Essozima Gnassingbe Eyadema current Togolese president took over after the death of his father, Gnassingbe Eyadema in furthering kakistocracy in the country. Before, Faure was minister of Public Works, Mines and Telecommunications in his father’s long-time dictatorship. Five years soon after, father to son inheritance of presidency’s repeated in Gabon where prince Ali Bongo, one of over 30 children with various concubine, took office after the death of his father Omar Albert Bongo Ondimba who’d ruled for good 42 years. Before, Ali Bongo was Minister of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation in his father’s government.

Africa will always surprise. For, in 2019, like in any necrocracy rather kratocracy, Bongo appointed his eldest son, Noureddin Bongo Valentin, assistant to the president of ‘all affairs of government.’ As if what transpired in the DRC, Gabon and Togo wasn’t enough, in Equatorial Guinea, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbassogo­­­–––who’s the currently Africa’s longest serving president–––in 2016, appointed his oldest son, Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mangue his vice president. Family power sharing is neither a boy’s club nor an androcracy. For, Janet Museveni’s a record breaker who’s a minister in her husband’s government. Nonetheless, Grace Mugabe, former Zimbabwe first lady tried to do what Janet’s perfected to no avail after Robert Mugabe’s booted out in a bloodless coup that dashed Grace’s dreams of succeeding her senescent hubby.

Whereas the three trumps above succeeded their fathers, one Karim Abdoulaye Wade––– was Minister of State for International Cooperation, Regional Development (Aménagement du territoire), Air Transport, and Infrastructure in his father’s government–––and Saif al-Islam Gaddafi didn’t. Wade tried to tinker with the constitution to cling unto power to no avail whereas Gaddafi’s butchered by his own people after the uprisings that sank his 42 years rule. The duo, thus, vanished from political scene after their fathers were booted out.  As for Denis-Christel, like Teodoro Mangue and Lieutenant general Muhoozi Keinerugaba Yoweri Museveni­­–––the commander of Special Force Command (SFC, with unclear speciality) in his father’s army–––though haven’t sat on the seat of president, ­­­are the three princes waiting in the wings up until their fathers who’ve clung unto power die like it recently occurred in Chad where long-time tyrant Idriss Deby was killed in war and his son Mahamat ascended to the throne.

This systemic twaddle seems to have been essentialised and normalised in the world. While this kit and caboodle of self-serving monsters has heartlessly held poor citizens of affected countries for ransom, the international community has always turned a blind eye and deaf ear as if what’s been ongoing is legit and normal. Since such covetous pretenders and hypocrites covertly benefit from such rot and thievish dictatorships, human rights are inconsequential. Anyway, when the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was indorsed in 1948, it didn’t apply to black, poor or women.

In sum, whereas democracy’s thriven in the world, in Africa, aeras revolving around nepotism have increased exponentially. Whereas the world is experience nomocracy, Africa’s moving away from it after many countries have made do with nepotic regimes that turned public powers into their private domain. 

Source: Sunday Monitor today. 

It’s time to decolonise Kinyaa

A hawker sells Kenyan flags in Eldoret town, Uasin Gishu County during Jamhuri Day celebrations at Central Primary School grounds on December 12, 2019.

File | Nation Media Group

What you need to know:

We all live in a world in which many things are fake, or artificial. This includes many countries, including Kenya.
Kenya is both artificial and fake. It’s artificial because the British and other Europeans made it up.
Kenyans, if I can even call them that, are in love with virtually all things European. Let’s see – the English language, the Christian religion, European names often under the guise of Christianity, dress, hair and Western European education. The list is endless. It’s a twisted love affair of the cultural subservience of the enslaved to the enslaver. This mimicry, or proclivity for worshipping things European, is now part of Africa’s zeitgeist. Most Africans don’t even question it anymore. They have fully submitted to Eurocentricity. Today, I want to address an important question about Kenya’s intellectual surrender to Europe and the West. Should the country called Kenya continue to use that name? What’s Kenya’s etymology, and why cling to it?
        We all live in a world in which many things are fake, or artificial. This includes many countries, including Kenya. That’s right – Kenya is both artificial and fake. It’s artificial because the British and other Europeans made it up. They did so because they could. It’s fake because as a state, it lives on the largesse of the West. Kenya is actually a state-let, not a real state. When Kenya confronts problems – which is almost always – it looks outwards, not inwards, for help. We go begging, bowl in hand. For most of Kenya’s life, the US and Europe were our default benefactors. Today, China has joined that league of paymasters. Only fake states look externally, not internally, for help.
I insist we’ve succumbed to the West because of the Original Sin of conception. That original sin includes the name “Kenya”. Naming is a stamp of ownership. That’s why you name your dog, or cat. Some people even name inanimate things like their cars. 
        We name our children because they are of us, and at some level “belong” to us, although we don’t own them. But they are our charges until they become adults. That’s why naming is an act of power and authority. He, or she, who names another has power and authority over that which is named. Does Europe, or the West, still have power and authority over us? If so, why? Are we still in bondage?
        Do Kenyans know why their country is called Kenya, or the Republic of Kenya? European history says German missionary Johann Ludwig Krapf, who’s described by the West as an “explorer”, coined the earliest version of the name Kenya. 
        In 1844, this early German Christian imperialist was in the company of the infamous Akamba long-distance human trafficker-trader Chief Kivoi when he inquired about the name of the mountain peak ahead. 
        Chief Kivoi told him the name of the mountain was Kĩ-Nyaa or Kĩĩma-Kĩĩnyaa in Kikamba because of the ostrich-like snowcap. The Agikuyu called it Kĩrĩma Kĩrĩnyaga and the Embu Kirenyaa. Mr Krapf wrote down Kenia and Kegnia. An 1882 map by Scottish geologist Joseph Thompsons named the mountain Mt Kenia.
East African Protectorate
        Europeans accepted versions of the names Kenia, or Kenya as the name of the mountain. In the earlier colonial period, the country was called the East African Protectorate, not Kenia, or Kenya. It was only in 1920 that the country was officially named the Colony of Kenya. I don’t know why Kenyans didn’t change this name in 1964 at independence. If we are to stick with the name of the mountain as the name of the country, then it behoves us to at least be authentic. Kenya is what the white man called the country. Europeans named us to demonstrate their power and authority over us. The least we can do is call Kenya the “Republic of Kinyaa”. 
        I know some knucklehead will argue that Kenya is already a brand and ask “what’s in a name anyway?” States and countries change their names all the time to more fully reflect who they are, or to reject imposed colonial branding. Czechoslovakia recently became the two different states – Slovakia and the Czech. 
        A half of Sudan broke away and became South Sudan, a very unoriginal name. Tanganyika joined with Zanzibar to become Tanzania. The Kingdom of Kongo became Belgian Congo, Republic of Congo-Leopoldville, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Zaire, Congo-Kinshasa, and Democratic Republic of Congo, or DRC. If we don’t like Kenya, we can make up our own name that’s uniquely ours. Perhaps this will begin our national renaissance. 
        This debate, or lack of it, reminds me why pro-colonialist Western interests and their local elites insist Myanmar is still Burma, the British name for the country. I get the outrage and the illegitimacy of the genocidal and brutal military junta that rules Myanmar. Some think calling the country Myanmar legitimises the junta. That’s silly. 
        We can reject the junta, as we do, but still accept that Myanmar is the country’s historic name, not the fake English-inspired Burma. It’s not up to the West to impose names on countries and insist they remain so. For us, I urge we start by mentally liberating ourselves by dumping “Kenya”. Let’s decolonise “Kinyaa”.
Makau Mutua is SUNY Distinguished Professor and Margaret W. Wong Professor at Buffalo Law School. He’s chair of KHRC. @makaumutua

Source: Sunday Nation today.

REST IN PEACE MFOWETHU KENNETH DAVID KAUNDA

You were a light in the darkness
You were a prophet in the wilderness
Indeed, Ken you were a star in the sky
But it pleased the most high
That you'd to depart
Fare-thee-well Ken Mfowethu

You used to say tiende pamodzi ndmtim'umo

Let's go together with one spirit it translates

Now that you are gone,

We all unite to commemorate in one heart

What a humanist that you were 

Fare-thee-well mfowethu

Go meet with mama Betty

Go greet comrade Major Wezi

Go live pamodzi

Go do so as you ever did in this planet

Go live in the world of spirit

Fare-thee-well Baba wethu

Fare-thee-well Mzalwane 

WHY WE SHOULD ALL READ THE BIOGRAPHIES OF TANZANIA’s PAST PRESIDENTS.

All  Tanzanians  should  endeavour  to  read   the  biographies  of  our  past  Presidents,  because  they  constitute   a  ‘treasure trove’  of   valuable  historical  information ,  which  is  of  huge  educational  value   to  the  present,  as  well  as   future  generations;  since  they  reveal a  lot  more  than  just  an  account  relating to  their  personal  lives;  for  they  include  much  substantial  information  relating  to  national  events  and  occurrences;   which,  taken  together,  form  the  largest  part  of  the  political  history  of  Tanzania.   As  a  British  historian,  one  John  Robert  Seeley (1834 – 95)  is  on  record  as  having  said : “History  is  about  past  politics,  and  present  politics  is  history  in  the  making” (Dictionary  of  quotations, Bloomsbury  Publishing  Limited,  London.)   
        My  article  of  last  week  was  devoted  to   the  event  of  the  official   inauguration   of   former  President  Ali  Hassan  Mwinyi’s   autobiography  book   titled   Mzee  rukhsa :  safari  ya  maisha  yangu    (Mkuki  na  Nyota  Publishers,  Dar es  Salaam,  2020);  which  was  performed  by  President  Samia  Suluhu  Hassan  on  May  8th,  2021;  wherein  I  described  the  said  book  as  “a  masterpiece  presentation  of  the  words  and  actions  of  a  national  leader,  who  ferried  our  nation  through  the  most  turbulent  times,  when  the  country’s  economy  was  at  its  worst  downswing”.  
        But  before  that,  on  12th  November,  2019;  we  also  witnessed  the  inauguration  by  the  late  President  John  Pombe  Magufuli,   of  the  late  former  President  Benjamin  William  Mkapa’s  autobiography  book  titled  “My  life,  My  Purpose :  A  Former  President  Remembers” (Mkuki  na  Nyota  Publishers,  Dars  es Salaam). 
        The  biography  of  former   President  Mwalimu  Julius  Kambarage  Nyerere,  has  already  been  published.  It  is  titled  titled  “Development  as    Rebellon :  A  Biography  of  Julius  Nyerere”  (Mkuki  na  Nyota  Publishers,  Dar es Salaam);   which  was  brilliantly  authored  jointly   by  Issa  Shivji,  Saida  Yahya  Othman,  and  Ng’wanza  Kamata.   I  received  a  personal  copy  of  this  three-volume  tome,   as  a  gift  from  the  Nyerere  Resource  Center  at  the Tanzania  Commission  for  Science  and  Technology;   for  which  I  am  very  sincerely  grateful.  
        I  have  since  had  the  time  to   read  through  all  the  three  volumes;  and,   indeed, as  Thandika  Mkandawire  puts  it  in  the  book’s  endorsements  section:  “It  is  a  spectacular  book,  and  a  fascinating  read.  The  biography  provides  a  complex  analysis  of  Mwalimu   Nyerere:  the philosopher, statesman,  politician,  writer,  teacher,  husband  and  father”.   And  adds:  “the  work  explores  the   controversies  surrounding  Mwalimu’s  public  and  personal  life  in  a  critical  and  sensitive way,  drawing  on  a  wealth  of  information  from  a  variety  of  sources.  It  is  a  powerful  history  of  the  people,  the movements,  and  the  struggles  that  brought  Tanzania  into  existence.”
        Registering  a  small  personal  complaint.
However,  I  wish  to  register  a  small  (inconsequential)  complaint  against  the   authors,   for   their  having  misrepresented  my  intention   in  their  comment  regarding  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  other  book  titled   “ Óur  Leadership  and  Tanzania’s  destiny”!  At  page  221  of  Vol.1;  in  the  paragraph  which reads: “the  book  remained  controversial  even   after  Nyerere’s  death,  when  the  Speaker  of  the  National  Assembly  Pius  Msekwa,  pointedly  omitted it  from  the  exhaustive  list  of  Nyerere’s  books  that  he  included  in  his  obituary)”.                                                                            

         Well,  in  fact,    that  omission  was  based  not  on  the   controversial  nature  of  that  book;  but  purely   on   sheer,  inexcusable  forgetfulness   on  my  part;  which I  sincerely  regret.  In  fact,  I  personally  do  not   consider  that  book  to  be  controversial  at  all;    for,  in  my  opinion,  it   only  tells   “the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  the   truth”  about  the  failings  of  our  top  national  party  and  Government  leaders  at  that  time.  That  is  why  he  said :  “We  need  a  new  leader  of  the  Government,  and  a  new  leader  of  the  Party”.     And,   indeed  soon  thereafter,  we  had  a  new  Prime  Minister,  and  a  new  CCM  Secretary  General.
The   biography  of  Julius  Nyerere.
        This  book   provides   a  wealth  of  authentic  information  regarding   Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  outstanding   contributions  towards  the  following  noble  objectives:-                           

 (a)  the  struggle for  Tanganyika’s   liberation  from  colonialism,  (plus  his  active  participation  in  liberation  struggle  for  the  liberation  of  other  African  countries  from  colonialism  and  apartheid    and   the  associated  struggle  for   the  achievement  of  continental  African  unity);  and          

 (b)  Tanzania’s  difficult  process  of  building  the  new  nation,  after  independence.                                                              

        The  former  President  of  South  Africa,  Thabo  Mbeki,  is  quoted  as  having  said  that  “Mwalimu  never  wanted  his  biography  to  be  published  during  his  lifetime,  because  he  shied  away  from  idols  and  idol  worship.  But  even  then,  his  own  actions  and  thoughts  announced  his  larger-than-life  stature  to  the  world”.    Thank  God,  for  at   last  we  now  have  a   definitive  biography  of  Mwalimu  Julius  Kambarage  Nyerere;  the  founder  and  father  of  our  nation.
  My  own  memories  of  the  late Mwalimu  Nyerere.
 I    have  myself  written  a  book  in  Kiswahili  about  Nyerere,  titled   “ Uongozi   na  Utawala  wa  Mwalim mu  Nyerere”   (Nyambari  Nyangwine  Publishers,  Dar es  Salaam,  2012);   which  includes  several  chapters   which  cover  his  challenges  and  successes:   in achieving  the  country’s  UHURU;    and  in  achieving  the  Union between  Tanganyika  and  Zanzibar;  plus  his  efforts  in  attempting  to  create  an  Ujamaa (socialist)  nation.                                                                                  

        In  addition,  I  have  also  been  writing  special  commemorative   articles  (which  are   regularly   published  in  the  Daily  News   in  October  of  every  year),  commemorating  the   anniversary  of   the  death  of  Mwalimu  Julius  Nyerere.  In  all  of  these  writings,   I  have  endeavoured  to  tell   our  current  young  generation   about   what  actually   transpired  upon  his  departure  from  this  world;   namely  that    “his  death  was  mourned  not  only  in  Tanzania,  but  also  around  the  whole  world  by  the  most  humble,  as  well  as  the   most  exalted  personalities.  This  was  a  clear  testimony  of  his  greatness  as  a  selfless  leader  who  always  put  the  concerns  of  the  people  first;  and  of  his  many  other  attributes”.   And  urging  them  to  remember  that  although  Nyerere  is   physically  gone,  but  the  critical  ideals  for  which  he  lived  and  worked  must  be  kept  alive,   so  that  they  may  continue  to  inspire  our  nation  in  the  continuing  quest  for  peace,  stability  and  justice  for  all;  so  as  to  avoid  falling  into  the undesirable  situation  which  is  metaphorically  described  by   the  famous  English  dramatist  William  Shakespeare in  his  Julius  Caesar,  in  the  following  words:   “The  evil  that  men  do  lives  after  them;  but  the  good  is  often  interred  with  their  bones”.   And   I  humbly  suggested  that  on  our  part,    we   must  not  allow  the  “good “  that  Mwalimu  Nyerere  did  for  our  nation,  ‘to  be  interred  with  his  bones’.  For  we  have  a  binding  obligation  to  ensure  that  his  legacy  continues  to  exist,  for  the  guidance  of   the  post-  Nyerere  generations  of  Tanzanians.
        Different  people,  obviously,   have  different  memories  of  the  late  Mwalimu  Julius  Nyerere  and  his  stewardship  of  the  affairs  of  our  nation.  As   the  authors  of  the  Julius  Nyerere  stated  in  the  PREFACE:-  “Epitaphs  and  eulogies  to  Nyerere  abound.  He  is  revered  and  demonized  in  equal  measure,  sometimes  in  the  same  breath”.              

          Indeed,  Nyerere   has  been  universally  acclaimed  for   his  personal  integrity  and  selfless  devotion,  but  he  has  also  been  condemned   by   some  of   his  critics,  for  what  they  describe  as  his  “disastrous”  Ujamaa  economic  policies.  For  example,  a  Kenyan  scholar  of  international  reputation,  Professor  Ali  Mazrui,  was  a  leading  critic  of   these  policies;  as  evidenced  by  the  following  words  which  he  wrote    in  his  article  titled  “Nyerere  and  I” :-“Nyerere’s  policies  of  Ujamaa  amounted  to  a  case  of  heroic  failure.  They  were  heroic  because  Tanzania  was  one  of  the   few  African  countries   which  attempted  to  find  its  own  route  to  development,  instead  of  borrowing  the  ideologies  of  the  West.   But   they  were  a  failure  because  this  economic  experience  did  not  deliver  the  goods  of  development”. 
 However,  ‘in  the  same  breath’,  Professor  Mazrui  also  had  a  basketful  of  praises  for  Mwalimu  Nyerere,  when  he  said  the  following:- “In  global  terms,  Nyerere  was  one  of  the  giants  of  the  twentieth  century. While  his  vision  did  outpace  his  victories,  and  his  profundity  outpace  his  performance,  he  did  bestride  this  narrow  world  like  an  African  colossus.

        With  his  wise  and  strong  leadership,  and  with  brilliant  policies  of  cultural  integration,  he  took  one  of  the  poorest  countries  in  the  world,  and  made  it  a  proud  leader  in  African  affairs,  and  an  active  member  of  the  global  community”.  
        I  am  one  of  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  most  sincere  admirers,  and  I  readily  concede  that,  being  a  human  being  like  the  rest  of  us,  he  did  indeed  commit  some  mistakes  in  the  course  of  his  stewardship  of  the  affairs  of  this  nation.  But,  unlike  many  of  his  peers,  he  was  willing  and  ready  to  admit  his  mistakes;  and,  where  possible,  to  take  appropriate  action  to  correct  them.  This  is  another  unique  personal  attribute  which  clearly  distinguishes  him  from  many  other  leaders  at  that  top  level.
Mwalimu’s   other  unique  attributes.
Mwalimu  Nyerere  has  been  variously  described  as: “a  humanist;  a  man  of  the  people  gifted  with  great commonsense;   an  original  thinker,  a  teacher,  and  a  humble politician  with  a  compassion  for  the  masses. While  others  have  described  him  as  “an  iconic  and  charismatic  leader,  with  an  extraordinary  capacity  to  influence  followers;  a  man  of  principle,  with  a  combination  of  deep  interest  and  high  integrity;  an  accomplished  orator;  and  a  unique  capacity  to  mobilize  people  through  persuasion  and   power  of  argument”.

My  own  personal   assessment.
 I  had  the  very  good  fortune  of  being  one  of  Mwalimu  Nyerere’s  closest  assistants  and  official  advisers  during  most  of  his  leadership  period;  an  I  can  testify  that  he  was,  indeed,  all  of  that,  and  much  more.  For  example,  He  was  deeply  religious  as  a  devout  catholic,  and  yet  he  was  a  strong  believer  in  the  separation  of  religion  from  politics.  He  is  also  credited  with  two  other  personal   attributes,  namely:-                                  

  (i)  His  willingness  and  readiness  to  hand  over  power  to  other  people.  It  will  be  remembered  that  he  voluntarily  vacated  the  country’s  highest  office   on  two  separate  occasions.  The  first  was  in  January  1962,  just  about  a  month  after  he  had  led  the  country  to  independence.  It   was  unique  for  a  man  to  lead  his  country  to  independence,  and  then  almost  immediately  retire  voluntarily  from  leadership.                                                                             

  (ii) He  had  no  desire  to  accumulate  wealth.  This  is  manifested  by  his  lack  of  ambition  to  acquire  personal  or  family  properties;  for  he  owned only  one  family  bungalow in  Dar es Salaam,  which  he  had  built  using  a  personal  bank  loan;  and another   small  cottage  in  his  home  village  of  Butiama,  which  he  had  built  in  the  early  1950s,  in   preparation  for  his  marriage  to  mama  Maria  Nyerere which   he  always  used  even  when   he  was  the  country’s  President,  whenever  he  went  there  for   his  Christmas  and  New  Year  holidays.
        He  was  also  a  very  modest  man  in his  personal  life,  and  hated  pomposity  in  his  official  life.  And,  in  spite  of  his  lofty  statue as  Head  of  State,  he  remained  a  man  of  humble  origin,  and  a  peasant  at  heart.  He  was   always  at  home  with  the  peasant  community  in   his  in  his   village  called  Butiama;  to  which  he   regularly   returned  to  enjoy  his  annual  Christmas  and  New  Year  holidays;  and  to  which  he  eventually  returned  to  settle  immediately  after  his  voluntary  retirement  from  the Presidency  in  October  1985. He   was,  undoubtedly,  “a  man  of  principle”  and,  indeed,  a  great  man. May   his  soul  rest  in  eternal  paece.   Amen.
piomsekwa@gmail.com /0754767576.

Kweli Wanamjaribu Rais Samia Suluhu Hassan

Japo kazi ya Jeshi la Wananchi wa Tanzania (JWTZ) ni kulinda mipaka ya nchi ili kuhakikisha kuwa nchi inakuwa salama kiasi cha wananchi kuishi maisha yao kwa amani na usalama kama ambavyo limefanya tangu nchi yetu kuwa huru, kuna haja ya kubadili mwelekeo inapoonekana kuna mambo yanayokwenda ndiyo siyo. Sina wasi wasi wala shaka na Jeshi la Polisi ambalo kazi yake ni kuhakikisha unakuwapo usalama nchini na ufuataji na utekelezaji wa sheria. Hata hivyo, taarifa ya juzi kuwa basi la Scorpion litokalo Shinyanga kwenda Kasulu, Kigoma lilitekwa na majambazi karibu na kambi ya wakimbizi ya Nduta na abiria kuporwa fedha na vitu vyao mbali na kupigwa, limenifanya nifikiri nje ya kasha tena bila kasha (thinking out of the box and without box).

Utekaji kama huu ni sawa na ugaidi. Kwani, husababisha hofu na mashaka hakuna mfano. Ugaidi au terrorism husababisha hofu au terror. Hivyo, kupambana nao huwa ni kazi ya vyombo vyote vya usalama tokana na tishio usababishao kwa jamii na nchi. Kutekwa kwa basi la Scorpion ni ugaidi wa wazi mbali na kuwa uchokozi kwa taifa. Pia ni jaribio kwa Rais Samia Suluhu Hassan kuchukua hatua. Kwa wanaokumbuka alivyomuonya IGP Simon Sirro, nadhani wakati wa kufanya kweli ni sasa. Kwani, hata kama Sirro hawezi kutabiri kitakachotokea, kwa mujibu wa ahadi ya Rais, Sirro amekalia kuti kavu. Hana haja ya kuendelea kukalia kuti kavu bali kujiwajibisha na kutafuta shughuli nyingine isiyomuongezea presha.

 Kimsingi, unapomchokoza Amiri Jeshi wa Majeshi yetu lazima ulipie kwa gharama yoyote. Majambazi walioteka basi husika wamemchokoza Rais na haswa haswa IGP. IGP, kwa kushindwa kuona hili likija, amemchokoza rais japo si kwa kutaka. Katika uwajibikaji wa umma, ningekuwa Sirro ningepeleka barua ya kujiuzulu kwa Rais mara moja ili kumpa nafasi ya kupambana na kadhia hii vizuri. Nadhani hata Rais anaongojea uamuzi huu wa kizalendo na kiwajibikaji kwa hamu sana ili kumpa nafasi ya kutafuta mtu mwingine atakayepambana na kadhia hii vilivyo.

Kama Sirro ataamua kuwajibika–––jambo ambalo si bora kufanya tu bali haliepukiki kwa sasa–––si kwamba atajijengea heshima na kuaminika tu bali ataonyesha alivyo kiongozi aliyekomaa ambaye yuko tayari kubebe msalaba wake. Rejea Rais mstaafu Ali Hassan Mwinyi alivyojiwabisha hata kwa kosa ambalo hakutenda na kujingea heshima na kukubalika kiasi cha kuwa Rais baada ya kufanya hivyo. Hivyo, Sirro asione aibu kujiwabisha kabla ya kuwajibishwa. Kwani, akiwajibishwa, atapoteza hata heshima ambayo anayo kwa sasa na kusahaulika haraka. Asiogope kuwajibika. Kuna maisha nje ya u-IGP.

Kujiwajibisha kwa Sirro kutatoa changamoto na somo kwa atakayerithi nafasi yake kujua  yanayoweza kumtokea iwapo hatasimamia vizuri ofisi yake. Niseme wazi. Kilichotokea si kosa la Sirro bali changamoto kwake kama kiongozi. Mzee Mwinyi alipojiwajibisha, hakuwa ameshiriki mauaji yaliyosababisha kuchukua hatua hiyo. Kilichomsukuma ni kusutwa na nafsi yake huku akitaka kuweka mfano na rekodi ambayo, hadi tunaandika, havijawahi kuvunjwa. Ni furaha, heshima na ufanisi kiasi gani kuwa katika vitabu vya historia tena kwa namna ya kupendeza.

Kwa upande wa watekaji, tunapaswa kuwa na sheria kali mbali na utaratibu usio na huruma nao. Kwa mfano, kwanini tusiruhusu askari wetu kupiga risasi watu kama hawa au shoot to kill ili liwe somo kwa wengine? Mbali na hiyo, kuna haja ya kuhakikisha kuwa tunakuwa na magari ya doria kwenye barabara zetu kwa saa 24 siku saba kwa wiki ili kubaini jinai na uovu huu kabla ya kufanyika. Isitoshe, kuwepo kwa magari ya kutosha ya daria na upashanaji wa habari kwa wananchi, kutasaidia kujenga mazingira ambayo yatawakatisha tamaa wote wanaofikiria kuteka magari kama njia ya kujipatia kipato au utajiri.  Tutakapokuwa na sheria za shoot to kill, yeyote atakayejiingiza kwenye jinai, atakuwa anafanya uamuzi akijua mwisho wake ni nini.

Khusiana na kuweka majeshi, napendekeza hivi tokana na namna raia wanavyowaheshimu na kuwaogopa. Sidhani kama kutakuwa na magari machache ya jeshi kwenye doria za barabarani, kuna jambazi atathubutu kutaka kuonyeshana ubabe na wanajeshi. Hatuwezi kuacha watu wetu wanateseka wakati ambapo taifa letu halina kitisho toka nje wakati wanajeshi wetu wapo na walishaapa kuilinda nchi hii kulhali. Lazima tuwatumie. Pia uwepo wa jeshi nao utatoa onyo kali kwa majambazi. Kwani, wanajua uimara na ukali wa jeshi letu.

Tumalizie kwa kusisitizia kuwa muda wa IGP Sirro kujiwajibisha umefika huku tukimuomba Amiri Jeshi wetu Rais SSH kutuletea mtu mwenye uwezo na pia kuridhia kutumia JWTZ kuwasaidia Polisi kupambana na utekaji magari na aina nyingine za ujambazi vilivyoanza kujitokeza hivi karibuni. Ni ushauri wa bure tu.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema Leo.

Wakati wa Vitendo kwa Wanawake ni Sasa

Wanawake wakimshangilia rais Samia Suluhu Hassan 

Rais Samia Suluhu Hassan alinifurahisha na kunikumbusha kitu kimoja pale aliposema, akihutubia wanawake kule Dodoma kuwa wanawake wana nguvu kuliko wanaume. Kwani wamejaliwa nguvu aina tatu yaani busara vichwani, ustahimilivu nyoyoni na vifuani na mtumboni kupitia kutengeneza na kuzalisha binadamu wote. Hapa kuna busara na somo kubwa tu. SSH aliendelea kusema kuwa wanawake siyo viumbe dhaifu bali wenye nguvu kuliko wanaume. Alitolea mfano kwa kumnukuu mke wa zamani wa Marekani, Eleanor Roosevelt aliyesema kuwa mwanamke ni kama jani la chai. Ukitaka kujua nguvu yake muweke kwenye maji moto. Atazalisha rangi mpaka uchoke. Alizidi kunogesha busara kuwa wanawake walijaliwa nguvu tofauti na wanaume ambao wamejaliwa misuli ya kunyanyua vitu hata kuviangamiza ikilinganishwa na wanawake waliojaliwa nguvu ya kuvitengeneza hivyo vitu hata watu.

            Hata hivyo, wakati wanawake wanajitutumua wana nguvu kuliko wanaume kutokana na wanavyotumia nguvu zao constructively, kuna tatizo. Je ni wanawake wote wanajitambua na kuitambua nguvu waliyojaliwa? Je hata wanaojitambua na kuitambua, wanaitumia nguvu husika vilivyo na vizuri? Je wanawaathiri wenzao kujitambua na kuitambua nguvu yao na kuitumia kujenga mitandao yao ili kuweza kujikomboa toka kwenye mfumo kandamizi dume? Je wao wanajiandaaje kuwa sehemu ya suluhu na si tatizo? Je kwa kuendelea kutegemea kutendwa kwa kupendelewa ndo wanajikomboa au kuendeleza ukandamizaji?

            Kuna jambo moja nataka niliseme hapa. Kama wanawake watajitambua na kuitambua nguvu yao na kuamua kuifanyia kazi na kuitumia bila kutegemea kuomba kupendelewa au kutambuliwa, wanaweza kufanya mapinduzi makubwa si ya kijinsia tu bali hata katika nyanja zote za maisha. Nakumbuka  wakati wa vita ya wenyewe kwa wenyewe nchini Liberia. Baada ya kuona vita haikomi na wababe wa vita wanaendelea kuumiza na kuua watu wengi, wanawake waliogoma kutoa unyumba kwa waume zao hadi iletwe amani baada ya kuchoshwa na vita na walifanikiwa. Nchini Kenya hata Marekani silaha hii iliwahi kutumika na kuleta mafanikio. Hivyo, jambo ambalo unaweza kuliona kuwa dogo, likitumika vizuri, linaweza kufanya makubwa. Hapa sitaki niulizwe itakuwaje siku akina baba nao wakiamua kugomea suala hili. Hata hivyo, wana mbinu nyingi za kufanikisha mambo yao.

            Baada ya kuonyesha na kutoa mifano kuonyesha nguvu walizo nazo wanawake, naomba nijikite kwenye nini wafanye ili kujikomboa. Kimsingi, kikwazo cha kwanza cha wanawake si mfumo dume bali wao wenyewe. Ni wao wenyewe kwa vile wanaupa mamlaka na nafasi mfumo dume kuwajengea utambulisho. Hii maana yake ni nini? Nitatoa mfano wa mashindano ya urembo. Licha ya kuandaliwa na wanawake, wanawake hutegemea hadhira ya wanaume kutoa vigezo vya urembo wao badala ya wao kuja na vigezo vyao wenyewe. Hii si mara yangu ya kwanza kutaka mashindano ya Miss Tanzania yaandaliwe na wanawke peke yao bila hata mwanamme mmoja. Kuendelea kuruhusu wanaume waandae na kutawala mashindano haya ni kuruhusu yaendelee kuonekana kama ya kihuni, kimalaya na yasiyo na maana. Kumekuwepo na tuhuma nyingi za rushwa ya ngono. Kuondoa uoza huu, ni kwa wanawake kuandaa mashindano yao wenyewe hasa ikizingatiwa hata kwenye ngazi ya familia, mama huwa ndiye anawaandaa mabinti zake kuwa warembo na si baba.

            Kikwazo namba mbili kwa akina mama ni ile hali ya kuruhusu mfumo dume uwapendelee. Rejea kuwekwa katika sheria mfano viti maalum bungeni. Unapomruhusu mtu kukupendelea, jua anaweza hata kukuonea. Kama tutachukulia kuwa mfumo dume ni adui wa maendeleo na usawa wa akina mama si Tanzania tu bali dunia nzima, tutakubaliana kuwa mfumo huu hauwezi kuwapa nguvu wale unaowanyonya na kuwanyanyasa na kuwanyonya hata kuwagawana ili uendelee kuwatumia kwa faida yake. Wanachopaswa wahanga kufanya si kungoja kupendelewa au kupewa bali kunyakua kile wanachoona wamenyang’anywa. Je wanawezaje kunyakua hicho wanachotaka ambacho ni madaraka? Jibu ni rahisi kuwa–––kama watajipanga vizuri na kutumia namba kubwa waliyo nayo kama mojawapo ya nguvu­­­–––wataingia madarakani tena bila kupambana wala kuandamana. Wakijipanga vizuri, watawahamasisha wanawake kuwapigia kura wagombea wanawake na kuwashinda wanaume. Hili halina ubishi. Kwani wanaowasaidia wanawake kushinda kwenye nafasi nyingi za uongozi ni wapiga kura ambao wengi wao ni wanawake. La pili wanalopaswa kufanya wanawake ni kuhakikisha wanawake wanahamasishwa kushiriki chaguzi na kuchagua wanawake wenzao ili waweze kutetea haki zao.

            Mbinu au mkakati mwingine kwa akina mama kujikomboa na kuleta maendeleo na usawa, ni kuacha kulalamikalalamika na kutoa matamko bali kuanza kufanyia kazi umoja wao ili kuutumia kutatua matatizo ambayo yanawakumba na kuwaunganisha kama wanawake. Wakati wa kuachana na maneno na kuanza vitendo ni sasa kwa wanawake. Pia waelewe kuwa kuna wanaume ambao watawaunga mkono tokana na kujua wazi kuwa nao watakuwa wanufaika. Mfano, watu wengi walioko katika ndoa, bila shaka watasaidia wake zao, ukiachia mbali watoto wa kike hata wa kiume kusaidia mama, dada, shangazi na wanawake wengine wakijua fika kuwa ukimuendeleza mwanamke umeliendeleza taifa kwa ujumla. Mifano tunayo mingi toka nchi za Scandinavia ambazo zimewapa mamlaka wanawake nao wakayatumia vilivyo na vizuri.

            Tumalizie kwa kuwataka wanawake wapokee changamoto waliyo nayo na kuifanyia kazi badala ya kulalamika, kutegemea kuwezeshwa na kupendelewa na wanaume. Bila kufanya hivyo, kelele zote za kumpa nguvu mwanamke na mtoto wa kike ni kupoteza muda. Nani alitegemea kuwa mashoga na wengine wangeweza kupambana na kupata ‘haki’ zao pamoja na wanachofanya kutokubalika kwenye mataifa mengi? Kama wanawake walivyounga na kudai haki za kupiga kura, usawa na mambo meingine mengi waliyofanikisha, wanapaswa kutumia wingi wao, kujenga mitandao, umoja na kusaidiana badala ya kupigana vita na kuwafaidisha maadui zao. Rais SSH ametoa changamoto. Basi wanawake watumie fursa hii kujikomboa. Kwani, hawatakombolewa na yeyote isipokuwa wao wenyewe.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema leo.

MUSIC OF THE WEEK: Diamonds on Her Soles of Shoes

The crass political photograph

 By Makau Mutua

Professor at SUNY Buffalo Law School and Chair of the KHRC.

What you need to know:
The political photograph is a display of humanity posing in ways that the objects think is flattering.
Usually, the pictures are taken in lush residential backyards.
Since the advent of the camera, the mug has been the coin of fame, or infamy. The photo has been used to catch cheating spouses, put criminals away, or provide instant recognition and notoriety. It’s an illusionist’s magic wand. Don’t believe your lying eyes when you look at a picture. I remember pictures of a couple depicting intoxicating mad love. The next day, they met their maker in a murder-suicide. But photos have also been on the side of angels. I have several of my maternal granddad Mbiti Wa Mbele, a lion of a man who lived to be over 100. However, the use of the political photograph in Kenya threatens to discredit the art of photography.
        In the past year – which I shall call the Age of Corona – photographs and photographic images have become the news. The cell phone video, the iPhone photo, and a medley of other electronic images have saturated social media and taken over our little brains. I don’t know how many times in an hour you look at Twitter, FB, Instagram, Tik Tok and other godforsaken temptations of lust and garbage. Or the dark web where resides those among us who are pure evil. I know you can’t help yourself. You must look. Or Tweet. Take my good friend, the omnipresent Ahmednasir Abdullahi, Nairobi’s most visible lawyer. The man tweets every few minutes. He beguiles you with images edited to mislead. 
        There’s Nairobi’s high-rolling potentate, the unrivalled legal maven Donald Kipkorir. Every Friday – and twice on weekends – Mr Kipkorir hosts lavish parties in his manicured Nairobi estate. In his company are always what we call “beautiful people”. Rich, famous, well-educated, well-dressed, well-travelled, well-read and well-spoken. Mirth wafts in the air as the company of A-listers imbibes the finest wines, rare expensive liquors and fine meats. If you were a sorry sod, you might take your own life in despondency upon seeing the seductive pictures he posts on social media. You would be forgiven to believe he’s a prince and not the once barefoot peasant kid from dusty windswept Cheptongei. It tells you we don’t end up where we started.
        Mr Kipkorir has repeatedly said he shares these images to celebrate capitalism in his personal journey from the depths of penury to the summits of power, wealth and pleasure. At best, it’s a rags-to-riches story. At worst, he’s a showboat. But if you judge by the comments on his posts, folks love it. He garners thousands of likes and many entreaties for an invitation, or help from many an impoverished compatriot. It’s unclear whether any of these poor souls have ever been requited. We know this – it’s all great publicity for Mr Kipkorir and his brand. People want to associate with success and so I take it that it hasn’t hurt his legal work. More power to him.
Flaunting their wealth
It’s, however, the explicit political photograph that intrigues me. The political photograph is eye candy, or a meat market of sorts. It’s a display of humanity posing in ways that the objects think is flattering. Except beauty is only in the eye of the beholder. Many of the pictures are of men of high political station. Yet these powerful men find it crucially important to bathe our eyes with their images. Usually, the pictures are taken in lush residential backyards. You’d think you are in some extravagant estate in the American summer. But no – its right here in a Kenya most people never see. These are the men who rule us, and want to desperately continue ruling us.
        Which begs the question: why would people who live like kings and are an infinitesimal, very tiny percentage of Kenyans, ostentatiously flaunt their wealth à la Marie Antoinette? Is that how one campaigns before impoverished voters who live on less than two dollars a day? Domestic workers who trek for miles to get to work at their luxurious mansions because they can’t afford bus fare? The stats about this exclusive club are startling. In 2020, out of a population of 55 million, Kenya had a measly 2,900 US-dollar millionaires. Only 42 Kenyans were worth more than $30 million and no Kenyan is a US-dollar billionaire. So, why would this minuscule group want to expose itself to such a hungry populace?
        That’s how this select group has been campaigning in the Age of Corona. The pictures are supposed to tell us who’s in which alliance. It’s a show of political might. However, I think they are better advised to take pictures in more austere surroundings with struggling common folk. The truth in the pictures is bitter. We only see the same faces and families – and their protégés – who’ve ruled since independence. That’s hardly inspiring – nyet. You don’t look to a past full of atrocity and hardship if you want a prosperous, equitable and just Kenyan future. One final note – most of the men in those political photographs should hit the gym – hard. 
Makau Mutua is SUNY Distinguished Professor and Margaret W. Wong Professor at Buffalo Law School. He’s chair of KHRC. @makaumutua

Source: Sunday Nation and Prof Makau today.

Rais Samia Anajua Anachofanya Hababaishi

Hivi karibuni, rais Samia Suluhu Hassan ameonyesha makucha yake sawa na mtangulizi wake Hayati John Pombe Magufuli. Alipoapishwa, wengi walidhani kwa vile ni mwanamama atakuwa legelege wasijue hakuteuliwa na kuweza kwenda na spidi ya Magufuli kwa makosa. Katika kuonyesha kuwa ana msimamo na anajua analofanya, alipoingia madarakani, alimtema aliyekuwa Katibu Kiongozi, balozi Bashiri Ally Kakurwa tena bila kupepesa jicho. Kwa kumuondoa Ally aliyekuwa amepanda vyeo haraka haraka–––tena akiwa ni mgeni kwenye chama na serikali–––kulimwonyesha kama mtu aliyependwa na kuaminiwa san ana Hayati Magufuli. Hata hivyo, hii haikumzuia rais SSH kumweka pembeni na kuanza kusuka timu ya kuchapa kazi.

Hatua ya pili iliyomwonyesha SSH kama mtu mwenye kujiamini na kujua anachofanya ni pale alipobadili baraza la mawaziri huku akiwapangua hata ambao usingetegemea mbali na kuwaingiza kwenye baraza ambao pia usingewategemea. Hii si kazi ya mtu anayebabaisha bali anayejua anachofanya. Hii si kazi ya mtu anayejaribu. Ni kazi ya mtu anayefanya kweli.
Kabla ya zege kupoa, rais SSH alimdondosha aliyekuwa mkuu wa mkoa wa Mtwara, Gelasius Byakanwa. Hili nalo lilitoa onyo kwa wale waliodhani kuwa rais angekuwa mtu wa kutegemea kila alichofanya mtangulizi wake wasijue kuwa alishaandaliwa vilivyo. Hivyo, hakusita hata kidogo kufanya vitu vyake. Kama haitoshi, kabla ya Byakanwa kupoa, mara aliyekua mkuu wa wilaya ya Hai, Lengai ole Sabaya akaweka pembeni kupisha uchunguzi ambao mwisho wake ulimwacha na pingu mikononi huku akitumia muda wake wa kuwa nje ya ulaji korokoroni hadi kitakapojulikana. Kwa wanaojua mambo ya utawala na mabadiliko ya uongozi, walianza kutoa tahadhali kwa wengine wanaofanana na wale waliokwishanyolewa bila maji.
Baada ya rais SSH kufanya vitu vyake, wasiomtakia mema wala kumwelewa walianza kudhani hii ilikuwa nguvu ya soda kumbe siyo. Kwani, sakata la Sabaya likiwa bado moto si amemtumbua aliyekuwa mkuu wa Mwanza ambaye alikuwa amehamisha toka Mbeya. Nadhani alipoonya kuwa ukinizingua tunazingua, si wengi waliomwelewa. Kwa wale waliomwelewa, rais alimaanisha kuwa watu wachape kazi na kuhakikisha wanawahudumiwa wananchi tena wanyonge. Ni bahati mbaya kuwa rais SSH huwa haongei kwa ukali na amri ila kwa Kiswahili laini cha visiwani, jambo linalowafanya wachache waelewe hata pale anapokuwa amechukizwa na jambo au kuwa mkali. Kwa waliofanya kazi naye hasa wakati wa Bunge la Katiba watakwambia kuwa rais si mtu wa kutikisika wala kuonyesha hasira. Hii ikichanganywa na ile hulka ya makamu wake Dk Philip Mpango, inakuwa vigumu sana kwa walio chini yao kuelewa somo.
Ukiachia mbali kuwa vigumu kujua ni wakati gani rais amechukia, ni mtu anayejiamini  ambaye akiamua, hakuna atakayeweza kumyumbisha. Hivyo, mtu wa namna hii anahitaji watu makini na si wababaishaji au wenye kujipendekeza ili waendelee kwenye ulaji hata kama hawana sifa. Badala ya wao kuwa mtihani kwake, yeye ndiye mtihani kwao kama ilivyotokea kwa watumbuliwa hapo juu.
Mbali na kutoonyesha hisia zake wazi wazi, baadhi ya maamuzi ya SSH yanamwonyesha kama mtu anayetumia vitendo kutoa maonyo mbali na kuwaacha watu wasijue nini kitafuata. Kwa wasiojua ugumu wa kuongoza nchi ambazo zilishaoza kwa ubadhilifu na uoza, watasema rais anateua watu bila kujiridhisha wala kufanya vetting. Si kweli. Anachofanya hapa rais ni kuwaweka wateule kwenye tension ili watimize wajibu wao badala ya kuridhika na kuanza kupiga siasa na usanii. Nadhani hii inatokana na uzoefu wa muda mrefu ndani ya serikali. Kama ilivyokuwa kwa mtangulizi wake, SSH anawajua watu waliomzunguka mbali na kujifunza toka kwa mtangulizi wake kuwa siyo wote wasemao bwana bwana wanamaanisha. Wengine ni wachumia tumbo na wasaka tonge ambao wako tayari kumsifia yeyote ili mradi tonge liingie kinywani. 
Kutokana na kuwa mzoefu na mtu anayewajua wateule wake, rais haoni aibu wala sababu ya kutumbua wala kupangua kama kufanya hivyo kutaleta tija. Pia hii humuonyesha kama mtu anayekubali kufanya makosa na akasimamia kile anachokiamini. Bila hii nadhani SSH asingekuwa hapo alipo leo. Kwani, haikuwa kazi rahisi kuenenda na spidi ya Hayati Magufuli. Kama alivyohimili spidi na mikiki ya mtangulizi wake, nadhani watakaotaka kudumu naye lazima wahimili spidi yake na mikiki yake kadhalika. Inanikumbusha utani mmoja aliowahi kuutolewa na wasanii wa kikundi cha Redykyulass wakimuigiza aliyekuwa rais wa awamu ya pili wa Kenya Hayati Daniel arap Moi ambaye naye aliingia madarakani kama alivyoingia SSH baada ya kuwa makamu wa rais mwenye nguvu sana Hayati mzee Jomo Kenyatta aliyefariki madarakani mwaka 1978 na Moi kuchukua usukani na kuongoza taifa hilo kwa miaka 24. Alisema kuwa alipokuwa akiambiwa simama, aliruka. Hivyo, haikuwa vibaya naye kuwarusharusha waliokuwa chini yake baada ya kuwa rais. Hata Hayati Magufuli aliwahi kusema kuwa mkiaminiwa madaraka basi tawaleni.
Mwisho, tumalizie kwa kumpongeza rais SSH kwa kujiamini na kufanya maamuzi magumu bila kujali malalamiko wala manung’uniko au kuwaangalia watu usoni. Namna hii, kweli ‘KAZI IENDELEE’ kama ilivyokuwa kwa ‘HAPA KAZI TU.’ Ndugu rais, pale utakapoona panalegalega piga chini ili kazi iendelee na Tanzania isonge mbele.  Nakusalimieni kwa jina la Jamhuri ya Muungano wa Tanzania. Jibuni. Kazi iendelee.

Chanzo: Raia Mwema Kesho.